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Northern Star (1837-1852), 12th October 1839, Edition 1 of 1, Page 6, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      OP PROPERTY . TfiiXSLAIED TSOM " LA THALIXGX , " A FBESCH SOCIAL PCBUCAT 1 OS . From the Nor Moral World . If a person , possessing integrity of character and ordinary strength of mind , were . to begin to study those departments of knowledge which are pomponsly styled moral , political , and philosophical sciences , together with ihe science of human rights ; nothing is more natural to suppose than that such an individual Troiild be struck dumb "with surprise . "When "ire call to mind the obscurities , the contradictions , the logomachies of : all sorts which 'have been heaped up ( pell mell ) on the objects- of these pretended sciences , we can hardly resist the impreslidn that the human faculties were given for the express purpose tf' . -writing and saving erery false

      and ridiculous asf' « Ethat it was possible . to write or to say on these subjects dnring many thousandsof years . If truth lias thus been so 'deliberately prohibited , it is do hard matter to prove that thephilo-Mphers , the civilians , and the politicians have taken care to exert themselves in the laudable endeavour of expatriating truth , for it would puzzle one very much to prove that ihey ever allowed a single morsel of this contraband commoditvto pass unchecked .--Aided by such efficient protection , it 13 no wonder that error has thriven so fast , and attained such vast aid even magnificent developments . Importantand fundamental questions , especially those en which there has been the most discussion , and the most voluminous commentaries written , are precisely those questions which are still wrapped in the thickest

      obscurity . If 10 , 000 volumes have been written for the express purpose of explaining -and developing a question , you may be quite certain that that question is far more obscure and pnzzling than any other question which has only liad the benefit of 5 , 000 volumes to explain and simplify iu The question of property which we are now to examine , furnishes a good proof of these remarks . This question is of prime importance ; it lays at the foundation of our social economy ; and as it is the very basement on which our legislation h founded if we show that this question has never yet been properly understood , it follows very clearly and logically that all the systems of legislation since the time that man began to legislate , have been built nponafalse foundation , and are , therefore , them selves false .

      It win not require more than an ordinary quantity of good sense to resolve this great and important question . The opinions current in society on the Right of Properly may be reduced to three . The first opinion defines this Right to be "aright to use and abuse . " It concedes to the individual this light in the most exclusive manner , and applies it iu a legal and absolute sense to all those objects which may , at any given time , be in his possession . Its advocates cannot understand any such inconvenient questions as would demand the origin and the proof of this Bight , T > ut axe very willing to regard as criminal those who shonld endeavour to penetrate the

      icmctum sanctorum of their opinion . The second opinion is held by those who , revolting against the consequence of th " e above opinion , an 3 ashamed of the social injustice which Is so distinguishiag a feature in the actual distribution of pfoperry , refuse to acknowledge to the individual the light of property , but wonld invest it exelusivelvas an appanage or the State . Others , again , not able to _ adopt either one or the other of these extreme opinions make a third , by mixing , in due proportions , the two former opinions . They express this mixture by the vague assertion that " Propertv is an Individual Right , i > ni aright Trhich ought lo Se controlled and modified bv Soeieiv . "

      The simultaneous existence of these three opinions proves-that none of them are just , and thatihere is confusion and obscurity in the ideas ; fortra : h and science wDl not accommodate itself to three tiiiferent versions of the same fact . Moreover , when each of these opinions is examined , we find that iliey spring from an illogical confusion between the obscure idea of the Rigid of Property , and the notions engendered uader the influences of the actual fact , or law of property ; between the Right of Properly , or that ¦ which ought to be { dejurej ~ wiih that which property is ( de facto . ) Thus neither of these opinions flow

      from a scientific view of the question , for neither of them agree with that fundamental principle to which an intelligent mind cannot object . " The question of right , therefore , is quite independent of the question of fact , and to attain the truth we must first develope the nature of right . without interfering with the actual fact , as experienced ia society . When tho Right of Propertv LasTieen-Vreli defined , we must endeavour to reaiWtbis theoretical Tight in the actual workings of society ; remembering that while the fact is variable in " its nature—the right is eternal and immutable ; let us therefore proceed to establish the theory of the Ei ght of

      Pro-: The Word bight is applied to two subjects , which atreyerj commonly coniqunded , and which it is necessary carefully to distinguish ere we proceed . Sometimes it means the natural right ; that is , the right whieh results from the natural relations between the individual and nature : this natural right is imprescriptible and innnnta . ble . Sometimes % re apply the word to those relations established by the legislature , and which are . of course , as variable as the legislature which establishes them . This right is the conventional , or legal right ; or , to speak more

      correctly , it is not a right , bus simply a fact . This conventional right is used to consecrate false relations , established by the ignorance of the legislature : fre mighi-even go further , and assert , that the legal vight exists tmJyio preserve false relations ; for , it is evident , that if the social relations coincide with the natural "wants of man , society would go on without the clumsy assistance of legislation ; of the factitious rigb . 1 , which is supported only by force , a ^ d which i 5 nothing more or less than constraint and -violence inflicted tra the natural relations , established bv the -natural risht . : '

      _ We are very willing to allow , that these conventional codes of society are necessary , in the absence of the divine social code ; that is to say ^ so long as sodery is not organised conformably to the natural relations of mankind . All we contend for is , that these human codes can only be bnilt upon false social rel-dtiuns , ^ in ce they can exist onl y in theabsenee of that divine code , which alone is the true and natural code of man . The reader , therefore , will-please to observe in fhe succeeding remarks , that this word rJ ^ A / -signifies only the natural and the imprescriptible , or divine right , unless it be modified by seme epithet , which shall point out the legal or variable and . con-Teutionai ri ^ hi , and -which , asm have before

      remarked , is nothing bnt a fact . We now assert , that the law of property , as it has hitherto fce ^ n constituted ia all the lations of the earth , has "been nothing lesa than an illegitimate and Sagrant violation against right . To make this plain , let us begin at the beginning , and first let us explain more fully the natural right . Thehnm-n species is placed upon the earth to live and enjoy itself . They are temants of the earth ; and like all other tenants , they have the right of enjoying the frniis of it , or , as it is generally called , th * ¦ usufruct of it . This condition of tenant evidently springs from the natural relation which subsists between these two terms :- ^ Firet , the human species

      "whose destiny i 3 to preserve and enjoy its existence ; and second , the earth , the destiny of which is to furnish to the Iranian species the means of life and enjoyment . ! Now , according to the system by which property is regulated in all civilised nations , the _ -ominon store of nature , -of 'which the usufruct is tfie undoubted right of the whole human species , has beeninvaded and confiscated by the few and powerful , to the exclusion of the vast majority of mankind ; and , let n » reeoflee ^ that if only one man had been esclnded from his right of usufruct , by the artificial law of propertv , this right would be unquestionably "violated ; and the law which ^ anctionpd tie exclusion would be unquestionably unjust and illegitimate .

      . Every individual comes into existence without any property , asd finds himself snrronnded by the fertile earthy confiscated all aronnd him . Supposing he helped himself to a . portion of the wealth which lay in such tempting masses around him , and thfrlawyers came and preached to him respect for the property law which he found established ; might he not allege , that he possessed equally Trhh every member of the whole family of man a right to Ms share of the riches of the earth . Gould be not say with reason— " Myfriend 3 , leYus understand one another , and do not let us confound things ; I am a strong advocate of the natural right of property , and very much disposed to respect it in my behalf . " Now as a member of the speciesI contend that I an

      , possess inalienable right to the usufruct of the earth , which js our common property ; for nature , I well know , has not favoured Borne , to the detriment of othersyet , 1 find , that you bare made what y » u call a law of property , by which the common stores are confiscated to yourselves , md guarded by force . Your law of property then is based upon a spoliation of the right of usufruct of all those who , lik « myself are deprived of the wealth which you have monopolized . Do not confound the right of property with the conventional law of property , which I find von have established ; and- confess that you reason Very poorly , when you call upon ine in thejname of the right of property to respect your factitious law of

      property , "winch exists only by violating and trampling upod that right , which is inalienable and imprescriptible . Find , if you can , some other reason , why I should accept your law of property ; for the divine right of property , which ytin are impudent enough to invoke agam ^ t me , is esactly-tbe light -which arms me against yon , who . are my spoilators , and a ^ nst jonr pretended right , which would consecrate that usurpation , of irhich lam now the victim . " It is indeed high time that those who conduct the afcirs of the nations of the earth should ponder well * pon this speech , which , no doubt , will , ere long , be feanslaied by the scaring masses into a still more potent language . She - day when this translation will * bt nad » &jpr * a « D « i more rapidly tkan they

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      suspect , for the condition of the masses in all countries i 3 rapidly getting worse with the progress of industry . Society is now treading upon volcanic ground—the oppressed have already composed a terrible hymn , which they chapt in choru 3 from their crowded workshops , and which sarcastically runs—Toil , labourer , toil ! On ths rich man ' s soil ; Still labour like be&sta , While the rich man feasts : And patiently languish * mid trouble and care , That the rich and the noble may daintily fare ! ' suspect , for the condition of the masses in all conn-

      The means of averting this OTerhangicg calamity is not by refusing to look at it . It is necessary to deliberate seriously upon the destinies of the working classes . It is necessary— But no ; tee are forget ting ourscltes . It is of much more importancato deliberate on some political whim of M . Thiers , or to talk of the all importance of electing- Mr . So-and-So President of the Chamber !!! Tls . ' actual law of property , then , is illegitimate , and ia uased on a principle of * poiliation . It is not hard to trace European society to the time trhea the sword and the lance arranged the laws of property ; when might alone was right , and tho present state of society is only a modification of that polity . The glaring inequality of the propertv laws ha 3 induced

      some authors to advocate an equal partition of the land . This plan would require a constant repetition of these partitions as often as inequalities accrued ; audit is « asy to see that in thus taking away from the individual his nsufruct of tho earth , we should not conform to the natural and inalienable ri ght of properly , since each individual might say , " 1 will not accept this little corner of the earth in exchange for my natural right of usufruct upon the common Stores of nature . " Bnt it is needless to dwell upon so absurd a plan as , a periodical partition of the land which would abolish industry , annihilate wealth , and depress talent , and which would require to be

      eesew-ed kveht MiNCTE at the i / EAST , and the partitions of each successive miuute to be made with reference to the change in the population , caused by dfuths and births in the minute preceding . The division of the soil is one of those ideas proper enough to revolutionise the ignorant masses and to establish in a nation a desperate war between the rich and the poor , but entirely unit to be entertained b y men of good sense . In the savage siate , the right of each individual to the earth is respected ; each savage , in fact , is free to flunt , to fish , to gather the fruits of tho earth , and to pasture the animals which his own exertions have secBred to him . These four rights : —

      / 'The chase , Pught of < c ^ nJ ^ g the fruits of the earth , ^ Pasture , Evidently belong to the savage in the exercise of his Usufructuary right . ^ But man is uot destined to remain , in the stunted condition of the savage state .: he is called to exercise his activity on the earth—not to live miserabl y un the products of an ancnlivated soil , but to till and make fruitful the earth ; by his industry to cultivate it and embellish it with those treasures which are necessary for the full development of his faculties . "We shall now leave the question of the Natural Right of Property .

      . i'he usufruct of the earth belongs io each individual of the species ; ii is a right , natural and imprescriptible , and of the same nature as the ri ght to AIR or . light , since these are no more necessary to the law of his existence , than the fruits scattered over the snrfaco of the earth are to his uourishmeai , We come now to consider the laws which regulate individual property , and first—Let US state the fundamental principle of the Right of Property . Here it is : — "Every individual possesses , legitimately , ths thing which hi 3 labour , bis intelligence , or more generallv , which his * ctivity has created . '

      This principle is incontestable , and it is well to remark that it contains expressly ah acknowled gment o * the right of all to the soil . For as the soil has not been cr * ated by man it follows , from the fundamental principle of property , that it carniot belong to any small portion of the human race who have not created it by their activity . Let us then conclude that the true theory of property is founded on the * ' creation of the thing possessed . " Heuca vre mast proceed to consider the production of wealth , pie culture of the earth , manufactures and arts , &c . in socic-tv .

      __ Sspposo that on the soil of a lovely island , or the soil of a nation , or on the surface of tho globe , ( for the extent of the soil will make no difference in the reasoning . ) a generation of men applied themseh « s for the first time to industry—they begin to cultivate the earth , to manufacture fabrics , < 5 cc . By their exertions and ritiil , they would create products and develope wealth which did not before exist on the uncultivated earth . Now , is it not perfectly evident that the I- » -w of Property -would be conformable to-the Right of Property , in this first generation , if the wealth or riches produced by the labour of all were divided among the producers , in proportion to the respective exertions of each individual { This is unquestionable . Now the wealth produced by this first generation may be divided into two divisions , which , should be car ' efally distinguished . The first division comprehends the products of the soil , which belong to this

      generation , as the tenants or usufructers for the time being of the earth . These products will be augmented and improved by the labour which has been bestowed upon them ; and will consist , either in articles of consumption , or in tools or other instruments of labour . It is quite clear that these belong exclusively to those who hava created them by their labours . They have an undoubted Right either to consume these products immediately , or to reserve them for future use , or to exchange them , or emplov them , or to give them away , and dispose of them in any manner they . may think fit , without getting permission or authority from any one . According to our notions , this description of property is legitimate , respectable , and sacred . We cannot invade property of this description without invading Jiutice ; and to interfere-with the liberty of the individual to exercise this right is to commit spoliation upon him .

      But there are other descriptions of wealth besides those contained in the _ above division ; and whieh form their second division . This division includes the increased value which the soil has re--ceived . by culture , and by the numerous habitations and permanent structures that have been raised on itsrorface . This increased value evidently constitutes a product created by the activity of the first generation and if we can suppose by any inean 3 that this product could be divided among the whole number of individuals in proportion to their industry , each individual so receiving would possess legitimately the amount which fell to his share . He would have an

      absolute right to do as he chose with it , to exchange it , to give it , or to dispose of it , without being interfered with in the management of it by any other individual , or by the society in which he lived . We can now understand , that when the second generation appeared , itwould find on the earth two sorts of property ; first , the primitive or natural property or capital , which has not been created by the first generation ; idest , the value of uncultivated soiL Secondly , the capital created by the first generation , comprehending the products and instruments , &c . which were left unconsumed by the first generation , and also the increased valce which the labour of the first generation has added to the uncultivated soil . From these remarks the rsadnr

      will be able to deduce the very logical inference , that although each individual of the second generation has-a natural and imprescriptible right to the natural or primitive capital , he ha 3 no such right to the capital created by the right of the first generation . Each individual of the first generation has the power to dispose of the capital which his own labour has created in favour of any person he ma- ? choose , whether relations or friends ; and , as we kave before observed , no individual ( not even the state ) has a right to interfere with the arrangements of the testator . Thft ' reader will observe how the individual of the

      second generation is benentted by his relation to th » first generation , since , besides his natural right to the cultivated Eoil , he has the chance of receiving a part of the created capital , which he has not laboured to produce , but which was produced for him by by the labour or bis ancestor . " if then we suppose that society were composed in such a manner : — * First , That the right to the primitive capital , or the value of the uncultivated soil -were se > -nred to the individual , or that a fair equivalent were given to every human being born on the face of the earth : Second , That the capital created b y labour were continually divided to each individually in proportion to his services in producing it : — If (? ay we ) these two conditions were attended to in our' w > cial . organization , Poperty -would exist legitvmately as itr should do , and the Pact would then coincide with the Right .

      For the sake of simplicity we have omitted the increased value which the primitive capital would bear in a civilized nation over that of a savage state of society . Let us now proceed to reason upon the simple condition laid down—The Rights of Labour can alone justify the Rights of Property . The destiny of man evidently requires that be should not allow the earth to continue in an uncultivated state . The Savage enjoys in the midst of forests and woods the four natural rights of the

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      * Tbis lsn £ -n&se is fignrative ; the lines are composed by the translator of this article , whose object is to convey the sense of the originaL The original runs thus : — . Seme le champ Proletaire , Cest YOisif qui recoltera , Cst TOiaf qui recoltera .

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      eha « e ; of fisheries ; of harvesting the spontaneous A-uits of the earth ; and of pasture ; such is tho first form of this natural right . . '¦;¦ : ; In all civilized nations of the earth the poor man is born into society and ffndsthathe inherits nothing ' , and possesses nothing ; he is therefore despoiledby society of the natural right which belongsTtbliim . It cannot be said that this right exists in anewform , since the form has disappeared with the right . Now , the question is , in what form ought this right to be enjoyed by thepoor man , so as not to interfere with the Btability of soeiety ? For it is evident , that when the land has been parcelled out and improved by other individuals , he cannot enjoy uponit nia natural right of usufrast , without enjoying the crecha « e ; of fisheries : of harvpstiner thn Bnr > nfn . « finn <»

      ated capital of others . The answer to this question is easy . _ ; . ' ¦ ; . ' \ / ; .- ¦ ;• . - .. In the savage state the natural right requires LABOusfor its exercise ; it requires labour to fish , labour to hunt , &C ;; and thus we see , that his natural right is neither more or less than his iught to labour . Well then , suppose a civilized society has takenaway from the individual the liberty of exercising the natural right which he haa to the chase , fishery , pasture , &c . ; that individual cannot complain if society , in return , gives him a right to labour ; for he would have to labour before he could have enjoyed natural right , or primitive capital . The diflerenco is this : In the savage state where he retained his natural right , he would be forced to labour in the workshop of nature ' s forests , on an

      uncultivated soil , and without tools ; while , in civilized society , though he be deprived of this natural right , yet , if he have in return , as we contend lie should , a right to labour , he would have the advantage of a good and comfortable workshop , far better furnished than the workshop of , the savage , -with good tools , and where also , his labour would be far more productive than that of the savage . The only legitimate title is held by society to individual property , when it fully recognizes to the poor man the ri ght of labour , and when it assures to him as comfortable a subsistence for a given amount of labour , as could have been procured by the same amount of labour- in the primal savage state . He who reads these deductions vyith

      attention , -will not find anything against which he can possibly object . Now there are numbers of our fellow-creatures at the present day who have not the opportunity of labouring for a subsistence : they would labour , but there is no labour for them . Has any ono of these the right to go to the magistrate ' or to the mayor , and say . to him ,: " There is no more work for me in tie shop in which I have been engaged , " or rather , the wages are far too little to assure to me a living ; I come , therefora , to demand from you labour , at such wages , that my condition should be Tendered superior , or , at least , equal to that of the free Inaian in the Woods , who enjoya hia natural right of ¦ which you have deprived mo ! " No > certainly not ; not only is lie denied the privilege of making

      his just demand ; not only is he denied the privilege of making this just demand ; not only to the institutions of society refuse to acknowledge it , but they would say to the working man , ( of whose sacred aud natural right of property they had spoliated him , ) imdwork if you can ; and if you can't ^ find it , you must still respect the property of others , although you yourself , starve in consequence ,- " forgettiug that the property of others is based upon a spoliation of the property of labour , which the labouring man is denied all opportunity of using . Society pushes yet farther the taunting reproacn and cries to the famished labourer , > 'If you can't find work—if you can ' t earn a subsistence , we shall arrost you as a crimmal and vagabond aud imprison

      , you . " Every day we cast into our prison poor unfortunates , who have been found guilty of mendicity ,- of vagabondage , or in other words , guilty of having nov subsistence , nor asylum , nor means to procure any . The Law of Property , then , in all civilized nations is based on a glaring injustice ., It is founded on conquest , on the right . of possession , which is , in fact , a gross usurpation , so long as an equivalent to the natural right is net given to each peraon excluded from l \ ie soil . Moreover , thislawofpropertyisexceediHgly dangerous ; forasmuch as in those nations , wheiro riches , industry , and luxury are developed , the

      odpressed masses will not fail , sooner or later , to revenge , by an overturning of society , the wicked spoliation-which has been practised upon them . To mere political revolutions will succeed social revolulions- ^ -that is to say , rovolutious directed , not against any particular form of Government , but against tho very framework of society . Alas I these are serions times . The spectacle of England , rockitg in the tumult of political convulsions—the horrible condition of Ireland—the ideas which are rife in the workshops in the large towns of Franco , and , above all , in Paris , are amply suflicicut to alarm the reflecting mind .

      unfortunately , the men who govern , seldom think of realities—of the raises which are ; they remain in a sphere of their own , whore they discuss with ample verbiage about abstractions , subtleties , and intrigues . A false and artificial society is kept up and partaken of-by a degraded pres ^ , who dole out the fashionable excitement to the influential readers . But under this shallow and noisy ; -stream ' of artificial life , there is an under-current of realities which is too deep and too silent to be heard by those vrhose ears are ravished with the charms ol artificial and fashionable society .

      Behold the course of public opinion in France : the press , which directs opinion , and the diplomatic corps of the nation , agitato the public with the most puerile and ridiculous questions , which have no real connection with the public good ; They take the most scrupulous care to avoid all questions 1 of vital importance to society , and pay far more attention to the election of a Speaker , than to the interests of the industrious classes . Go ou in your laudable career!—continue in your sublinia employment of oppositions , coalitions , and overtumings , and dream not of evil until your poorer fellow-creatures summon you to their bar , and demand what you have done to ameliorate their fate . ... :

      When tho Turks took Constantinople , the Governors of the city were found at the usual employment of Governors—namely , discussing witk miu-h tenacrty , important religious subleties . Now that peaco has prevailed in Lurope for twenty-five years , and plenty _ of timohas elapsed to examiuo the vices ot our social . organisation , behold howimpotently are our public men , our public writers , and the public press , engaged ! BENEFICIAL ASD CONCILIATING CHARACTER OF OUR

      THEORY . We have maintained , then , that the future appears Ere gnant with danger—that political revolutions will e followed by other revolutions , directed , not against some particular form of Government , but agaiust the very structure of tho social fabric . We have proclaimed that tucat ; subversive doctrines propagate themselves in France and hi England , against the established law of property—that the condition of the masses , daily growing worse with the progress of events , will have tho eifect of spreads

      mg these doctnne 3 far and wide , and of threatening the stability of existing Governments , so long as society , refusing to the poor a satisfactory compensation for the spoliation of which they are the victims , exposes only to view its stern and inhuman denial of justice , which will ana the suffering myriads to the wild and desperate justice of kevenge . These doctrines are not new-fangled ideas , originating with yesterday . Babe / if has only revived them , though it is in the last ten years that they have acquired so powerful a hold on the public iniad .

      Many individuals , even in the higher and educated classes , have accepted them , and aTe now engaged in propagating them . Every one knows the opinions of Saiut Simonism , or Capital and Inheritance . These ideas , so far from being extinguished with the sect of Saint Simon , have , on the contrary , acquired new force ; and all the declamations and sermons on the sanctity of property are of little use to those whose doctrines attack capital , inheritance , and the principle of property , and propel society towards an inclined plane , at the bottom of which is a fathomless abyss . What , then , is the real state of the question which occupies us ? Property has been gradually established , by a succession of events , upon a basis which is not just ; and it haa paused a reaction ,

      which has -extended , nui merely to the injustice of this base , "but to the very right of itself : thus , the very existence of property is endangered by these two parties , the one contending for such a law of property ,. as shall sanction the spoliation of the rights of labour , a » d the other demanding the destruction of the principle of property itself . Now , it is evident , tbat iu : society like ours a question stated as this is , leads its partizans on either side to direct struggle with each other ; and this is just the result which springs from the lap of ignorance . Now , contrast this state of property with the theory which we have developed in this paper , and see if our theory , which is incontestibly true , does not lead to the most beneficial results , and bear upon its front the impress of truth . Far from leading to a . struggle—to a melancholy and disastrous overturning of society , from whioh we could not

      escape but through barbarism—far froni provoking that terrible struggle of the poor against the rich , -which now menaces every civilised nation , the theorj' which we have advocated addresses itself to the intelligent mind , and to the resolution of a problem , essentially pacific , and favourable to the social well-being , to all classes which compose it . What is this problem ? It is that of the-ORGAKiZATiOJi OF labouu ; or , in a still better phrase , the oegamsatios or is » rsTiiT . In short , there are in reality only f . vo ways to return to the path of right : — eiiher to retrograde to the savage state , or to recognise the Rights of Labour . Ihe return to the savage state ,: we think , no person can wish ; although , theoretically speaking , it is the state which would be the natural result of cmbracing the views of those who deny the right of property , and demand the destruction of it . There remains then the RIGHT OF LABOUR ; which it is evident can only be satisfied on the oon-

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      dition that society shall enter upon the task of the organisation . - - of .. industry ; When industry shall be generally organjsed j or eyea \ vlien GovQrument shall have organised works ia Sufficient- quantity , the TOeognition of the : right of labour > vilf be changed fro ?^ mfre ^ theory into ; . >^ fact ; and iiaJ- f ^ ct : too which will ^ uot be merely an act of simple justice , but one highly propitious to ; the social welfare , since it . will inevitably annihilate the hostile theories vfhicb . rwommend tho destruttion of property , and also those ^ dividualcrimes and petty thefts which aronow caused by the extensive ruj&rv which provads . ; . Alreadv have ^ these views benetrated the Government of Holland .- Agricuftural Colonies have been , created , aivd the fiaht . of labour fuilv ed ilitinn ti ,-it ¦ AW ; Of « « Woii __ i . _ .. _"„ ^ t .. j ... ^ . _« ± 1 . , .

      recogn ^ . ; we iiavoxidw established ( incoutestibly . we think ) the truo theory of property . Ill conclusion , we Will state the three important conclusions -which theory teaches , ' :- * U . " :. 1 st . The actual constitution : of the law of property is infected ^ with a futal error ; since the ^ crfcatetl capital { which represents work done , and which- is the property of . the producer of it ) has invaded the pmmitivb capital or the earth , wliich is the ^ eneral and cpmniq ^/ property of ^ elvvhole human species , so that ' .. tlip-. " majority of ' mankind are defrauded and spoliated of their natural right , sb long as a just » Qui _ VAtEKT is not granted them in exchange for this primitive capital ; TWb equivalent is the right op Labour . ^™ W'Jty ^ ¦ SM- ^ W destroy CapitalIn .

      , . , heyitance , . and Individual Property ^ must neces-S te pducG the m ° st terribl « conflicts between the diflereut classes of society . It would lead to a primitive / state of barbarism ; sentiments : such as these would destroy all right , since it would sanction the usurpation of created CAPITAL , just as tho present law ; of property sanctions the . usurpation of ot tncpnmitive or uncreated capital . Thirdly . Thus tiro plan by whipli society can alone secure property upon a right and just foundation , and by which alone it can avert tlifoso awful catastrophes which ! aro now rapidly ; a-pproaching , is to take immediate metisures to ORaANlZE 1 SBUSTRY , ill such manner , that suflicient labour and a fair remunorationmay . ^^ bo given : - . 't 6 oyory 'labourer who is in -need . ¦ ¦ •'•• ¦¦ . ¦ ¦ . - ¦ ¦ -. : ¦ - '"•¦ : " : -- - - . ¦ : '¦ ¦¦ : ¦

      In conclusion , wo bbserye , thai ; this radical inyestigatibn lias resulted in a . . 'thb ' bry , the tendency of which is to destroy iii the germ those false and dangerous doctrines , which would forcibly attack property and overturn society , -It points not to any violent measures , but : to measures which are essentially scientific and peaceable ; for the great principle of the rights , of labour , ¦ yvhich we ire so anxious to establish , can be rocpnciled only by a satisfactory . solution of the problem of tho Organization of Indcstrv . ' '

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      CHARTIST MEETING AT ; LEICESTER . On Monday evening week , a meeting was convened by the Chartists , at their Room , in All Saints ' Open , by handbill , for the purpose of receiving ait account from Mi-. Smart , the delegate to the Convention for Leicester , of his conduct during tho latter period of the sittings of that body in Loiidbii , ho having given an account duri « g the simultaneous meetings of his and their former proceedings . The lurge room . waa complefculy filledyaud Mr . John Sealo was called to tuo chuir . i ' c . . ,. ' . ; The Chai uma y , in opening tho meeting , proceeded to detail at some leagtlv tho stfttb of Chartism in Leicester , and poiiited out the necessary steps to bo taken by the body , in ordpr to carry out its principles to the greatest extent , and i-eiider its organisation more complete . He then adverted to the occasion of . the present meeting , and concluded by calling upon the delegato to give the necessary account . . -: '

      Mr , Sm . vrt , on presenting himself to the fneetiug , was greeted with loud and continuous cheering : when this had subsided , he entered upou the business of his mission . He detailed tho wliolo of tho proceedhiga of the , Convention , since the time of its leaving London , on the 27 tli Of July ; explaining the state of tlij eonstitueiiciea , as laid before the Provisional Luiincil , of which lio was a nienibor , and the Stm-ary : pointed out the steps which the Couetvl deemed its duty to take , in consequeiico ot tho in ! urjuatiori received , ' . ami proceeded to enumerate

      tho acts ot' the Convention , ' , ironi its reassembling on the 2 f >"' th of August , to tlio timo / of its final dissolution on the 14 th of Sopt ^ mber , stating his 0 wn conduct on every part of their proceedings . He next gave . a detailed account of ^ the state of Cliartism in tho vurious districts , and the position in which they .-tood as bodies , and the cause as-a whole , and proposed a plan for \ he future operation of this district ; concluding a speech , of cousiderableiength by an earnest appeal to his audience to stand firm to their . ' principled , and redoubletheir exertions iiithc cause of truth , justice , coustitutional right i and suffering humanity . : .. ' ;' .- ' .. ¦' .:,

      Air . Buhdon then came forward , and in a neat speech , in which lie adverted to the principles of Chartism , and complimented tho delegate on his conduct , moved a vote of thanks to Mr . Smart for the mannor in which ho had conductod the business committed to his charge , and expressive 6 f the full confidence which tho constituency reposed in him . ' ; ' - . ¦ ,- . ' . ¦ ¦¦ ,. ' . - ¦ . '¦ . ¦ '• , . .. - ¦ Mr . " Crow , in secondiug the motion , went over nearly the same ground as ¦ Mr . Burdpil . The ChaiuMan then put thomotion to tl ' io meeting , which was carried by Acclamation and cheers , without a dissentient . ¦ :

      _ A vote of thanks was then passed to the Cliairman for his conduct in the chair , and the meeting peaceablv separated , as is tho custom > vitl > Chartists , when not mterfersd with by their enemies .

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      TO THE EDITORS OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Sirs , —In your respected ancl cxtdnsiyely circulated Journal , I trust the following true Btatenient may go forth to the world , as to tho harsh treatment I have experienced from the hands of tho police of thistbwn . ; : '''? .. ¦ ¦ : '; ' : '¦' . ¦ . ¦ . .. ¦ ¦ ¦ ;¦; ¦ lam a poor man an ' d get ray livingby liard labour , and for the last two months have been employed in the couritry at harvest work , and on Friday night returned to Leeds with my hard earnings . On Saturday I purchased various articles of wearing apparel 1 stood in need of , Qn Monday evening ; RxundaY , a police sergeant . ' witli two bthers , Sv ^ nt in my absence to my father ' s house , broke open a trunk and my box , and took , away the things I purchased on Saturday , upon tho bare supposition they were pivreuased with monoy that belonged to a gentleman that unfortunatel

      was y robbed duriug the week . : On Tuesday I ' anpeared at the Court House , and was told . by tho Magistrate , that ho had not the least doiibt I had conie by the tilings honestly , and on application on Thursday , by proving where I purchased , them , I should have tlicut returned . I went to a respectable solicitor , who said : it was a hard case , and that the law had beou exceeded , but that he durst not act against the Corporation . Now , Mr . Editor , had I been a richman , I should have been enabled to liave commenced an action gainst theso , violators of the law , and punished them ; but unfortunately , being a , poor man , linust quietly- put up with this flagrant actof iujn ' sticc , completely provnvg there is one law for tlio rich and another forthe poor ; and in tliis boasted land of liberty , there is plenty of law , but very little justice Your obliging me by tho insertion of this statement will confer an obligation , 6 n

      ¦ . - - ¦ ¦ ¦• . - sir , . . ; - .. - . . . Your vpry obedient humble Servant , Patjuck Murray No . 10 , Kirkgato . \ .

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      TO THE EDITORS OF THE NORTHERN STAR ^ Sheffield , Oct . 1 st , 1839 . Gentlemen , —Permit me , as a constant reader ; to makp a . few remarks on the present movement in your valuable and much-read Paper , ¦ rv \\ yAli , \ ° necessary to state , that I am an Odd Fellow , belonging to the Independent Order of the Manchester Uintyy and ^ sincere .- ( veil-wisher to that body . One of our members waa comingtliroueh the town about . half-past eiglit ; o ' clock , p . m at rather a moderate pace , with his liand ^ -inhis Boek ^ ,

      when a policeman came behind him , and gave him a severe push , and told him tornn . The man turrieil round , and said " I ; shan't . " The policeman directly seized him by ^ the colla r , and -Was dragging him to the Watch-house , When the man recogmsea him as being a member of our Lodge , and said , ; " Bob , this won t do v' and he ; retorted , "Oh , I did no know you ; well , come my lad , go home . " ' < f Yes " said . tho man , "if I had been a stranger , you would have taken me to the Lock-up , aM what

      The question was asked , if a member bclon K in « - to our Lodgo was to happen a miefortuue from a stroke or anything else from a policeman , Sp as to disable him from following his . daily emplov , when ho was going gnietlv and . softly about liis business , would he be entitled to the beaefit of our box ? Tho answer was "Yes , " On the other hand , if a policeman belonging to our Lodgawas to happen any misfortune m the discharge of bisiduty , or rather , I should say over-discharging -his duty , would ho be . entitled to the same - . benefit ? . The two questions took a lbnk debate ; but , in , consequence of other important

      business , the debate was . postponeduntil the following Lodge night . . On that night , September 3 flith , the qnestidn was resumed , . and a very strong debate % vo had ; There were various propositions ; audhad . it not been for a late district officer of that Order , \ vlio : happencd to be present and stated it was theriuteutionof the Board _ ot Directors to take , this subject into , coilsideration . at the next annual meeting , I believe the man would hare been turned but of the Order altogether , or at least suspeuded until tho decision of theannualmesting . ¦ . : ' V ; : . ' ., v . w »« iv , oi

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      . 1 hope , sincerel y , tho Board of Directors will take this important subject into thoir eerious Gpusideration , and n 6 t let our Society be disgraced by such individuals as these : the ; sooner they get rid of them the better . The principle of Qdd fellowship , I believe , is well known amongst a l ^ rge majority of that honourable and Jpyal institution . \ It was theircreed that the sterlinff v ^ o rth of » man depended upon his following the great arid glorious principles of Christiinity— " DoTuntb others as you would they should do unto you / ' I would ask whether this individual has acted according to the principle laid down by . this Honourable Order ? I say * no ; therefore , I would pay . the individual iii his own coin , aiid discharge hiinv and all the knights of the blues . ., .. _ - -,: _ -.... ; . . .

      , acting in the manner above alluded to . - : _ How this individual found his way into the Society X know not : I feel fully persuaded tfiat he acted thopart of a , n ; hypoicrite , and that taeindiviluaivfho proposed him was led into an erfbri If our Society is to be , disgraced by thsisefellbws ^ l am afraid the popularity of this Hbnourable Order wiU be greatly lessened ; buiif . bn the other hand , they shouWoxclude all this fraternity , and ^ investigate more mi- ; nutoly into individual ' s characters , ^^^ the-Order will retaiii ^ hd ^^^ character it has so > long merited . Since writing the rabov ©; . I have made a little inquiry respecting the individual alluded to , and I find he is more like a bulUdbg thau a huiiian being —fitter to be chained up in a kennel , than hold the situation alluded to * .- •¦ ' 1

      I remain , Yours , &c , Am Odd Fellow . P . S . I could say a great deal more upon this subject , and very probably shall ,, before long , give you a , full statement of all Bob ' s adventures , Time , hOWT ever , at present , is very urgent .

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      TO MESSRS . / MARTIN , THORNELY AND ¦ .. ; - . ' : - ¦¦ ¦ - ¦ - WATKINS . " ; ^ ' '¦ ¦ . - . '¦ ' V ' ¦ ¦ : : tiENTLEMEN , —You being the grand trio who have taken such an active part in tho present political drama of legal tyranny and persecution , I shall , without any apology , pfler a . few remarks oil your late conduct and the consequences that may result therefrom ; in doing which I cannot but regret that human nature Should be so debased as to produce men , and fathers of families , so reckless of tho misery they bring on . their fellow-creatures , by grasping with odious avidity at any pretence that offers to glut their insatiable political rancour , in the incarceration of men who have not committed any offence against

      either the cbmniOn or statute law of their country Gentlemehjhave younptbeenguiltyoftheabbveabo minablo . and cruel actg , in the committal of my towhBmen to York Castle and iii the enormous ainount of bail demanded by you , which you were well aware iiono but the privileged orders could procure , thereby keepingthemunjusUy confined and their families starving ? And now , when you find the judges of the landto disapprove of your proceedings . by lowering tho amount , your ¦ grovelling dispositions have fixed upon another expedient to defeat the ends of justice , by requiring such bondsmen as amounts to an almost entire prohibitioii of bail ; and again by your frequent rejections of highly respectable and responsible ^ nen

      and by allowing your- clerk , Mr . Meuce , in a most insulting manner to put such questions as " How much arc you indebted to ; Mr . So-and-so , '' and swearing the bondsmpn at the same time to theiact that they have not upported in any shape the principles contained in the ' ^ Peoplo ' s Charter , " you evince a disposition of unrelenting political malice that has seldom been equalled either in this or any other country . But it appears your feelings are iii exact keeping with your obtuse intellects ' . Had this not been the case , yon would long since have seen / tfia . t T . nwl

      John Russell wasnot desirous of being stigmatised as a second Polignac , but that he left the hideons work for hisminiph ' B'to perform in order that there might bo two or three Polignacs in-pvery town : and even finality John is ashamed of the monstrous system he has created , aud of the sycophantic tribe that , \ yaited with Buch disgusting eagerness for his mandates , for like tho West India planter he has turnod you over to a new master , and I havo not any Uoubtbut you . will do the bidding of the Marquis of Normanby , even to the undoitig of ull you have done . This proves you to be mere soulless automa-¦ ¦' ' ¦

      tons . ¦ 7 . ¦ ¦ . . - .. ; . . - ,,. ; ' .. ; , ; . I have watched your proceedings lately with extreme regret , never imagining that men could be sOyileasto resort to such base stratagems as you haye 4 one to justify the enormous expense . already incurred , but which .- -I am glad to learn the Secret tary of State Tcfuses to allow : consequently the malicious and / dastardly crew who have urged you oil injour late career of adventures will have to . tfay the piper . Let me ask what can be a stronger proof of your uudyuigmalignity and hatred towards the working classes , than thefacts above stated , arid the folly exhibited and the danger incurred to tho presoryation of the peace by you , in emploviuff . as

      special coestables , ruffians who have donelalfin their power to provoke the people to COmrnit outrages , rhanksto thegood senseoftne inhabitaats , they hive been : disappointed . Fo ^ ^ hich , if I ani not much mistaken , you are duly sorry , as a few acts of violence or putra ^ awould . perliaps hav » been tlio means of your oxertions being better appreciated by your masters and would hare been a fine pretpxt for all your late acts , ahd would have enabled you to have kept your base crawhnff minions : a little longer undet arms and in pay . But , Gentlemen , is this state of things to ontni ^ e I ^ Shall thehistory- of thepresenttimesbe writtan m the- midst of . human woes , widows' and orphans' cnpa . andlaws setting at defiance the laws of Mod and nature

      , chronicling nothing but illustrious infamies , dissipation and debaucheries oh the one hand , yirith wretchedness arid despair on the other » Would : it , not be better , that . the thunderbolts of Heaven , ^ should hurl destruction through the hau that the earth , should be made fit onlv for monsters to dwell in ? And are we not fast verging to such a state?—are not the prayers of an impoverished people treated with utteKcontemptby our rulers I . Does not misery aiid distress stalk through tlieland ! andhave you not seen tho heaving bosom of tho tender mother ready to burst witfi anguish when the thought of her destitute children tMi ? ?!? .. ^ . ^ * Xes , aud you have seen hundreds and emaciated

      , pale with ceaseless toil on the vergfrof the graved with their souls filled with dvvsadfvil imaginations when the recollection Of their starving children lias rushed upon the mind ! Let not your , souls recoil within you at the awful picturefJV ^^ o weU that it is true , but rather-Jet the betterieolin » irfyoilr ^ ture- < if-they , are . not ^ m plctely seared with a long course of- tyrariny and o t P ?« ssipi 0 be oxerted to alleviate the wrSedcondition of the people . inSiT " ^^ ^ iiw * - make this appeal in prdeivto obtain justice at your hands No ' no your hatred- towards me is / too de ^ p ^ d % ™ Z eradicated by any such means . Let fly vour % nyenomed shaftsof political rancour at mv devoted head ; resort to every vUe expedient or ^ rSK that the cunning of your legal adviser caa SU ^ S iromuie

      aarK recess of his prostituted abilities for mydostruction . / They Willililort ^ 'St ^ accomplishing your aim , Ko ! Ihold ' you - andyoS rnalicp mutter contempt so long as my conscience tells * e 1 am suffering feajnrt touw ^ Hff I £ 5 as weU observe to my brave and generous tbS people , not to bo led away by any malicioua retiorL ^ p&ihe ^^ fesii dually , but . to themterests of the commuriityat large it it would servo their base and sordid TOrnbapv SeSr f * aUd ^^ AvreSlcffi wel ; *??? ¥ *¦ ¦ $ ** ™ l BPCat to the coutrary ; that I ! % ! % } £ i ?> d ° S and bay-tlie mobnV' than

      L *" 5 W'th ?;^ ^ w «;^^ Te £ rahK ff M - " ^ a ^^ yer of the confidence ot my fellow sufTerers . Ah ! but George Savage says-1 ought , like him , tc > have kept out ff trouble . 0 « tfwliu g * % 'thfr : piWry . of - . my - lin < Jw ^ aSS ' and in possession ofsuch a mean , paltry soul ^ s ^ habits your body . I neither censure you nor a few more of your stamp : for your cowardly and sneaking conduct , for I am aware you cannot help it . Nature has tormed ^ you with those weak , grovelling dispositions fat only to . be tools and slaves * to the blser por-Suie ' vou y ' heref ° wuld ™ ther 5 y £

      Mntlemen , I must beg pardon for this digression as I- considered the above-naniea individual , and " mmss ^ lr ^^^^ I am , Gentlemen , With all due respect , Ypurs , &c ., na v ¦ Wlf , ASHTON . ^ S B ^^^ m ^ z

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      TO ^ THE GENTLEMEN QP THE COUNTY OF YORK , WHO THINK A CHaNG ^ TN THE STATE OF m ^ h ^ mS j ^ 0 F ^ E HOUSE OF COMMONS ^ S mrns ^^^ f ^ "i gs to petition Parliament fifr Y > ^ ever al meetwellknokhave beeri cS ^ fe ^ ' « *>» for which ydu lSt £ ? ° f ^^ ^ at object the / object which ^ m ^ Sf ^^ ^ J ^ the country 1 Isit riot tff w'T ^ o&ly .. « ve tainme * ^ -T ^^^ B ^ S ^ ffiSS ^ S

      Untitled Article

      despotism ^ must ensue ?; Could it ever be obtained without / the people ; without that awful physical strength in uiiion with a general enlightened sentiment , that cannot be despised i Did you ^ ever suppose . that the corrupt perverters - of the constitution wbuld ^ on their own suggestion ^ ref qrni ihemselvesf Havei-not you been long complaining that the / people ]* ere deaf to -your , call to assist inVthe cause " -of rV forail Has " - "it ^ pt alwayB beeii your firm : con . yi » i tio h ^ thati rafferingH , the consequences of thos 8 wretchedineasureB you depre ^ ted i would , alone open the eyes of the public I ThatitTyas through feeling that the great and Bayini truth ; of Reform must b « taught ! . ' GodlcnoWs , the lesson . for the purpose hat been Bstere and effectual . ; . peaceably ; manfully honourab the

      ly ^ are peoplo in your county coming forward to do that for which ypu : have called upou them ; and now that they answer your call , wheij are you ;!;/ / - ;^ ' /; . ' ¦;/ " ; .: ; ¦ , - ; ¦ , >; ; - _ ¦ •" ' : ; ¦/ > : ¦ , ' ; ' ; r ; ^ . . .. Can ybu honestly—can you honburably—^ can you conscientiously say you are at your post ? Are you wSore God , your country , your constitution , arid , I may ^ add , your safe ly / tells you you ought to be Admitting , in order to a , v . oidall discussion , that ih » people ; are ^ asking more than in your opinion can b « gra ^ ed ^ itkpropriety ^ hat they seeiri to be going turtner than what is consonant to your ideas bf saw andpracttcabloParliameatatyReform ^ are not su et the strongest rea $ oiis for your coming forward to guide and lead themr TVU 1 you sacrifice allVou * cpnsistency , to axowardly pride ? Are vPu sorMed

      ¦ py tn . e wretched system which has been ibnff pr « - vailmg , and undermining the best principles ofth « constitution , that ; you cannot act with 4 he people because they are degraded , and rendered wretched by the Tory measures against ; which you yourselTea have been so long struggling in vain ? -Then , indeed ; your sun is set . Then are you gbnWfor ever Whatis more ^ you will deserve , for you will hat * prepared your , owii fate . After this pusillanimity nover more presume to breathe a wish of independence . As . you cast . your eye over Spain . Italy , Poland , and South America , dare notto heave a siafi for talleuliberty ; ¦ as you look at home , utter no complaints , at the Tenality ; whicb shall have laid your Afagna ' Charta ,: aaiyontIiUlof Riahts tm > i-

      trate at the feet of corruption ; Oh that I could rouse you from your fatal , lethargy ! If I cannot , there are events coming that soon will ; aiid when the blood of civil strife ^ ows ; down your streets , arid the best parts of ^^ your ;^ constitution are all expmna , either in anarchy or despptisin , w . hat will be your reproaohes should you be alivo to make them ? Lei me tell you your ^ pwn -belief . ^ is—I know it is , that you may prevent all this , if you will only peaceably and constitutionally head the people in that cause ia ^ . J ^ T ^ evidently instructing- them , lie with , them iii the cause , and all must be well i-e ^ ye them , andhow can you calculate the ' result ? ln . that conduct " wliich will be your honour , r see , and . you equally see , nothing but safety . In that conduct which will be your eternal reproach , you , a * ch i

      av .. as-- , can penpiu notmng Dut the most appallinir horrors . ^ If , contrary to every reasonable expecta " tion , and after a gloribvis censtitutional struggle , tlw » people bo finally successful withput ; ybu , will you have the assurance to offeV them youi ¦ cpngratulations I - Will you bo ; able- to encpunter the look ot reproach they cannot but make you ? Let me , then , persuade ypu ^ country men , to coma iorward to place ; yourselves in the . post of hOupur—m the gap ? twixt military despotism and opular anarchy . Let me persuade you to leadtb people , willing , nay desirous to / beled . I make no apology for , obtruding myself upon your notice . I tee ! it to be tne duty of every man , whatever hi * situation m life may be , to endeavour to rouse yb » from the criminal apathy with which you appear to

      regura . mo ieeiings pt the people , arid the progressive state of the national distress . Ybu view , with ; a just pride , the naval and military trophies of your country abroad ; but bitter and unavailing will be your regret ,:: if , from your own mismanagement at home , your heroes shallvhavo bled only that their children may luherit a country in . slavery , its agricultuM ruineiil , and its cammerce gone . Atthis moment on « - fourthof all the .-inhabitants of England are paupew or insolvent . How far do you expect this system to gol How long do you expect it to last ? Gentlemen , the people have been basely slandered . They are firm friends , to a limited Monarchy , arid to tlia family on the throne , liut they kpovr ' their rights and I sincerely believe they know their duties too It is

      said that they aro irritated , and their passioM inflamed . Distress and excessive misery may well plead their excuse—may well excuse a little animation , and Warmth -arid where beyond this in your country have / they gone ? Itis your duty to soot h * and comfort them—to shew them that you are a part of tliemselves . ; not to absent yourselves from their egally public meetings ; but to attend them , and to pad them in-the paths of reason and moderation Jn calhng upon you to Iwd i rather thari be led by the people , I hope I ^ shall convince them that the magistrates are not the servile venal tribe they have > eea eiToneouslyrepreserited , and that they will believe my assurance that they are many bf them the firm friends of their , rights , and as muchtheS well wishers as « . »««*

      Goritlemen , Your obedient servant , Skellow-Grange , Ferrybrid ge , G ' BlGG ^ January , m . 1817 . -. ; ' .

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      TO THE INHABPTANT H OUSEHOLDERS OF THE ^ OWNSHIP OF MELTH ^ M ^ f . !^ T ^ ^> ^ tei tranamred-which makes itcerteiri that in the course a t iet ? £ ? % !^ ** called ; upon to exercise a right , to which you , are legal ! y : entitled , on a matter ¦ ot ^ ^ great andlasting importance , viz thi election ^ two persons as . trustees for the greatest part ^ of the property constituting the living % f your » arson ; it isiobe hoped that you wUlperc ^ aivelt to be your duty immediately to look but for , Sbivi x ^* S& *?^ « h Ff ters as will , in your opinion , perform the duties of the situation in the ino ^ t ^

      tis-S * l ' . " ¦¦ ¦ - ¦ nte ^ 8 ; iriariner to yourselves gene-^ Oii are aware . Uai . the present -living i 8 about gOO ^ year , and that % arises from property which S ^ -W ^ ? ^ alue » audlikelyiolo -that the right of choosing your parson legally anS exclusivelybelongs to yourselves , to be determined by ^ majonty of two-thirds of you . ^ UndeTtheS c ^ cmnstauces , ^ presume , you will ^ perceive noS 'S&' ? cont ^? « ' when there shall happen tab * ST ' . and 1 ^ at ^ b e ' * & soon . wit&apereon Of good character and great ability , to perforSrS ^^¦

      ^^ ox ; priest , tor that sum / but also io keep the chapel ; a « a chapel yard in gooVrepairf ^ nd support a free grammar school . And as ttis nrivt ^ ge will mainly , if notVsolel y , : depend ' on nSS between you arid the trustees , ftis to / be ho ? edSat " , v ?'™ t *> e ^ easily wayed from a consdeitioS vote in the : election , that an eye to the interest of your children , ^^ and your children ' s ; children , fo ? generations yet concealed : in -the bowels of time , will not suffer you to be coerced or coriipelled by landlord or employer , or allured by the prospectof Ly SSe and ^ mediate advantage , fo ? alf those ^ ngs ^ l ^/ r f * ^ * * l ransifor yatthe best ; Seldonrto be calculated on with certainty , fbra : mori \ h tacomk that there was time not

      w £ $ F ^ f a long ago When if the trustees . had been properl y disposed , i * V JS ? name ^ g hav e been ^ accompfied But what was the consequence instead , fcS being bo ? Why you , ; for exercising a just ril ? were seized in your , om town , by the side offS own doors by hired ruffians , dragged from vour Wives and children , and arraigned ^ fore ' the-iS sponsibw and by them committed to York to take mu ^ msmmiiM SSWte ™ ;«>*' : «* s » ' - - .: NW : j Brfc . ^» StS& ui

      a . npuDiie sctiool was some . time ago drectedlTv P ^^ m&mMWm imsm am ^ i ^^ s ^ m ^ m

      Wop aih , ; Fellow Townsmen , ; . - . .- ; ¦ ¦ Your obedient Servant , . ¦ __ ¦' , / . ¦ ' " . ¦ - ' . John Beaumont . gelm , Meltham ; 29 ta Sep . ^ 1839 . that In aol ^ - ^ 'H 2 * ( rgot : toiremind you , ShSw ^ n'SlS ^ ^ hav 0 mentioned it ? is Sf \™ 3 utT- ay ° l invas i ° » upon charity , as &rtySn ^ i- fr ^^^ Pted ' Bufc tha ^ « vburS * * assisted thp Vicar in depriving you of Sed ^ vft ? »« rt * ent , arid oppressed , impove-S ' SS"S « ? ^ " . toflgiiiuS and berv ^ tn ?™ pf ^^ . ipr . attempting : to prevent a rob-J ^ Je party , wluch ; took from youi : the school , baSs otft v ° ; I ^¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ lBI ^ ou , arid gave : it to their Sof L l ^^" eoW , may not have the priviand ^ W o ^ cr ^ against the justice of the design , church ^^ * ^ s a ^ nded ^ Tobbery ofjhe haS ^ ervlS T ^ ^ ^^ e Vicar ; their pet , SSg ' f ^ ° h $ ! £ > sold the situa&n youS ^ ^ , ^ » s a U r 5 ght 5 with the mrty ,

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      ' ' '" " ' ' " ENOR WR ' " ''' " V ' of & - ¦ - - - . ¦ , .-.. . ¦ ¦ . . TH- ^ ; :- ;; t- ^ - . # : ^ - ; ? , : ^ - - ^ . ^ : . : - ¦ . ; . ; - ^ H ^^ ' ^ -J . ^' -ffl ^^^ - >^ ff :- - Vi -- T ' "¦ :. / ¦ ' ¦''' ¦ ¦ ' -- ¦ ' ' \ ??¦ ¦ . '•¦ ¦ .. '¦ '¦ - '¦ ¦ ¦ - ' ¦; - , '¦ ..-- ¦ -. ¦ - --. ' . ..- • ¦ -. .- . "" - .. ¦ - .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 12, 1839, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1078/page/6/