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    ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE

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    Iff PEARGUS O'CONNOR ,- ESQ ., J ^ TO DANIEL G'CONNELL , ESQ ., M . P . * m LETTER L ' ? S PEARGUS O'CONNOR . ESQ ..

    j | « Ak » j ! I do contemn mme ears , that have v So long attended thee—If thon werl honourable ^ Thoa wonldst hare told this tale for virtue , not For radian end tfcouseek ' st , as base as strange ; Thoa wrong ' s t a gentleman , who is as far From thy report , as thou from honour . " Sib , —You have designated me a 3 a man unworthy of the support of the liberal party in Ireland ; one whose pretensions to the name of Reformer is doubtfbl ; and one with whom the people of the county of Cork should hare no further connection . Had you confined yonr accusation to any specific charge , I should have rested satisfied with , meeting it , and should hare been spared the trouble of defending myself by accusing yon : however , you have left me the alternative , either remaining nnder the

    accusation , or of setting forth our respective claims to public confidence ^ and allowing the pablic to judge as to our pretensions . ,. ~ * ¦ I am aware of the fearful odds against any individual , who even venture * to defend himself against a man , supported by a host of friends , and a great majority of the daily press , to whom your politics have of late become acceptable . From your wiles , yonr . piactised sophistry , and unblushing effrontery , many ; have preferred enduring your slander , to entering with you upon a contest , in which I state the odds are fearfully in your favour . Yonr most extravagant nncontradicted assertions go to the world as sterling facts , and your many controversial triumphs are to be attributed , rather to a want of nerve upon ths part of the accused , than to any value in the accusation .

    Sir , —you must now lay aside all your too often successful cant , of yonr accuser being supported by this or that man , or this or that portion of the press , or this or that political party : yon mustmeetme , and as yon have refused to accuse me nponany specific grounds , you must defend yourself generally . I am about to charge you with every species of political delinquency . I am about to prove to the world the means by which you acquired power , and the use to which you applied your power . I am about to rescne those innocent men who have suffered from yonr slander , and to establish the worthiness of the Irish members , miscalled the "Tafl . " Iamgoing to explain the reasons why , in the bitterness of disappointment , the venom of your wrath fell upon me I am goingto prove how yon have made the nec-me of

    Ireland subservient to your base purposes , and that your ultimate object was to divide the English people ; in order that your fell dominion should have no obstruction . 1 shall prove to all reasonable men , that you have kept the Irish people in a state of miserable destitution , in order that their minds may be held in a state of still more servile prostitution . You are the great political Leviathan of the day and manv an honest , but unsuspecting man , has been wrecked against your wiles and sophistries . Perhaps I shall share a similar fate but I would rather dash myself at once to pieces , than be constantly covered with yonr foam . How mylndignauou swells , when , in vain , I endeavour to arrange the catalogue of your treasons against Ireland . I shall first give what I consider a fair

    character of you . You have , bv attending public meetings , and conversing with men , ( well versed in subjects to which yonr attention has been drawn , ) amassed a wonderM store of information npou passing events . You have become so complete a political mechanic that youj ; mind is the index of your words rather than yonr feelings ; your , passions are only strong when accused personally forpereonalitie . - - , and then you defend yourself by being scurrilous in orderto prove that you act under excitement From these practices you have acquired go complete a command of countenance that the novice would suppose your feelings wounde d , while you were literally calculating ppon the profit and loss of even the most rashexpresaon . You have the advantage over most men , of hastily abandoning a weak or UBnalatablp

    argument and flying at once to another . Your speeches are more remarkable for their boldness of assertion , than for their arrangement , their point , or connection with the question in debate . You are a good historian , and principally deal in those cabals , both civil and religious , by which different courts Lave teen occasionally distracted . You bring your historical facts , in general , to bear weB upon your subject When complaining , your voice is well calculated to inspire your hearers with pity . When C ' - sighing , your sole object is to intimidate others -om afCacting yon , and instead of defending yourself , you heap reproach upon your opponents . In addressing an assembly , your first object is to feel the pulse of your audience , and then with amazing tact and the rapidity of lightiang , you suit thesneech

    to your hearers . I ou have a happy knack of finding out the soft part of yonr audience , and then you laugh or cry as the " case requires . In matters of detail you are sadl deficient , and even with yonr own party become tiresome ; you requiremore backing up , as aspeater , than any public man ; you are told to a degree when your audience is not compl etely with yon , but yonr pliancy of principle soon J moulds yon to their shape , and thus yon generally contrive to ensure a favourable hearing . Your voice ( is of a most peculiar kind , for althongli rough , yetit j is sometimes harmonions and calculated to please l even the most refined ear . Your words are generally f well chosen , but your sentences are almost invariably mcomplete . Yonr memory is astonishing , but ander excellent contronl . Your attitude , when you think youhave a good case , isbold and commandin < r

    when you stand upon doubtful grounds it is crippled , crouching , and even supplicating . Your dread of a bold antagonist is indescribable : The use which you make of a triumph over a . weak and mere partizan opponent , is masterly , and followed up more with a new to deter others , thau to defend yourself . Your principal object through life has been to accumulate power , and no man has ever fostered his resources tor this purpose , with more cunning but less virtue . How this power has been acquired , the purposes to which it has been directed , and the result likely to be produced by its application in your hands , shall form the grounds of this m ' v first letter . By your advocacy of the ' Catholic Relief Bill , your name was constantly kept before the people of Ireland . The support which you . were in the habit of , from the

    yery properly , receiving Roman Catholic Clergy , and that portion of the Irish press which was in favour of Emancipation , did not render you more powerful assistance , than the foolish opposition of the opposing journals : From the tax upon newspapers , and the state of ignorance in which the Irish people were kept , they had no means of judging upon any political question , and consequently they Jeposed unlimited confidence in those pastors who jwere embarked with the people in one greatnational ^ struggle . Th e demolition of some leading characi wn ° ventured to stand in the fore-ground , bper-¦} atedas a warning to others , who remained satisfied I withbeingledcaptivetograceyourtriumphs . That portion of theprei < s , more immediately under your control , denounced , abused , reviled , and vilified those who sought to accomplish the same endbv

    wnerent means and with them the struggle wasnot more for emancipation , than that the undivided glory should rest with you . Your name wa 3 constantly before the people , and always associated with a question most dear to them . No man rejoiced morethan myself , that so powerful an instrument was famished to the people ; but I am now merely speaking of the mean 3 b y which vour power has been accumulated . Presently I shall show thepur-P ° ses to which it has been directed . The Irish rebellion having ( in a great measure been fomented for the purposes of retarding or altogether arrestma : Emancipation : the w ell judein " portion of the Protestant community , tired of civil wajvswelled the ranks of the Catholic Association anttthuscrgated , iu England , a Protestant party ¦ who , apart from local and national prejudices espoused the cause of the Irish Catholics . This

    circumstance paved the way for some power in England and it was silently , but progressively increased by the dastardl y conduct of many leading Catholics at this ade of the water , who , panting for equality , yet blushed to acceptitatthe hands of one , represented ( hy that portion of the press which they read ) as a volutiomstanddestructive , and the means whichyou . ve adopted to disabuse the minds of youroppo-^ ntshere , has been the rock upon which you split iae bold advocacy of civil and religious freedom , has yielded to a sycophantic subserviency The English Catholics had not *» many tesal disabilities to contend against ffl the Iri sh Catholics had , and since you gjgame a legislator , vour evervact has tended to JHOvethatyon lost sight-of the IrUh grievances whiMi

    UMholic Emanci pation was to have remedied , and yem have applied its . essential qualities to a kind of consolidated relief , thereby flattering the English aristocrat with the civil equality which he has acqtnred , while you allow the Irish people to remain in taat state of religious inferiority , in which they were p laced before thepassing of the Relief Bill . B y this means yon have made your Irish popularity the ground for rendering you acceptable to a large portion of the English community ; but , in consequence of an organ , - called an unstamped press , existing in flu * country ; you were not able , through the medium of one class to inspire those below them in rank

    , with a belief , that you were the general friend of mankind ^ and so yonr popularity in England , is among a . political portion of the higher order * and the middle classes , while the people see that . you merely require their assistance to increase yonr power and become more 'de spotic . •' » rior to lUfeesistence of an unstamped press , the 1 "'" - al of the stamped press was considered the /' die popular-voice , and the people were «¦ ¦ ' „ fnged to have recourse to latge public meet-; & , ?* order . to register ; thejrjopinions upon public jstions ;'; but , " Tiowevef ^ they dissented from the ^ eral doctrines of the stamped organs ^ yet- the iipion wasstiUthechamp ion ; -andthu 3-were you , one and the same ' imejleldjnp by the Whig

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    press as the opponent of the Tories , and by the unstamped press as the champion of popular rights ; but you unfortunately calculated without your host , for you foolishly supposed that the English people would invest you with power , for your own sole use , behoof and _ benefit . Now , it is to the discovery of the Hse which , you made of the power that you had acquired , that you are to attribute the complete loss of English confidence . I now come to consider the purposes to which your power hasbeen directed . Your chief object , since the passing of the Reform Bill , has been to aid in balancing the two great political parties in this country , so nicely , that by your Irish Parliamentary influence , you could hold the balance of power between them , and as power t uiinci U 1 U lint 111 press as the opponent of the Tories , and bv the mi-

    * , uuo vu . w ^ juu CUUU SaUBUca W 1 U 1 the political superiority which your Irish connection afforded you ; bHt , as I shall presently show , you did , at the close of the present session of Parliament , endeavour to prostrate English independence , by those means which you have but too successfully practised in Ireland . You must pardon me if , in trying to condense yonr history within proper limits , I find myself compelled to depart now and then from the order in which I vainly hoped to have remained , but really there is . so much art mixed with apparently insignificant matter , that I am obliged to deal with questions as they present themselves . You accepted ot Emancipation , with the

    disfrancmsement of thousands and tens of thousands of Irish roters ; but mark , without Emancipation , yon never would have acquired political power ; you did therefore disfranchise the Irish people , and while you were doing so , your mouth was full of the provision and protection which a poor law would afford them ; but the moment you acquired political power you discovered , for the first time , that lood for the hungry unwilling idler would demoralise the " fair daughters of Ireland . " You knew that religious persecution had raised yon to power , and you knew that bodily suffering would preserve and increase your power , but it was for the accomplishment of a great measure . ¦ .

    Now let me for a moment return to a clause of a completely opposite character—1 mean that clause in the Reform Bill which enfranchises the £ 50 tenant at will ; you supported that clause , because , as you stated , it would extend the franchise ; whereas I assert , without fear of contradiction , that you knew its operation would be to render nugatory the effects of the Reform Bill , by balancing the popular interest in the cities and boroughs against the interest of individual landlords in the counties , and yo » were aware , that , when nearly balanced , you could turn the scale ; but if there was a real preponderance in favour of real reform , you would have sunk into individual insignificance . You disfranchised the Irish forty shilling freeholders , because they were under the influence of their landlords-and enfranchised

    the £ 50 tenants at wili , because they were under the influence of their landlords . What think you of the logician , who would seek to support such a position ? For some time yon did hold the balance of power , but towards the close of the present session , you discovered that English questions began to assume somewhat of Irish heat and importance ; you learned that the voice of the non-electors could not be controlled by your power , or the power of the representatives of either land or cottvn , yon found that liberality becomes extended , and that even the electors will not allow their representatives to support a political party at so great a sacrifice as self-interest . l ou also found that the Irish members have dallied long enough , while you amused the country with airy and metap Weal nothings . You bedn to find

    that Irish independence cannot longer be relied upon as a kind of make-weight influence between contending poiiricalparties ; and you presumptuously try the expedient , so successful in Ireland , of placing in individual contrast the spendour of senatorial importance with the insiguifiennce of humble retirement You understand human nature and human infirmities , and you well knew that many would prefer being one of six hundred and fifty-eight upon your sufferance , to being reduced to the level of one of twenty-four millions at your command , and thus did you venture to tamper with English feeling and English justice . You arraigned Mr . Harvey as a traitor for doing that which you and I were pledged to do ; namely , for advocating the total abolition of tithes ; for mark , the whole bearineof his soeechwas .

    that he would not be a party to giving the tithes of Ireland either to the parson or the landlord , but that he would vote for any measure which gave them wholly to the people ;—and although the seeds of your wrath were sown early in the session of 1832 , vet your animosity was not ripe for gathering until 1 took a prominent part in defending the conduct of Mr . Harvey ; and if you , aiid those " journals which support the Whigs throngh thick and thin , had succeeded in hurling Mr . Harvey from his seat , the dominion of tyranny was established beyond the power of Parliamentary controul . Upon the next session , you would haw come to a House filled with men , whose distinction rested upon your breath , and , in the dread , of your -wrath , principles would have been sacrificed to individual

    aeerandizement ; whereas , by the glorious triumph obtained by the people of Southwark , Members ot Parliament will find , that the surest refuge from slander is in the honesty of their intentions . Your attendance at public popular meetings was less frequent ; during the last sesrion of Parliament , than it had been at former periods ; and when you did mix with the people , you were reduced to the galling infliction of hearing your policy reprobated , and your political friends censured ; you professed a kind of difference with an Administration , whose every act yon supported , and now and then your political associates were compelled to writhe under your sarcasm , while they lived upon yonr support At White Conduit House , at Theobald ' s-road , and at the Crown and Anchor , you were made to feel

    the smart of your desertion from the popular ranks . Yon abandoned the people , and fell in with the political economists ( of whose doctrines you are wholly ignorant ) and the moniedmen of England ; the object whichyou had in view was to preserve your Parliamentary influence , by your out-door popularity , and finding that your policy was discovered in Eugland , you return to Ireland , ana there denounce me and the Radicals of England . Had you succeeded in preserving popular support , your aim was to breakup administration after administration ; to create new discussions about metaphysical questions ; to set the public mind wandering , until , in the vast presumption of the man , the people hadlost sight of the object ; and when you had sufficiently disorganized society , you would .

    "nolo episcopan , " with becoming modesty , have ventured upon taking the reins of the steed , whose vices were best known to his instructor , and , thus mounted , the only bounds to jour tyranny would have oeen in the pitiful supplications of your victims . If I have b « en accessory in sparing one bended knee , or piteous imploring , I am prepared for the fullest outbreak of your disappointed ambition . The result likely to be produced by the application of yourpo wer , can be best understood by a canvass of those means by which you have acquired power , and , if bo limits were set to the accomplishment , what human foresightcan prescribe boundaries to its application . I shall only say , that for one , I would prefer remaining as I am to the dreadful alternative of enjoying liberty , eked out by a whimsical dictator I have laid my pretensions to public confidence before the people of this empire . That which will render them least deserving ( in your estimation ) will be the fact of their being unpaid for : but when

    the debasement of my country , and the prostration ot liberty , furnishes my best title to support , 1 shall lean , ( as you have done ) to estimate public opinion as a marketable , commodity , and to look upon a nation s folly as national grandeur . When the time shall come that the perfection of legislation will consist in so condensing its machinery , that twentyturee million .- ! , nine hundred , and ninety nine thousand , nine hundred and ninety-nine can with safety delegate the power of thoughtand action to one man , then I may rust , as a simple cog in the wheel , satisfied that I merely suffer in an equal proportion with the remainder of the community ; but while truth holds its station , and justice wields her sceptre , I will raise my voice , against the enfran chisement of any individual , whose best tide to conndeace is based upon the ruined character of those who would sacrifice life itself at the altar of national independence . You haveacquiredpower , bnttherei * a difference between the struggle for power , and the use of power . '• ••• .

    In order to-limit my correspondence , I shall narrow my review to a consideration of your conduct when seeking power , and when possessing power . I shall therefore divide my subject into two periods as regards time , namely , that period when struggling for Emancipation , and from the timeot its accomplishment uo-. vu to the present . " . l that view , therefore , and as the history of your life uu to the passing ot Catholic Emancipation forms a distinct period , 1 shall pass it over with a very few observations—and , although that measure was accomplished by—with your consent—the dislrauchisemeut of the people of Ireland , yet I am ready to do you everyjusuceforthe ability and zeal with whichyou fobWJ it to its partial cloue ; but , you must recollect , that vonr every exertion upon that question was but a strugg le for power ; you acquired the power , and it is of the abuse of that power that I now accuse vou . - ¦ :

    . . Catholic Emancipation was the key-stone _ to reform , and the Iteionn Bill , having in some degree liberalized the constituencies of Irelaud . must _ be considered as the foundation ot your political influence in the House of Commons , an influence , which , in the hands of a real friend to Ireland , was capable ot making her , what you profess you wish her to be , " Great , glorious , and free , Rwt flower ol the earth , fost gem of the sea . " I have now narrowed my labours to a scrutiny of your Parliamentary conduct for the last f-ur years , uurin" which time I was a minute observer of your every act , aud laitulully treasured your every word , beanriff upon the destinies of Ireland , of which you avowed yotuself the unflinching champion . I shall

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    put a construction upon many of your acts from expressions used to myself—others shall be j udged of by inference ; let the country decide between us . If I required any justification for thus addressing you , I should quote your own words in the House of Commons , to the effect , that " a person wasnot only justified in exposing the delinquency of public men , but called upon to do so . " The want of a cheap press , or a liberal press , in Ireland , was well compensated for , as far as regarded your interest , by the zealous , and laborious exertions of the Roman . Catholic Clergy—men of great singleness of mind , accustomed to long suffering and political degradation , recognized in you the champion of their civil and religious rights . They had fi ) F years followed you , through vnur mazv nnfn pnnntnirfinn nnnn manvnf vnm- » n « u frnm »» .

    • course , and as you were only struggling for power , you could not deceive them . It is difficult , after long associations for partoers in a struggle of any lengthened duration to divest themiud of personal feelings or prejudices ; and the Roman Catholic Clergy upon that account , still look upon you as they ever did , namely , the assertor of your country ' s rights . They have notyet come to discriminate between , the means used to acquire power , and the application of that power . Jealousy and vanity , they acknowledge you possess , but those passions they look upon , and perhaps justly , as a great incentive to your actions ; and therefore , the periodical sacrifice of an O'Gorman , or a Lawless , was considered but as a warning to those who should rashly attempt to serve Ireland , save by the rules and

    regulations prescribed by you . The most deformed miniature of liberty , ponrtrayed by you , would have been received as the work of a finished artist ; while the most perfect picture , by another , would have passed as a mere caricature . Thus strengthened in the power which oppression ever generates , you undertook , in February , 1832 , to accomplish by Act of Parliament—for Ireland— all those blessings , which were promised as the reward fur the attachment and fidelity of the priests and the people . The expectations of a people who had made so many sacrifices of time , money , and even life itself , were raised , to the highest pitch . For years , the lnnd rangwitu the voice of oppression and complaint . We were taught to look upon our country as a seabound dungeon , where nought was heard but the

    widow s sigh , the orphan ' s moan and the patriot ' s lament . All our calamities were attributed to the despotism of the foreigner and the stranger ; native sympathy was the only remedy for native suffering , and the land echoed with Repeal . I , for one , never doubted your sincerity—indeed , who could ? A man of acknowledged talent—whose whole life had been given up to Irish politics—asserted that , under no circumstances ever so favourable , could justice be done to Ireland—save by the restoration of her Parliament . That all measures compared to that , were as mere drops of water in the ocean . Who , then , _ couLl doubt you ? We saw your old associates , differing with you on no point save this one , ignominiously hurled from their sea | s and consigned to temporary disgrace . But , Killeen , Duncannon .

    Leader , Wise , King , andJephson , now may glory in the triumph over you and the people . They were consistent , and I honour them . I lold you at Cork , at a dinner given to 3 'ou , when called to spuak to upon the toast ot the Repeal of the Union , that you had created a monster , which wouldeither strangle you , or raise you beyond the rank of former patriots . I reminded you of Frankenstein ; your conduct upon that question it was , which first determined me to unmask you . The only man who had your support upon the contest in 1832 , and who was not a Repealer , was the gentleman who was returned with me for the County Cork . The fact of yoursupporting him _ struck me as being very strange ; and when talking with you upon the subject , at the October Assizes of Cork , I asked you , how you supported

    Mr . Barry , who refused to pledge himself upon the Repeal Question , that being your great teat . The conversation was in the Court House , and your reply was because the people will vote for him , as he will have the priests . I assured you , that such was not the case—and that the priests were Repealers to a man , and wanted another Repealer . You observed , that ke was a Catholic , and that the priests would support him upon that account To which , I replied , that I was a Protestant , and they much preferred me . No , said you , they'd rather have the " worst Papist than the best Protestant . " Now , Sir , those words , connected with countenance of a person who was not a Repealer , gave rise to

    suspicions which have been since strengthened into belief . I began to think that Repeal was looked upon by you , only as a means to increase your own power . I was resolved to await the issue . I could not condemn without evidence ; but I was determined to observe , whether or no the acquisition of political power—no matter how acquired , was to be used for general good , or individual aggrandizement . To prove that the entire direction has been to accomplish the latter object , shall now be my task . I shall proceed with your history , from that period when your parliamentary influence was complete and which , if honestl y directed j was sufficient to have accomplished the greatest benefits for Ireland . ( Continued in onr next . )

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    PUBLIC MEETING IN THE NEW LECTURE BOOM . On Monday afternoon the following placard was posted over Newcastle : — "Persecution by Employers . A public meeting will be held ou Tuesday evening , Nov . 27 , in the New Lecture Room , to take into consideration the conduct of Messrs . Cookson in discharging Mr . Thomason , one of the Secretaries to the Northern Political Union , and one of the most active Apostles of the movement for Equal Rights . Those employed at Messrs . Cookson ' s Plate Glass Factory , and more especially the females in that employment are earnestly invited to attend . The chair to be taken at half-past Seven . A voluntary contribution will be taken towards defravine the exuenses . "

    On Tuesday evening , the Winlaton Land , which had volunteered to attend , met the operatives of the above factory after eight o ' clock , at which time the factory closed , and preceded them , in procession , to the place of meeting . There were in all about 250 or 3001 ' emalespresent , aud when arrived at the room , the rusk was tremendous , every corner of its immense area being densely filled in a few minutes . Mr . Richard Ayre , publican , of the Bridge End ^ wa s called to the chair amidst the loudest cheering . The CHAiniuN briefl y and ably opened the proceedings by urging the propriety of affording a candid and impartial hearing to any speaker that might address them , whether in censure or justification of Messrs . Cookson ' s conduct in relation to this affair ; audcoucluded by introducing Mr . Thomnson for the purpose of making the statement he had to bring forward . :

    Mr . Thomasox , whowas received with a redoubled peal of the most enthusiastic cheering , said , that he had never before stood before an assembly with anything like the feelings of excitement which he felt at that moment , and , after all , the persecution displayed more of the will than the power to-do him injury . He hurled contemptuous defiance at hispersecutors , and he ' trusted lie would be able to , show that whatever had been the pretence for discharging , ithe real cause was his activity in the present movement for National Rights . He would call upon Mr . Devyr to lay before the meeting the substance of a statement which'Mr . Cookson had , that inoraiug , made to Mr . Doubleday ^ Air . Devyk stated , that he had been instructed that Mr . Cookson had , that morning , taken occasion

    to advert to the subject in a conversation with Mr . " Doubleday , and , that he ( Mr . C . ) emphatically and on his honour declared that politics had nothing whatever to do with the dismissal of Mr .. Thomason , that the cause of his dismissal was simply a transgression of orders in booking up goods finished on Saturday as payable in the current week , whereas th « orders were taat only the goods finished on Thursday should be entered on the wages book , the residue to lie , over till the week following . Mr . 1 ) . concluded by inviting any agent of Mr . Cooksou ' s thatmight be pre ' senr , to come forward , and he should have a patient and fair hearing . Mr . ! Thomason resumed , he said , that the glasses alluded to were paid for by the principal agent of Mr . Cookson , and with the sanction of Air . C ' s

    name . ; This was a mere miserable pretext , the primary cause of his persecution was the part he had taken in the great movement for Equal Rights . Could the agent , Mr . Ions , deny that when he ( Mr . T . ) got up a small collection in aid of the Glasgow Cotton Spinners , that he was called up before that gentleman and harshly rebuked for bavin " done so ? Could , he deny that he was again brought up aud abused for- disseminating in the factory some of those obnoxious documents * the Radical ' s Remembrancer ? Could that official deny that when it was understood that he ( Mr . T ) was eleited a Secretary of the Northern Political Union , he was once more brought up and loaded with the most opprobious epithets by Mr . loiis ? Whatever might be the avowed reason , this was she cause of his dismissal , as he should quickly proceed to show . He would appeal to the men and to the

    women employed m the factory , whether he had not been mvanbly humane and kind in his intercourse with them , and whether he had not discharged his duty wnh vigUnnce and attention ? . ( Loud cries ot you have , you have ; " and , fireat cheering . ) Yes , he was proud that he could stand on thac platform and hurl his defiance at Mr . Ions , and tell him tl he . was as honest , as pains-taking , aud as faithful a servant as he was himself . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . T here went into a detail of the rules wbich reflates the factory , and which , Proteus-like , were undergoing a change every day . Oue of W n " w rules ordered flm aU work finished on . Thursday S was to bu paid for , ' thus superceiiing tl . e rom . " r regulation which - allowed p ^ ent ^ or all 3 . mshed up till Saturday « igtrt / . On the 3 don of tms order , Ah women in-the factory Stj a general strike , refusing to work any , mole except they were paid for as usiial . In accordance with .

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    this arrangement , the boy employed for that purpose entered up the finished work and handed over the entry to nim ( Mr . T . ) , who made up the wages book accordingly , and handed it to Mr . Ions . That gentleman , however , flew at him like a tiger , though he had nothing whatever to do with the matter . He ( Mr . T . ) reminded Mr . Ions , that himself and Mr . Lockwood had made the arrangment with the women . "What ? I ! " returned Mr . Ions , "Iwould leave the factory sooner than concede one iota to the women . ' . ' ( Loud uproar , hissing and groans . ) Well , that passed over ; and when on the following Thursday , he handed over the account to Mr ., Ions , requesting to know what goods were paid for , and what not ; Mr . I . put a dot to those that were to be paid for , and a cross to those that were not , whereupon the women again struck and would not work asingle stroke till the usual terms ti »<> nVratin-nmanf ti . ai . n < r n , v ^ i ^ ,. ^ j h ,. ~

    with conceded to them ; and , instead of expostulating with the women , Mr . I . fell upon him , Mr ., T ., calling him blockhead , thickskull , and all manner of abusive names for merely obeying the orders he had g iven him . As for the question of blockhead , he would not bandy , words about it ; he should content himself with observing , that if he had no better head on his shouldeis than Mr . loiis , he should seldom venture outside oTuoors . ( Loud cheers . ) Well , Mr . Ions talked about a week ' s notice , and that he should not longer require his services . He despised his weeksnotice as he did himself , and at once removed his things from the factory . He ( Mr T ) waited on Mr . Cookson , who said that he understood he had been booking up glasses in an underhand manner though he had since stated to Mr .

    Doubleday that it was a mere disobedience of orders 6 l both these charges he was equally guiltless ; aid he called now for the verdict of those who worked in the factory , and who knew all about the matter as well a * it could be known . ( Loud cheers , commingled witk shouts of- « You did your duty . " It was evident to the meanest capacity that he had been the victim of his activity in the cause which , he thanked God , would soon raise the working people from their present state of abject dependence . ( Loud cheer *) At first he had been treated with civility aud re ' - spect , but as soon as the Movement commenced—( hear , hear , hear)—the respect and civility w . as no more , and he was made the servant of the servant . He should ask Mr . Ions certain questions through the _ public press , and that gentleman in ronlvimr

    to them , through the Newcastle Journal , might come under the . notice of their Graces the Duke and Duchess of Northumberland , who , were it not for this lucky circumstance , might never have known that there was such an important personage in existence . ( Ironical cheers . ) Mr . T . here enumsrated the very onerous and laborious duties which he performed for seventeen shillings per week , but he did not complain on that b-core , as a working man had , a few days ago , an interview with Mr . Jons , when that gentleman declared that six shillings a-week was sufficient to maintain a family . ( Loud cries of shame . ) The man asked how would himself like to be put on ^ uch an allowance ; but he answered that that was a different thing . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) True , it was a different thing , but he trusted there was a time coming in the country's history when it would not be so much a "different thing . " Loud and

    ( repeated cheers . ) He called attention to the fact , that Mr . Ions had kept a number of men working at the river for the whole day , from nine in the morning _ till ten or eleven at night , aud sent them for their labour a sum which , when divided among them , amounted to fivepencu each man , and which the men returned to him on the spot . ( Loud groans . ) He was with the people aiding them in their great struggle , that was his crime ; and if the people did not now come forward and emancipate themselves from the monster of capital , by clearing out the House of . Commons , they would bo ground into the earth in spite of all partial combination to save themselves . Let them at once come forward , one and all , and join the Northern Political Uuion , and he was certain before that was dissolved , it should witness the regeneration of their native land . ( Mr . T . sat down amid oft renewed thunders of applause . )

    Mr . Lowuy said , that after the conclusive statement which they had just heard , a statement which was made valid by the unanimous assent of men and women in Messrs . Cookson ' s employment , he had no hesitation in coming forward to move a resolution , which he should take the liberty to read , as follows : — "That this meeting views with deep indignation the persecuting spirit daily evinciug itself on the part of employers ; and strongly reprobates the conduct of Messrs . Cookson in reference to the dismissal of Mr . Thomason . " Before he would proceed to speak in support of the resolution he would pause , in order to atlord an opportunity to any man in the employment of Mr . C . to controvert the facts , if they could be controverted . After a short pause , durine which no our came for .

    ward , Mr . Lowry resumed . He contended that all an employer had to do ¦ with his workmen was to look to them while they were within his gates ; but if , after the workmen left his gates , he attempted to spy out and coerce his conduct , then that employer set up a tyranny that ought to be resisted . Capitalists came to the conclusion , that working men were mere machines created for their especial use— " hewers of wood and drawers of water "—and that it was presumption in them to exercise the privileges of thought and judgment which God had thought proper to endow them with . Now , he would tell them , there was a day coming —( loud cheers , and cries of " the sooner the better' )—when the working man should not be looked upon as a mere tool in the hand of the capitalist If there should be no protection in the workshop , there should be noue in . the hall . ( Loud cries of "Hear , hear . " ) He referred to ihe

    conduct of Messrs . Cookson in bringing up their freemen in Shields to vote for John Hodgson . It was not" Who do you vote for ; " but" Put on your clothes and go up to Newcastle aud vote for Mr . Hodgson Hindu . " ( Loud cheers . ) At the alkali works , the foreman said that he could not possibly dispense with the company of the men at a dinner on the coronation-day , to keep them back from the demonstration on tl \ e Town Moor . Well , the dinner was provided , and the money to pay for it was afterwards taken out of the men ' s sick funds . ( Loud cries of '' Shame . " ) The Messrs . Cookson knew right well that the effect of the movement would be to break up all monopolies , both of manufacturers and government , and tegive the smnll capitalist and the workman a fair chance as . well as the large

    capitalist . The monopolies had enabled such men asthem to acquire fortunes unjustly ; for he maintained that it was only by injustice that princely fortunes wore amassed by the employer , whilst the workman pined in rags and starvation . But tilings were fast verging to a crisis , he hoped that it should be a peacefulone . They were going , he was informed , to send the troops in Ireland to put down the spirit of freedom in Canada , then they would raise the militia . He called upon the men of England not to enter into societies toprocure substitutes , as they had long done , but to stand the ballot and get thu muskets for nothing ; . he trusted they should know what to do with them . ( Tremendous cheers . ) Mr . Charlton seconded the re . solutiou , which was carried unanimously . ¦ The second resolution ,:

    " That whilst this meeting is resolved to resist such persecution to the ' uttermosr , and to cherish and support those who may be marked put for its victims , they are deeply convinced that labour can never be adequately piotectedtill it is adequately represented in the Commons'House of Parliament , " Was moved by Mr . Paiikeii , seconded by Mr . James Avk , and carried unanimousl y . ; Mr . LqwnY moved a , vote of thanks to Mr . Thomason for his manly conduct in defending the rights of labour , as well astlie rights of the people to perfect political equality . When masters could not

    coerce men s mmds they coerced their stomachs . It was boasted that Englishmen were free . Why , so they were free to starve , if they did not lie . down prostrate beneath the feet of their employers . He did not merely move the thanks of the meeting to Mr . Thomason , but he moved that the meeting pledge itself to take care of his future welfare . Carried amid-loud acclamations . l Mr . "Thomason ; in returning thanks , said , he would go on unflinchingly bn the side of tlie people , in defiance of oppression and power . A vote of thanks was then passed to the Chairman to which he briefly and appropriately replied , and the meeting left in procession , preceded by ' the band .

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    ' .. . mmm — . NOTTINGHAM FEMALE POLITICAL - ; ¦ ¦ _ UNION . At a meeting of the Female Political Union held in Nottingham ,, on Monday evening week , Mrs . Daniels in the chair , it was moved by Mrs . Baraett and seconded by Mrs . Hunt , that the following add ! ess from this Association to the women of Eug . land , be sent to the editors of the . Northern Star and Nottingham Review , with . a . i request for its insertion in those papers , hoping it ni ' ay be copied from them into all papers whose editors and proprietors are friendly to the present . movement , of the working classes . Agreed to unanimously .

    THE ADDRESS OF THE FEMALE POLITICAL ASSOCIATION OF NOTTINGHAM . To the Patriotic Women of England . ¦ ; . SlSTEHS AMD FlitLOWCoUNTUYWOMEN , —At atime like thu present , when your important energies are required iu aid of those measures in which our husbands , fathers , brothers , and children are now so activt-ly tind zealously engaged , headed by the first men and patriots of the day . using every exertionevery possible , legal means m , their p ower , towards the uprooting ; p'f that oppression and injustice which have so long characterised the legislative measures » f this country , and laid its best interests prostrate at their lent , and sacrificed our industry and that' of our husbands , fathers , and friends , at ' the shrine of misrule ! and . extravagance , unpreceden ted in the aunak of British legislation , and brought unon us those heart-rending scenes of mi ^ y an woe until the heart sickens in despair at the mere 2 ml turn of such . horrifying iaigery aud u SJH g

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    wretchedness of a people and nation proverbial for its industry and unceasing toil , the fruits and sweets of which are dashed from our lips by misrule and oppressive taxation , that others may revel in all the gaieties and luxuries of life ; while , alas ! millions upon millions of yourselves , husbands , and children , are doomed from early life—from infancy to oldage , scarcely to taste its common comforts , and to descend into the grave , sickened and wearied of an existence embittered to the last moment by cruelty , misrule , and oppression , wickedly and basely called Government ; existing for no other purpose than the participating in the sweets derived from the , long and arduous toil of the people . Ye 8 , sisters and fellowcountrywomen , these are facts , or your situation would not have been what it is : you would not have -. » _ .. . . . . <• •

    Deheld the tattered garments of your children , nor their poor , pallid countenances—nor the care-worn looks of your husbands , who , with their many hours of slavish toil , cannot ' pjrovide food and raiment convenient for them to satisfy Nature ' s cravings . . Thus situate , what must be your feelings towards those who have had the base temerity , by the craftiness of their legislative measures , to bring you into this state of wretchedness , and your children to want . Sisters and women of England , much is yet in your power , to aid the great and holy cause now so gloriously spreading throughout the land . Aid your husbands , brothers , friends , and children . Urge and demand , at their hands , the fulfilment of their duty in the great and holy cause of freedom and eternal justice . Let them know that the union' of millions

    is strength and power , not to be resisted by ' tyrants . Urge upon them the necessity of throwing in their mite to the general and national fund , in order to give Rtrengtn and power-to those depnted bv the people , to fight the great and glorious fight of freedom . Sisters and women of Enpland , all this is in your power to perform , nay more ; and we would feign draw your most serious attention to it , namely , from the immensity of public meetings and demonstrations taking place in every town , city , and village throughout the kingdom , it cannot but be evident to you all , that a most important impression has been made upon the public mind , and of some of the middle classes too , that they are now beginning to manifest their , doubts and fears ; and yet , even with tula

    uQiuiu wen ryca , nicjr oic icdiiui aim uuwaraiy enough still to keep aloof from the cause espoused by the people . In a short time they will be too late to be considered of the least importance ; in fact , they must ever be considered in the light of false friends , and of no moment whatever to the people , only to be closely , watched to prevent them doing mischief by their treachery to the common cause : because they might be tempted to betray , for the sake of the shop—to gain the smiles of and custom of the Aristocracy , the great enemies of the liberties of the people . Aluch , sisters , is said of the impor tant services of the middle-class men , who , in the scale of number and intellect are very inferior indeed to the rough and hardy diamonds of the industrious classes , your husbands , sons , &c , who

    if race called out to the field of honour and patriotism , as no doubt they very soon will be , the job —the affair will soon be terminated ; we" shall then see in whom and where' the ' physical , arid intellectual powers are to . be found , whether in the thousands or in the millions bent . ' on justice , < fec , the former p riding themselvesron their importance behind their counters , with aaiittle claim' to your respect as possible , and whoi'if deserted by the working classesiike yburselveS j ' wpuld , Very : soon be under the necessity of changing ' their'tones and closing their shopsj . in ; which sb much . miserable sycophancy is displayed , most ' contemptible in the eyes of the people . Under these considerations we respectfully suggest that the- ' shppocracy'b . e left to their fate , and that no personsare so well ^ qualified to

    'bnng these very important" personages : to their senses as the women of England upon whose minds we would impress as a public duty the necessity of expending their money only with . the people or shopkeepers friendly to the cause , of freedoii ) , justice , Univfirsal Suffrage , &c . In ' -a' very few ' months the common enemy would be ' made to bite the dust of their empty ; shops arid empty tills . ' You , sisters , the patriotic women of England , in' these transactions are the most fit and proper , person ! * to deal out the blow and most effectually too ;' the lead arid completion of this , if properly conducted and with spirit would soon be productive of beneficial result ) . _ Let every shop and shopkeeper be noted in a book kept for the purpose , stating name , residence , trade , and whether W hie or Torv :

    alsoj" another book containing the names of those friendl y to' the cause of the people arid the great enterprize in which [ you and they are embarked as brothers and sisters in the sacred cause of liberty , humanity , and justice to encourage leach other by mutual dealings in the way- of trading , and ; not to spend your hard earnings with men : opposed to the bettering of our . common country . Sisters ,: oppressed countrywomen , we have too long witnessed exclusive dealing as the motto of our political opponents , necessity and self-defence compel us reluctantly to recommend its adoption . It is no sin to return the compliment , and we pray that it may be done effectually in order to convince our enemies of their weakness if not their wickedness in setting the example of exclusing dealing ; an eve for an

    eye , a tooth for a tooth shall be our motto until the system undergoes a change and our self-willed opponents think proper to set an example worthy to be followed by us whom they so meanly treat with cruel contumely , without the shadow of a reason for so doing . But we pity their want of charity and reason in thus acting , and that from necessity we feel it a duty to fight them with their . own weapons and on their own terms , and in thus , doing we feel confident of the support of our husbands , friends , and children , whose battle we do most- solemnly pledge ourselves to fight until the glorious , shout of victory aud liberty shall echo through the vast canopy of heaven , and be sanctified by that God who has promised to protect the poor and needy from'the hands of their oppressors . Therefore , sisters and

    countrywomen we say to you be of good ¦ cheer ; the time must and will , arrive , -when your aid and sympathies may be required in the field to fight , for be assured a great and deadly struggle must take p lace ere our tyrant oppressors yield to reason and justice . They mean to fight and to slay the people : while ours and yours will be the solemn duty-to aid the wounded to dress their wounds , and perhaps to afford the last sad solace , of our . affections in the hour of death . 'Tis better to die by the sword than by famine , and we shall glory in seeing every working-man of ; England selling his coat to buy a sword or a rifle to be ' prepared for the . event . Under these

    circumstances we again repeat , urge on your husr bands , fathers , brothers , frieiids , and neighbours to be prepared and ready for the conflict urge upon them the necessity . of calm reflection and duty to be sober , frugal , patriotic , " and to consider themselves bound by the ' sacred ties of nature—to protect and shield their wives and , children , from that / system of cruelty and starvation now stalking through ¦¦ the land , alike degrading to the legislature and'the rrfigion of the country . Trusting , sisters and country-women , that you will respond to us in your kindest and most patriotic sympathies and services in the cause of our common country in every legal manner possible . . i - : ¦ "We remain , your devoted friends and sisters , ' The Members , of ¦

    THE NOTTINGHAM FEMALE POLITICAL UNION . Committee-Room , Nottingham , Nov . 20 " , 1 S 38 . AIAKY-SAVAGE , - - ¦• ' - ' ' * .. Secretary .

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    !¦» — . ^ AN ADDRESS OF THE WORKING MEN'S ASSOCIATION TO THE LABOURING CLASSES pFRQTHERHAM . ' V 'Zl . C ' C , Fellow-Townsmen an « Fellow-Wokkmen , we cannot have too strongly impressed upon our minds the necessity of union ; and co-operation , if \ Ve wish to ameliorate our condition' in" society \ to obtain our social and political rights . Past experie'iice' has taught us that we have nothing to hope Ib * or expect from others . Hitherto have we sought' relief where it- was not to be found ; we have asked for advice and assistance from those whose apparent interest it was to divide , oppress , and mislead us . . , ' ' . ,,- * Fellow-townsmeri , let us no longer be led like slaves , but unite together , and exert ourselves H k *

    men determined to shake off the trammels of tyranny and despotism , nor ever cease those , exertionsjunta we have obtained oiir just' and ' undisputable rights morally , socially , and ' politically . Who is there amongst us that is unconscious of the wrongs we have endured ? Have we not'been' treated like beasts of burden—mere animated machines , without hearts , _ without mmds of our own * whose only Drivilege is to labour and die ? we have been branded with every epithet which the malice of our oppressors coulddevise . The destructives , the' swiiiisY multitude , the houseless . Radipals-sucb . arerthe nameV our enemies have thought we were deservinTof Are we not the source ' of- all wealth ? ' S bur labour emanates all the convenience , the ' eomfort the happiness , and even the ' luxunesCf nfe . ^ And ' luauv 01

    nanroat- fi- ! o « J rr i . ~ r" ~ " « n . » o our satisfv tlmr ? r u W ** •» «» battle field to sei J iS' » , W desiriJ our rulers - are ' p ost ™ v ' H ? l ml ltar > ' 6 lofy- " K- * e complain of ereH ^ ° ** - lfes $ ' we are mercilessl / butchw 7 ' f 8 ^ 00 . » pl' » n to the meanest capacitr . Ave are weak , because we are disunited . If we were united in all our moral dignity'Uemandingour just rights , there iS hot ' a faction in the : kingdom could withhold them from iis ' for a single day . ' . \^ e ffi'ifc mighty mass , and our ^ power of doing" good dr'il ' fis ' onl y bounded b y our will . ' And yet in the . purauit of our pwn good we are weak as infancy . As the sand oii the sea shore is driven by "the waves of the sea , so' are we the sport of every wind . Fellow workmen , this state of tilings must be altered ; . a remedy must be found for the evil that oppresses us .

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    That remedy can only , be found- in good Government—the object of which should be the greatest good to the greatest number . The , time has novr arrived that we are determined , if possiblei to extncata ourselves from the . all-grfisping hand of aristocracy , by diffusing knowledge amongst the working classes , and uniting to instruct each other morallji socially , and politically . ? Therefore , we have formed a Working Man ' s . Association in this town . We call upon all you lovers of liberty to join our Association , if you wish to obtain political powerif you wish to ' better the condition " of ^ ourselves , your wives , and families , join our Association . Wo are not combined for any party purpose , but for the good of all ; and in order to dispel any erroneous ideas that some may have . imbibed concerning our objects and views , we publish'them : — ' , That all property , honestly acquired , should be held -sacred and inviolable . ' * 1 ' Hat all men are bora equally free * and have certain natural inalienable m . . . ... t j nn ., n » n-

    rights . That all laws should be instituted for the common benefit , protection , and security of all the people . That all hereditary distinctions , of birth are unnatural and opposedi to the equal rights of man which , therefore , ought to be abolished . That every man of the age of twenty-one years , and of saue mind , who is not tainted by . crime , ought to have a voice in those laws by which he is governed . That in order to secure the unbiassed choice of proper persons for our representatives , the mode of voting should be by ballot . That intellectual fitness and moral worth ( not property ; should be qualification for members of Parliament . And that the duration of Parliament should be for one year , therefore we earnestly recommend to your serious consideration the above objects , that you may see the necessity of uniting your efforts with oure , to obtain our long withheld . rights . If we do not endeavour to obtain those just rights for ourselves , how can we expect or hope that others will do it

    for us . — Arouse ! Arouse !! Arouse !!! ye working men ot Rotherham , and break asunder the iron chains of slavery , which have so long bound you to the earth , and join with us in endeavouring to work out our own salvation . Let willing slaveB in golden fetters lie , There ib none can save the man who wills to uie ; Yat some there are that would not tamely bow , Who fain would break their chuins if they knew how . Signed on behalf © f the Association , John Barbour . John Lawson . '' , . John Robertson . Thomas Dixon , Chairman . Samuel Burgess , Secretary ; ,.

    tv ; T , , ne Association is held weekly , at the Ring of . Bells , Church-street . The cause of right againat might—of truth against falsehood—is on the onward march . We can now number nearly eighty

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    qrml Public Questions , they are not to b * identified iciti i J *" , *"'* w the lMr W « 9 * of their mend Conesponciems *

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    V ... ! .., ,. ' . ' <»! . ' " . ' AIPrivt Cotjncii . was held on Thursday and it was ' resolved to prorogue Parliament to the 5 th of February . . . -Determined Suicide— The inhabitants of Crown-street , Soho , were on Thursday alarmed by a report that one of the lod gers iu the house No . 7 had that morning destroyed himself . The police ! man C 99 , and others of that division ! were iniml diately . called in b y the > ndlord . The ^ EL ^ re = ^ a ^ SSiB msfm ^ mi ^ .: ^ mmM ^ mm

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    TO THE EDITORS OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Gentlemen , —Three months ago , our much esteemed friend Dr . Taylor favoured us witnoneof his inimitable eflusions on Universal Suffrage . A KT ^ , ~ tion ™ then lomed , ^ nich has been steadily progressing . We resolved ne \ er again to soil our fingers with such sophistical papers as ihe Edinburgh Scotsman , and to support only such papers as the Northern Slnr , &c . We pay one Penny pg r month ) which enaWes us ^ J useful pamphlets . We giveout a subject every Monday evening to be discussed the Monday followingthe last one was , ' " The use and abuses of a staSdlngarmy , ' a truly rich subject-and how delightful the harmony , how varied and extensive the talent tout are exhibited in our brotherly association—harmony and talents that are a standing satireupon the brick and mortar wiseacres of Saint ( less ) Stephens . Our progress in political information is almost incredible , foot long ago Duhlop , the representative of the wisdom-inspiring houses of Ayrshire—those house 3 which cram all sorts of intelligence down the throats of their occupiers-actually passed our village followed by cheers and well-wishes ; butlet him face us now ; he dares not ; he meets his friends in a corner of KUinarnock , and spouts his drawing-room jargon to the ten-pound-ttexibles . But we have now a representation of our own , and we leave the deluded lollowers of the Downing-street Pharisees to sing themselves asleep with crowing the antiquated sons 3 ot royal mummeries , andhandsome feeted Victorias . We too have our songs . Our Alpha and Omega are Universal Suffrage and the Ballot ; , and our songs run thus : —Let the national , bv rather the aristocratical debt be buried in oblivion ; let the established church be annihilated ; let all magistrates and public servants be elected and- paid by the people : let the army and navy be reduced ; let court sycophants break stones if they choose ; let the people have a fairpottion of the . laud which monsters , called Kings , have stolen ; let there be no Com Laws ; let the pension list be burned , < fec . &c ; and if Kings or Queens violate ihe Constitution let the Crown be tossed about like an old hat . DID AS KALO . Mauchline , Nov . 30 th .

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    . TO THE EDITORS OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Clayton West , Nov . 27 th , 1838 . GENTLEMEJJ ) _ WiH yOU guffer me th h fte medium of your paper , humbly to request all ratepayers to possess themselves of a copy of the Peor Law Amendment Act , whichmay be had for 6 d . I think this is the best method they can take , to come at a properunaerstanding of this detestable act . It is myopimon that if it were universally read , and understood , it will do more towards the repealing of that unchristian law , than all the discussion and agitation there hasbeen upon it . A CONSTANT READER .

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    THE GLASGOW COTTON SPINNERS . . ; TO THE EDITORS OF THE NORTHERN STAR . J , , ? fJ , TI 'f iEN ,-Like the storm which lastetb but its little hour , the agitation for our oppressed and injured brethren , the Glasgow Cotton , Spinners , has appearagly passed away . The iill-ehgrossing topic , the Universal Suffrage question , has swamped all minor ones , and brought the mind * of the people to-bear upon it as being , the only source from which must spring all our civil and reli gious rights but like the storm , the agitation has leftsome tSs pfits violence ., behind .,, ;' Ihe Trades Committee who were appointed . to raise means fortheir defence have ; been . lett , with the enormous sum of upwards of one thousand , pounds to pay , although w hnv «

    s , beg W rUeirftteSWt ^ rs&ufdisss ^ Ms aSS " " ™^*""^^ ; Sincei our balance sheet-was circulated W . I ™ $££ S 5 = w * a * « om are- 1 ) laCe ' ^ have rece ^ the above

    Jfl * Commute iuS -. ™ , ™ m . ur reasons tor thus writing you are , seeing the masses are joining the holy crusade and ranging themselVes beneath the Woaa banners l ^ TrSil 1 v bertf ? so tW' th ' ey can ' find bu ™ time for anything else ; ' arid , wVrnust confess we ourselves are partly guilty , ) that still there ama ter who have not forgot Aedistre ^ i ^ iSstohces in whichlhe committee has been leftfandTh ? hS come nobly , forward to assist inrescu hg tff from their , painful situation .- To , those indiSsw return our smcere and heartfelt thanks , and long may th ., y . be enabled to stretch forth their heluine W . & ^ *»**«!» d ^ nd the Ece nr

    . Ashton-nuder-Lyne , f * 6 6 ^ on < 1 on , per Mr . Newton 40 0 0 iStalybndgtSperMr . Deakens .... JO 0 0 JSury , perMr . Abraham Denny . 13 10 8 -Manchester , per Mr . Reed , from the . Unckmakers ................... ; .. ... 20 0 6 By inserting this letter in the Northern Star , you would j inuch oblige the Glasgow . Trades' Committee . r ¦ i . ; ' THOMAS GILLESPIE , Secretary , Glasgow , 25 th November , 1838 . ' . .

    Original Correspondence

    ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE

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    ' f § S 6 ' ' THE NORTHERN STAR . December 8 , 1838 . | iv . « i ¦ ¦ ¦ i ¦* '' i '

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 8, 1838, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1035/page/6/