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Northern Star (1837-1852), 13th October 1838, Edition 1 of 1, Page 6, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      MS . GILES'S FIRST LECTUBE . . ( From the Notes of oar mm Reporter . ) The following is a faithful abstract of Mr . Giles ' s first lecture , as deKrered on Thursday evening , - ffie 27 th ult , the snbiect of wiich -was , " Socialism considered as a religioTis theory , irrational and absurd . " Engagements at a distance-from Leeds prevented sxar reporter &om being present when this lectnre -was firet delivered ; but , from all lie can learn , the lectnre . as repeated on Thnrsday evening , "was subrstantially tie same as that delivered on the Sunday

      -evening previously . The reason why -we famish these abstracts is , that from the very great interest which these lectures have excited , -we . wish , to furnish , thousands of oof readers withlhat which £ hey « ouldnot possiblyhave an opportunity of hearing . We give these abstracts ¦ without a single word of comment , or a single shade of colouring , and , consequently , leave our friends to form their own . conclusions as to the several points is dispute . The Rev . Gentleman took as his text die 21 st ^ 22 nd , 23 rd , and 24 th Terses of the 41 * t Chapter of

      Isaiah : — "ProduceTjour cause , saith the Lord ; bring forth your strong reas ons , saith the King of Jacob . Let -them bring them forth , and show ps what shall hap-Ijen : let them show the former things , what they be , that we may . consider them , and knowjhe latter end of them ; or declare us filings to come . Show the things that are to come : hereafter , that we may know that ye are gods : yea , do good , or do evil , that we may be dismayed , and behold it together . Behold , ye are of nothing , and your work of nought : an abomination is he that chooseth you . " He introduced his lecture by stating that he had entered -upon this controversy , because he was a Christian , not a mere nominal , national , hereditary ,

      or professional Christian , but one npon conviction , believing as much in the truth of Christianity as he did in his own existence ; and secondly , because he was a Christian Minister , not believing in Chris tianity because he preached it , but preaching Christianity because he believed it ; and because , as a Christian Minister , he was bound , on every oceasion , to staid for the defence of the Gospel , by whomsoever it might be assailed , and to watch for souls , as one that must render an account , by whomsoever those souls might be led astray . There was something : fnendly in" the name of Socialism , try which many persons were deceived as to its sentiments . Some had supposed that if Socialism were not a form of Christianity , it vet contained in "it

      nothing hostile to Christianity , and that it was a system with which Christianity might very well manage to co-exist . He begged to say , that those ¦ who entertained t > ns opinion were ntterly deceived . Socialism professed to be an association of all classes and sects , but he begged to remind them that the founder of Socialism , since the year 18 l 8 , had declared himself an enemy of all religion , and that religion was the source of all the vice , and wretchedness , and misery of the human race . While he . was opposed to religion in general , he was opposed to the ( Jhiistian religion in particular . He had declared that Socialism and Christianity never could co-exist , and that he was determined to do all in his power to drive every thing like religion from the world . He

      would tell them , then , alter having weighed their principles , that though Socialism professed to be . a union ef all sects and classes , it proposed snch a Union as jio Christian could imagine it passible to exist out of the infernal regions . According te their creed , which denounced every thing like worship , form , ceremony or faith , it was to be a union of all sects , but the worshippers of God , and of all practices but those of chastity and -virtue . The Socialist , so far as he identified himself -with his founder , was not only an unbeliever , but an infidel ; not only an infidel , but a libertine ; not only a libertine , buf an atheist ; not only an atheist , but a scoffer—a scoffer ¦ who avowedly intended to employ his principles in order that he might sweep away existing law : * , and

      institutions , and manners , andcustoms , and churches from the world , that from their ruins he might raise a new creation , in which should dwell , not righteousness and peace , but myriads of men and women , who should find their way to perfect happiness by blending the blasphemy of the atheist with the sensuality ofthe brute . Hewashorrorstruckwhenheperus ed the sentiments and surveyed the practices of Socialism ; and he was still more surprised that Socialists should shamelessly come forward and avow those principle * to the world . There was nothing in those principles that differed materially from those systems of Atheism that had been broached in other ages of the world ; nothing to make them materially differ from those comip ~ ting blasphemies that had reeled out from the dark allies of the metropolis through the instrumentality of a filthy and degraded press ; but he did not thinV that any m ^ n in England would erne forward in the face of an English audience

      with such blasphemies upon his tongue . He did think- the Socialist would have "been content -with celebrating his orgies in the dark , and would have paid to public decency the compliment of concealing ids worship . When tneir sentiments were first propounded he did not think it necessary to give them that not ice which he was now giving them . When he examined ftem they appeared to him so shamefully vile that they bore the mark of their own condemnation . He saw in the system so many absurdities , contradictions and false assertions , to many gronndless assumptions and falsexeasonings , that he was led to think the absurdity of the system would be its antidote . He was sorry however that he was mistaken , and that Sabbath alter Sabbath he had seen a numberof young men who were willing to break God ' s Sabbath , and to be seen walking in the council of the ungodly , ingtead » f taking tmdr delight in the law of the l ^ ord .

      After this it was unnecessary for him to repeat what he had formerly said , that , personally to the Socialist he had no other reason than to speak of TiTm with kindness . The Socialists , with the exception of their music , had treated him with kindness and politeness ; and he fain would hope that many of them were not so bad as their opinions ; but in proportion as he entertained those feelings to the Socialist himself , he was bonnd to do all in his power to provide an antidote to the mischief which the system was calculated to prodnce , and to expose it * absurdity and wickedness and danger . In prosecuting this object , however

      desirable it might be to appeal to revelation , » nch an appeal wonld be entirely useless onchu question . Th « Socialist denied revelation a . * an authority . H e said this advisedly . He had indeed seen something like an attempt to set up a charge of contradiction against the scriptures . One thing was taken that was said under one circumstance , and another that wa > said under a different circumstance , and thus , by little nibblingsat revelation , an atu-mpt had been made to throw the fabric to the ground , just as if a mou » e should think by nibbling at the hem of the drapery of a statue it could upset the temple wheru that statue stood .

      The Rev . Gentlemen then proceeded to show that the Socialist had not met the evidence * of Christianity as furnished in the worti . iofLarduer , CudwQrth , and Newton , and observed that the Socialist imagined that . ju * t upon his ipte dirii , mankind were going to fling away tha volume of hope , and life , and consolation . But ance the Socialist would not meet him upon hi * ground , he would meet him upon his own ; since the Socialist woula not examine the evidence ! of Christianity , he had no objection to examine the evidences of Socialism . As then he had boasted of his rationality and argument , —a . « he

      had boasted that reason was hi * authority , hi * reply to him should be , Since thon hast appealed unto reason , to reason sha . lt tbon go ; and before that tribunal I will show that the system is altogether irrational and absurd . " As it is impotable in the short space which a newspaper afibrdi for an abstract of a lecture which occupied between two and three hours in its deliver } -, to giro all the amplifications of the lecturer in his own word * , by the application of some little skill in logic , we venture to give a logical analysis of the lecture ss nearly in the words of the lecturer as the nature < rf the case will allow .

      Proposition I . —" The views which Socialism entertains with regard to the importance of religion are absurd . " Argvmext I . —The Socialist admits that knowkdgei » one of the conditions of human happiness , He admits , in some sense , that there u a first cause . inference * . —The fact that there is a first cause shows that cause to be superior to all other cause * . The first fair fountain of all that is beautiful mn * t hiinself be surpassingly fair . The source of all the

      intelligence and Me Urn are scattered over the universe , most be an object infinitely worthy of the contemplation of man . Logical / arm qfth * argument .-. li ) Ln *\ e&ge be one of the c ** n <\ iti nT > a of human happiness , and if there be a first cause , which is the source ol all beauty , and life , and intelligence , that system which * ay 8 the knowledge of this first canse is unimportant to man aust be absurd . The system of Socialism , while it admits that knowledge , < fec ^ and that there is a ^ reat first cause , dec , say § that the knowledge of this first cause i * unimportant to man .

      Co'iciutioH . —Therefore Socialism is absurd . ¦ Argument Second . —It there be a first cause , that cause must stand to the universe , and especially to Sum , is the relation cf supreme governor . I f that cause stand to man ia the relation of supreme JorernoT , that relation must be the foundation of certain . duties on the part of man ( such as to enquire Wo thei character , and mind , and will of that cause , J * f J *> * £ ? *¦** & *** cause from whom we have ¦ M ott Being . ) Illustration . —If any one in indigent CirCDBWt&nces were to receWe tram some unknown ftiend agreat assistance , he would feel a laudable Cantmtj to ascertain who his friend was , in order fbaihe might endeavour to render him some service In return ; and if he could render him no service , that he might show his gratitude for the beneikction . The above argument ( a hypothetical sorties in which the minor and concltudon are omitted as

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      being _ sufficiently obvious ) cannot well be reduced to a simpler form without taking np too much room . We think the substance of it is intended to be the following : — '" ' That system which denies these facts ( that is , the facts stated in the last argument ) must be absurd . Socialism denies , &c . Therefore it is absnrd . Socialist ' * objection to the above argument;—the knowledge of God is not attainable . Reply to the objection . He ( Mr . Giles ) denied that the knowledge of God was not attainable , bpt for the present would waive the denial , the question at present not being as to the possibility of obtaining this knowledge , but whether it was desirable ; and if it was desirable ( which the Socialist himself had allowed in the admission that knowledge was one of the conditions of human happiness ) , the fact —• admitting it for a moment , —that man had not about him the means of attaining this knowledge , instead of proving the position of the Socialist , vizthat it was unimportant , only proved the necessity of revelation .

      Paoi > o 8 mqx II . — " S ^ daEsm absnrd the very foundation upon which it rests , viz : that a knowledge of human nature is a sufficient foundation for the knowledge of religion . " The following principle is evidently implied in the arguments by which the above proposition is supported , viz : —" That that system which , while it admits a Supreme Governor of the Universe , denies that there are relations subsisting between that Governor and man , is absurd . " This principle is not fims plainly expressed ; but without it the arguments would prove nothing . The lecturer having referred to the five fundamental facts _ of Socialism , observed that they contained nothing about God , and nothing about human

      nature considered in itself ; and that in the twenty laws and facts which were pretended to be deduced from the five fundamental facts , there was still nothing but human nature . He observed that these laws and facts were made the sole foundation of the Social system of morality and policy . This was absnrd ; because supposing the Sociali st's knowledge of human nature to be complete , which he denied , it was insufficient as a basis for a system of morality and religion ; because in a relation of this kind there were two parties ; and the complete know-? edge ; of the one , i . e . ths human nature , could not constitute a sufficient basis from which to infer the duties owing by man to the Supreme Governor ef the Universe .

      Sow taking the principle mentioned above as being implied for a major , and for a minor that * ' Socialism denies this relation . < fec , by taking into account only a knowledge of human nature , the conclusion will be that it is absurd . But even admitting that a perfect knowledge of human nature were sufficient for their prirpos ^ -, he would prove that they had not that knowledge nor could they have it . A perfect knowledge of human nature was unattainable , and he would prove that the five fundamental facts of the Socialist , were not a perfect knowledge of human nature . Either those five facts were a perfect knowledge of human natore , or they were not . If they were » ot , for anything the Socialist knew , the facts of which they were ignorant , nurht be the very facts which were of the utmost -importance in forming . a system comprehending all the relations in which man stands to his

      fellow-creatures and to God , and therefore it was founded in ignorance . If , on the other hand , the Socialist should say that his five facts contained a perfect knowledge of human nature , the system was founded in presumption , for he ( Mr . Giles ) could multiply those facts into 100 ; for , supposing them to be facts , there was no absolute necessity that their number should be limited ro five . He would take one of their own facts . * They acknowledged that man is not an original being , but that he is derived . They acknowledged that man is not an indr-peodent being , but subject to government . Why , then , did they not take these two facts , for they were as fundamental as any of the five . They , then , had sewn facts , which , if multiplied by four , would make twentyeight , and out of that number they might find some such fact as the following— " That it was as important that man should know his God as his fellowman . "

      _ The Rev . Gentleman then proceeded to show that since the Socialist had not so much knowledge of human nature as to be able to account for the simplest phenomena of human life , such as the raising of his arm or the twinkling of an eyelid , it was absurd for him to profess to have a sufficient knowledge of human nature , from which to form a basis of moral and religions duty—knowledge which neither Newton , nnr Locke , nor Bacon , nor Plato , nor Socrates , nor Aristotle , nor any of the great or wise ever professed to have . tie concluded his arguments on this head , by stating that it was absurd for Owen to profess to be the only rational man in the midst of all the irrationality with which he was surrounded . This mysterious man , without acquainting us how it was that he had become

      rational amidst all the degeneracy of the human race , had told us that by looking into thi * artificial state of society , he had learned what was nature , that by looking into this mass of vice , te had learned wkat was virtue , that by looking into all this irrationality , he had learned what it was to be rational and wise . He had gone to a field of darkness , as dark as darknegs itself , and there he had found light ; to a woild of corruption and wretchedness , and there he had found a state of virtue ; that he would have man receive as the sterling and current coin of wisdom , and virtue , and reason , those very maxims which he had professedly brought from a bank of wretchedness , vice , ana irrationality Thus , then , he had proved that , in its fundamental princiDle , the whole system was irrational and absnra .

      Proposition III . —'" Socialism is irrational in the views and opinions which it propagates respecting the nature of God . "—Under this head , the Rev . Gentleman ' s observations were intended to prove the absurdity of tht Social jsystem in two points—1 st negatively , —that the fi r st cause admitted by the Socialist could not be matter , becaui » e if it were a material first cause pervading all things , there could be no such thing as motion , or separate existence ; but there were both motion and separate existences in the universe : therefore the first causes could not be matter : 2 nd , positively , —that from the evidences

      of design and benevolence in the universe , the first cause must be an intelligent and benevolent being . The Social svstem was therefore absurd in its views . respecting ine first cause , inasmuch a * it taught that it was unimportant whether this cause were called matter or spirit We have curtailed the arguments in support of this proportion , not because we think them inadequate to prove it , but in order that we may give at greater length those which were "adduced in support of the fourth and last proposition , which bear * mure immediately upon the question of man ' s responsibility .

      Proposition 1 \ . — " Socialism is irrational in its views with respect to the moral nature of man . " In the Christian Dispensation man was represented as being responsible to God , to his fellow-creatures and to himself ; as a being placed under moral law * , atfd as possessing faculties and powers corresponding to the position in which be was placed . Now , it was ngain . « . t this new of man that the doctrines ol Socialism were especially directed . The object ol the Socialist was to p'ove that man was not responsible Hither to God or his fellow-creature *; that his actions were not to be made manors either of approbation or blame-, and the g and Ube which he wished to make of this was to show that man might indulge all bis natural inclinations . In meeting this

      view he would not follow the Socialist step by step through his twenty laws and facts , but would meet his system in . front with insuperable objections . It mijibt be proper , in order to shew by what kind of fallacies some men arrive at their conclusions , to give a specimen or two of the sophistries by which the Socialist arrived at his conclusions . Mr . Giles then proceeded to shew that then * were palpable sophistries lurking in the wo ds compound and organization , the first having a refined meaning , signifying a combination of anything , as well as another sense , signifying a mass composed » f material ingredients . The word " organization . " he observed , when applied to the mind oi man , could only be used in a figurative sense ; and yet lhe Socialist had taken

      advantage of these ambiguous words , by pushing them into pie very front of his five fundamental facts ; and instead of tying them down to the only meaning in which they could be allowed to be used on this subject , the bociaust proceeded to use them in such a sense as to shew that he meant a material mass , and a material organization ; and hence in his very first discourse up ^ n this business , he had affirmed that circumstances operate upon this organi sation more in the way of chemical action than ol mechanical impression , as if it were already proved that man was a mere lump of matter , acted upon as a subject of chemistry and mechanics—as if it were proved whether the character of man were formed in a crucible , or hammered into shape at a blacksmith ' s forge . And this was the man who would have us give him a patent as character-maker for the whole universe . Similar to these fallacies was the fallacy discoverable in the use of the word instincts . The

      Socialist admitted that instincts were anala ^ ousonly in a small degree to the operations of the intellect , and that while the laws of instincts were fixed , those of the mind were variable , and capabls of improvement . Yet , notwithstanding this admission , he persisted in calling the powers ofthe mind instincts , and that in the very sense which he admitted that the muid and instincts differ from each other . This he did to lead men into the persuasion that they were the mere subjects of instincts—that they were mere passive beings , the subjects of a power which they could not resist—mere lumps of clay in the hands of a blind necessity . * The lecturer , after having quotsd Mr . Owen ' s definition oi man , asked what the Socialist meant by "human nature . ' This word " nature , " he said , was a kind of Frvteut that hung its form on every page in which it was used in the books of the Socialist . After having objected to the definition of man given by Mr . Owen , he defined him as a being p ^ s *^ . sing a body and a souL whereas the Socialist ' s ue ^ iaon

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      excluded the free agency" of man , and represented him as a mere passive thing . The object and the end of Socialism was , that its followers might be blinded to the part which man , considered as man , sustained to his own conduct . After a variety of observations which were intended to prove that the doctrine of Socialism tended ^ to reduce man to a mere inert and passive being , in which the absurdity ofthe system was plainly visible , he said , that , without pursuing those absurditiesfurther , he would meet the doctrine of irresponsibilitr ^ as grounded upen necessity , face to face . The Socialist said man was not accountable either to God or the magistrate , and that being the creature of necessity , if he brake the heart of his wife , or left her , or dealt treacherously

      with her , he could not help it If be was led on by his passions to commit mnrder he conld not help it . Then , if man was not to be blamed forhis crimes , let not the Socialist blame the magistrate for punishing him , for he did it by necessity ( much applause ); if the magistrate should hang him , let not the Socialist blame the magistrate for he did it by necessity . ( Continued applause . ) but apart from all this , when the Socialist said that he ( Air . Giles ) was not a free agent , he ( Mr . Gilesj would say to him that he had the very same authority for saying that he was free that he had for saying that he existed . He was conseiius that he was free . He did not go to reason \ p be conscious that he existed ; he went to consciousness for that . He knew that what he did with his will he did as a free agent ; and the Socialist might reason till the end of the world upon that subject , he never could overturn

      that which was founded in the consciousness of a man . His consciousness as much testified to his freedom as to his existence ; and therefore the assertion of the Socialist was a contradiction in terms . He ( the Socialist ) said " what you do with your will you do but of necessity . " H e allowed that men had a will , and yet he endeavoured to convince them that they acted by necessity ! But he would ask— "is the win free ? " He ( Mr , Giles ) would replv—that neither he nor the Socialist could tell about that . But did not the question look very much like an absurdity . It was like asking " whether the will does what it will ? " It was like saying " yon will it and you don ' t will it ; I don ' t clioose what ' l choose ; I doa ' t determine what I determine ; 1 don't like what I like . " ( Great applause . ) But again the Socialist misrepresented the position in which man stands to circumstances . Socialism

      supposed man to be passive , and circumstanced to be active ; whereas just the reverse was the case . Thus , for instance , a thief might see a purse hanging out of a gentleman ' s pocket . He might look at the purse . Was it the purse that looked at him ? or was it the man that looked at the puree ? He coveted the purse ; what was it that coveted ? was it the man that cofeted the purse , or was it the purse that longed to be stolen ? He resolved to steal the purse '; what was i : that resolved ? was it the purse or the man ? He . stole the puree and ran away with it j was it the purse , then , that was act ive ? How was it done ? Did it jump into the pocket of the thiftf , or did he stretch out his hand and take it ? The circumstance , then

      had no power ; it was the man ' s mind that gave him the power of action . The whole , then , was a mass of absurdity , and was conrrary to fact . The rev . gentleman then took into consideration the assertion of the Socialists , that children might be made whatever their parents pleased , find that all vice in children was the consequence of bad example . He opposed to this the iacr , that children frequently commit faults of which they have had no pattern , and therefore it must come from within . As a proof that men were not the creatures ofcircDmstances , he intanced Socrates , who rose , amid heathenism and idolatry , to great eminence in philosophy , and to comparatively just views of the Supreme Being .

      Again , he observed , the Socialist would not trust his own cause . They said that a man was neither to be praised nor blamed for his actions , and yet , in the New Moral World , they were to have hospitals . He then adverted to the hospitals in the West Indies , in which the most horrible cruelties were practised , and remarked , to the effect that , though the social dungeons were to be called hospitals by necessity , they might nevertheless be the most horrible places of punishment . The gentle name oi hospitals would be a poor security against the tortures which might be experienced in thrm . Having thus shown the folly of thismain prop upon

      which this doctrine of irresponsibility rested , the gentlemen observed that he should proceed to his last point of all to show , "That Socialism w as absurd and irrational in rejecting Christianity . " In proof of this position the rev . gentleman referred to the evidences of miracles and prophecy as being irrefutable , and which the Socialist had never attempted to refute . He concluded by making an appeal to the Socialists to consider their system , both in its nature and its consequences , and reminded them of the importance of religion and the danger and folly of rejecting and despising that which they had never yet been able to prove to be false .

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      m MEETING AT THE MUSIC SALOON . On Monday evening last , a meeting was convened at Mr . Walton's Music Saloon , Leeds , for the purpose of making arrangements relative to the Peep Green Meeting . Mr . Wm . Rider was unanimously y , oted to the chair , and after opening the proceedings in theuxual manner , be made some remarks upon the constitution of the country , and upon England beiug described as the glory of surrounding nations and the envy of the world ; hut he would ask if being crucified between two thieves , Whig and T . iry , was an enviable position to be placed in ? ( Hear , hear . ) During the last eight years the people had been deluCed by empty professions and promises of their pretended friends , and they were now convinced by practical experience of their measures that they

      would do them no good whatever . But thege Whigs had had their day o' trial , and now the people found it necessary to unite together in heart and voice and demand a further extension of the Suffrage ; ( hear , hear , ) not merely to Household , but that which is the right of all—its extension to every individual . Hundreds of thousands had assembled to demand this right and to declare their determination to accept of nothing less , and surely the men of Leeds would not noglect to do their duty . Some of their opponents charged them with using violent language . Why they had petitioned and humbly petitioned , long enough , but iheir petitions had been scornfully rejected , and was it right that they should tamely sit down to be insul ; ed ? No , they were determined to demand ti . eir rights , and if they were still refused , they were determined to die by the edge of the sword rather than continue to live in bondage . ( Cheers . )

      Mr . Geobge White , Secretary to the Northern Union , then came forward to move the first and only resolution , approving of the principles set forth in the People ' s Charter . He said they heard a great deal ubout the apathy of the men of Leed * , and these complaints were made , too , by the very meji who would not make a move . ( Hear , hear . ; He , for one , would do his duty towards removing the load of oppression under which the people groaned . He would ask either Whig or Tory to come forward and explain how it happened that he , a man who worked hard for his living , had no vote : why it was that what was the right of every human being was withheld from him and othen ? ( Cheers ., ; The reason was , because the people did not ask for it as

      they ought to do it . If they did , they would get it . ( Cheers . ) This meeting was called not as a demon-» tration , but as a preliminary meeting , and he hoped the Leeds Mercury would take notice of that ; and if there was but one man from each mill or factory , that would answer their purpose , asthey only wished them to tell their neighbours that those of them who did not wish to be slaves , would attend at Peep Green on Monday next , and say so . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Wm . Phillips seconded the resolution . He said it had been his opinion for thirty years that he ought to have a vote tort Member of Parliament , and for this reason ho had come forward to second the resolution . In the old Tory times they had had battles with the Tories ; but they had nearly settled

      accounts with them , and they would shortly settle accounts with the Whigs . For this purpose he hoped they wonld come forward like men , and show the world , on Monday next , that they were fully alive to their interests , and would not loose the present opportunity of doing all they could to secure them . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . O'Connor was then introduced to the meeting , for the purpose of supporting the motion , and was received with veiy enthusiastic cheering . After addressing the assembly as working men of Leeds , he assured them that nothing but his devotion to their cause should have induced him to be present at that meeting , for , at that moment , had he obeyed the directions of his physician , he ought to have been in bed , in consequence of very severe bodilv

      indisposition . However , he trusted that the progress their cause was making , and the certainty of its success , would render it unnecessary for him , on that occasion , to address them in one of those inflammatory speeches , as the press called them , but would require nothing but simple argument on his part . White had told them that this was but a preparatory meeting , previous to the grand moral demonstration which : was to take place at Peep Green on Monday next . This was the first of a series of meetings to be held in Leeds and its vicinity during the present week , to do that for the men of Leeds which they ought , long since , to have

      been prepared to do for themselves—to rouse them to a sense of their own degradation , and urge them on to the accomplishment of those principles , without which they never could expect to be called freemen . ( Hear , hear . ) The object of Monday ' s meeting was to endeavour to pass into a law a measure called the People ' s Charter , and to adopt the Birmingham Petition as aNational Petition , and which had now been moulded into a demand of those right * which were justly due to working men . He might , for want of opposition , have felt some difficulty in entering into a consideration of the value of a document which had only been handled

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      by one side , riz . $ by the friends of that document called the > People ' s Charter ^ ad it not ; been that his enemy had Written a book . On Saturday last , Mr . fiaines had undertaken to analyse not the principles but the details of the six great points now at issue ; and he ( Mr . O'Connor ) must unhesitatingly declare that a more ignorant , clumsy , chopped-logic , or more nonsensical and absurd piece of stuff never emanated from the pen bf mortaj : man . ( Tremendons cheering . ) if Mr . fiaines had sought to maintain that position which henow holds , and which in point of station and money ; was valuable tor himself , he should have been satisfied with joining the remainder of the press in proclaiming the necessity of the repeal of the Corn Laws , and in advocating

      his favourite topic , Vote by Ballot ; But , instead of doing this , he had attempted to grapple with principleaaboutiwhiph he . knew nothing at all , and the attempts at which , while they showed his own weakness , had virtually been , the means of causing him to sign his 6 \ yn poUticaVdeath Warrant . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . Baines had said he might agree in one , two , or three points of the Radicals ; but there were other points in which he could not agree , one of which was in the payment of Members of Parliament , and this was the sharpest point of all . ( Cheers Jt Buthe ( Mr . O'Connor ) had yet to learn whether a blunt mstrnment might not inflict as dangerous and deadly a wound asa sharp and polished blade ; He should be glad to know whether there was anv

      great moral difference between "the acceptance directly of two , three , four , or ^^ five hundred pounds a-year , or whatever else it might be , for the performance of Pafliamentarydutiesi or the indirect acceptance of the Recprderahip of Hull for doing more than Parliamentary and political duties . ( Very loud cheers . ) Mr . Baines had said that three things were necessary for working out , not the principles , but the details of this mfeasure , —Universal Suffrage , in order tp get the votes , — -payment of Member * , in order to get the money , —and No Property Qualification , iii order to be qualified to stand . Now , all these things , were a part of the Constitution when there was no taxation , except such as was levied as subsidies from the rich men of the land .

      and he ( Mr . O'Connor ) had no objection to go back to those times . Mr . Baines had said * that from the manner in which this charter had been drawn up ^ he did not believe that any Members of Parliament had had any thing to do with it . But he ( Mr . O'Connor ) would say to Mr . Baines that if it had been more loose than he had discovered it to be , then Members of Parliament might have had something to do with framing it ; but , inasmuch as Mr . Baines had been able to pull only one or two holes in it , he ( Mr . O'Connor ) was willing to believe that Members of Parliament had nothing to do with it . ( Cheers . ) By this Mr . Baines had shown himself wholly and completely ignorant of Parliamentary usages . He ought to have known that when a prinle is in

      cip troduced into the House of Commons , if any gentleman should begin to discuss the details , he is immediately called to order , inasmuch as it is always first to be decided whether the principle could be admitted before the details are entered upon at all . ( Hear . ) But Mr . Baines had gone into the details , and testing him by the courseand management and working of the House of Commons he would ask in what did Mr . Baines ' s conduct , in reference to the people's harter , differ from the conduct of Parliament in referenceto other measures which were brought into that house . Mr . O'Connor then proceeded to inform the meeting of the mariner in winch measures after the ^ r introduction into the House of Commons were mutilated , so that the

      original framer of such measures would not afterwards know them to be his own . He instanced the Municipal Corporations Reform Bill and the Poor Law Amendment act , and closed his observations on this head by referring to the bill for the establishmentol police in Ireland which was passed the session before last . This bill passed the House of Commons and the House of Lords ; received the Royal assent , was sent to Dublin , and came back again worthies *! , because it had made no provision for the payment ef the men . ( Loud cheers . ) But Mr . Baines had said that Mr . Feargus O'Connor in order to carry this measure , had recommended the people to aim themselves . When he wrote that assertion he knew that he was writing a deliberate faUehooa

      ( hear , hear ;) he knew that Mr . Feargus O'Connor had never recommended a single man to arm himself ; he knew that he had never made use of such an _ expression . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) Unless Mr . Baines wished to j preserve that title which was bestowed upon him by the late Mr . Cobbett , he ( Mr . O'Connor ) knew notwhy he should have written this falsehood . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Baines had called him , in connection with others , a cut throat . Now the only throat he had ever cut , or attempted to cut , was one snig which he had given to the windpipe of the Mercury . ( Cheers and laughter . ) It was quite true that this article ^ which was harmless in itself , was wholly directed against him . Mr . Baines had promised them that he would have

      recourse to the consideration of the principle of the charter in some other number of his paper . Now , he , ( Mr . O'Connor ) would tell them that Mr . Bnines never would . He might take itup and mangle it as he he had already done , but he dared not enter into a consideration of its principle . He ( Mr . O'Connor ) had yet to learn why any measure , drawn up by the working men in London shouldbe called an improper measure because it had not the name of an Esquire or M . I ' , attached to it . He should not value a committee of the House of Commons , for example , a fraction less if he saw it nominated b y Edward Baines , compositor . ( Cheers . ) He should attach as much credit to him in the situation of a compositor , as in that of Member of Parliament ; and he

      had no hesitation in saying that out of those fifteen men who had drawn up " The people ' s Charter , " and who he ( Mr . Baines ) had so foully slandered , he would pick a dozen , and a quarter as worthy and intelligent men as Mr . Baines himself . ( Very loud cheers . ) Mr . Baines did xi » t know what he was about when he undertook to grapple with a question that had long since been settled by the majority of the people of England . This whale in a butter boat had been well garnished ; for in one column of Mr . Baines ' s paper would be found , at the fag end of something purporting to be an advertisement , aparagraph which recommended a Hpeedymode of settling the question . And what did they think it was ? He would read it to them from the Mercury . Mr .

      O'Connor then read the following paragraph : — ^ Two scales of reform ? Yes ! Rich man ' s scale , and poor man's scale ! Oh ! If I had the power with the millions that I could wish , I would exercise f hat power to some purpose . How ? I Would stop every mill in Lancashire and'Yorkshire ^ on Monday morning ; and I would not allow one spindle to run till L > rd John Russell was removed from her Majesty's councils . The mills might be converted into barracks , and your cloth halls into store bouses * bin no matter , not one spindle should run . " Then in another ! column at the tail end of the six points the followin g morsel was found in a little larger type : — " i he Queen Dowager has quitted London for Portsmouth , where she embarks for Malta , intending to Winter in that mild and climate

      equable . May it conduce to the restoration of her Majesty ' s health , which is menaced by piilmoBary weakness ! " Now , he , ( Mr . Q ^ Connor ) would add his prayer to that of Mr . Baines , which was to the following effect , " and in that healthiul climate , may there be no mis emanating from the foul mouthed tongue of any unmanly puppy ; who might at any time choose to call out , > Now gentlemen , if you please , Three Groans for the Queen . '" ( Loud cheering ; , ) The difference between this agitation and the lawless , traitorous , and seditious agitation of ] 832 was well represented , in miniature , by that meeting . He saw none of the middle class , or of the Shopbcracy , or or the higher orders there j and he / was glad that he was surrounded exclusively by those upon whom

      these orders had trampled ; ( Cheers *) The agitation was now directed by the people themselves , and , therefore , they were satisfied to go on by slow deV grees ;¦ whereas ^ , so feverish were those gentlemenso anxious were they to be put in possession pf immediate power * that they were determined , by fire and sword , to lose no time in its accomplishment . They , on the ' contrary , after years of agitation , could boast that no bloodshed had ever followed that agitation . They could aay , that thus far their agitation had been peaceful jandv ^ while they had been ' talking of physical foriej they had been > working morally whereas , the agitators of 1832 , while they talked of mqral force , were working physically Tb -e difference between our position and-theirs Was

      , that with them was a portion of the non-elective po wer of the country , aiding them to fight the battle against the Tories , for the mere transfer of power from the hands of the one paTty to the other . But now that the people had been oppressed by thei Whigs , as well as b y the Tories , they had sprung up in the land in a single year ; their voice had been registered , and their determination had been taken , and that was , to die freemen rather than live slaves . ( Tremendouscheers . ) If-that w a ? : top strong for Mr . Baine ^ , he # ould g ^ vfe him a Uttle stronger ; if that did not suit his book , he should have something that would suit Mg book . ' He wtts not at all as ^ tonished at the disappointed feelings of a man who had led cap tive the working classes , the' middle class , and'the Aristocracy of this cOnntyj he waa not at all astonished that Mr . Barnes ' should feel -a

      little indignant that the whole power of this great county had been at once , and as' if by magic , wrested out of his hand ; ( Long continued cheers . ) And if it had not yet been" wholl y ; wrested from himit would be . And why- ? 'Vyas it because the people were going to ' actimproperly ? ! No j but because Mr . Baines and his party had acted improperly ; because they had promised what they had not performed ; because the working classes , after a six years' trial of these genUemen had fonndthemselves in a worse state than eyer they'Were' before . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . O'Connor then proceeded , in very pathetic and affecting' terms , to point out the hardships endured by the working classes , which he contrasted with the ease and luxury of the middle and higher classes . All the laws of nature , he said , had been upset by the artificial laws and custom * of this country , and it was now , therefore , for them to

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      rise up and say , " Henceforth we will be free , because the nation ' s will declares it . " ( Loud cheers . ) He then adyerted * o the clamour of this Whig and Tory parties about moral and physical force , the valueof both of whichhe knew perfectly w ' elL He asked how it was that while these two factions decried all mention of physical force , they yet preserved their dominion by physical force , and nothing else ? What was it that extracted the payment of taxes from their pockets ? Was it the love they had for their governors ? Or was it because the bayonet followed close behind the refusal to pay ? If it were not for the bayonet , and the cannon , and the sword pf the Whigs and Tories , it would pe moral power against moral power , and there would be no necessity for physical force at all . ( Loud cheers . ) There

      wag once a great prophet amongst the working classes that had said , " a' the stuff in the world was made for a' the foiJt in the world . " ( Hear , hear . ) It would appear , however , as if all the stuff-in the world watrmade for all the idlers in the world ( Cheers . ) All that he seaght to establish was , that every maa should partake-, as far as his industry entitled him , of all that stuff which was made for every body in the world . He did not wish them toplohder the rich to give the spoil to- the poor : but he required ih'dt the poor should henceforth be protected from the plunder of the rich . ( Cheers . ) Mr . O'Connor then spoke of the present > clap trap ' agitation of the Corn Laws and the Ballot ; he was nfkt AnnADa ^ tn Vha ranaal nf ttia . fVivn * T . amu -Vi «> i \ A \ luv HiA >^ a vuv

      mvw Vj * vjn \;\ A W Ayu ^ . * -fUJXX ¦ . JLJUITO , :. IJU * . ilC wouldhaveit , with Universal Suffrage , to' protect labour , which , without Universal Suffrage , and with a repeal of the Corn Laws , would very goon be in a much worse condition than at present . After ad ^ verting to a variety of other topics , all connected with the interests of the working classes he concluded by making an eloquent and spiritstirring appeal to the men of Leeds to use their best endeavours to assemble at Peep Green on Monday next . He reminded them that it was their own cause * Should a shuttle run on that day ? Should the sound of an anvil be heard on that day ? Would they allow . ' the sound of liberty to echo through their rattle boxes while they were working for those who

      looked upon them merely as slaves , while their brethren were upon the moor registering their voices like men , andtheir determination to die like freemen rather than live slaves ? ( Very loud cheers . ) Would they on that day cpme forward , and , aa they md had so many fasts , have one feast ? ( Cheers . ) should it be said by the Whigs that the men of Leeds were too sensible to be deluded by that which had deluded between two and three millions of men in the country ? He had done all that he could to make this demonstration as effective as possible . One man might call him a patriot , and another might call him a tyrant ; one man might call him a wise man , and another might call him a f pol . But it mattered little to him what they called himwhat he wanted

      : was , that the working man might be placed in such a situation as to be independent of the wise man as well as of the fool , —of the patriot , as well as of the tyrant . ( Very loud cheers . ) He cared not , then , what name they gave him ; he had placed himself in a position from which he could not , nor , indeed , would he be inclined to retreat . ( Loud cheers . ) He had spent seven years , in and out of Parliament , in endeavouring to marshal public opinion , and in advocating the cause pf the working classes ; and if he was a bloody man he must be a very sagacious man ; for during those seven years , no disorder , or riot , or bloodshed ever followed any meeting of the people which he ever attended . And yet he was told that

      all the people required was to get rid of him , and get honest leaders . But he would tell those gentlemen that , whether they wanted him or not , they should have him until he had done all he could for the cause of the people . ( Very loud cheers . ) It was true he was not in very great favour with the press ; it was true that he never courted either the support or countenance of the press ; and for this reason ; he fonnd that all the writers connected with the press , moulded their writings to suit expediency , and made a marketable commodity of them wherever they went . Mr . O'Connor then spoke of the various reports which had been given by the Whig and Tory press , of the numbers that had attended the late Radical Demonstrations . Those

      meetings were galling to the tyrants of the land . But , why were they convened ? Because the werkiiig classes of this country were not in a state that men ought to be satisfied to live in . They were not only serving the capitalists , by being the producers of all wealth , but they were serving the Aristocracy , by being the consumers of the produce of the land ; and yet their interests were wholly neglected . They had come here , then , determined to have their rights protected ; they had come determined to have Universal Suffrage—get it how they would . ( Loud cheers . ) They had nearly beaten down the Tories , and they were , day after day , beating down the Whigs . ( Cheers . ) There might be a supposition that the moderate of all classes would be united against them , but what were they when compared to the non-eleclive influence of the whole kingdom ? ( Cheers . ) They might suspend the Habeas Cormis

      Act , and cast , him into a dungeon , but still his spirit would be hovering over them . ( Cheers . ) They might take him from thence to the gallows , but from every drop of the martyr ' s blood ten thonsand patriots would spring . ( Tremendous cheers , which were continued for a very long t ime , and literally made the room tremble . ) Mr . O'Connor again exhorted them to exert themselves to swell the meeting of Monday next , and to hold themselves in readiness for that day . The call was responded to by the most enthusiastic cheering we ever heard . It was then announced that a meeting would be held on Hunslet Moor , at 8 o ' clock this ( Saturday ^ evening ; and that the men of Leeds would meet at 5 o ' clock on Monday morning , in the Vicar ' s Croft , to arrange their procession to Peep Green . Thanks having been voted to the chairman , the meeting separated .

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      Tht Editors of "The Northern Star" with to be distinctly understood , that in affording a vehicle for thti discussion oj great Public Questions , they are not to be identified with the Sentiments or the Language o ~ 'their several Correspondents .

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      TO THE EDITORS OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Gentlemen , —I have now been a week at this lovely spot ; the weather has been as fine as possible ; the air is invigorating beyond anytbing ^ I ever experienced ; the bathing is exquisite . I never , lbefpre , saw so fine a beach , fake this places for all in all ,, as a retiring spot , for a worn out " agitator , "—and it ranks A . 1 . in my estimation . No wonder then , that my health is improving . I think i never enjoyed myself so much betore . I bathe every day , -and walk out daily about six hours . I wonder I never heard of Rhyl before . When the tide serves , ( the packet sails three days a week from Liverpool , three hours before high water , ) it is only one day ' s

      journey from your office , at an expense of about twenty-one shillings . I can only find one fault in the place , and an outlay of £ 20 would remove it ; the sands are soft , between the village and the beach ; I hope that objection will be removed before next summer , by making a good road , and then I am sure , it will be a perfect bathing place . So much at present for Rhyi ,. I have not yet been able to find any-labouring men , who can speak English iiuentl y , most of them do not understand one word of our language ; I haye ^ however , met with farmers and shopkeepers , and others ; with whom I have conversed respecting the accursed New Poor Law . Before I close this letter , I ; will tell you what they say .

      1 want , just now , to say something about those persons who have been discharged from their employment , for no other crime than that Of attending ' Kersal Moor last Monday Week f ¦ - ¦ ? - ~ Now * gentlemen , you-arejiware , that * becausei told " the people of England , ' ' -that which every law , and every Constitutional authority , ( both Whig and Tory *) has constantly asserted and maintained , ; ¦ viz-tT-Mfff they have a- right to . possess armsi I have been denounced by the Whig , and the Conservative , and the Radical press , as a " Traitor , ' . ' pr a " madman ; " and "Newgate" or "Bedjain , " has been pointed out as my proper domicile . Not one of hese sapient scribes has . however , attempted to produce any single authority , te prove that my advice

      was illegal or unconstitutional ;; and I defy them to produce one , either from the Whi g or the Tory stainp . They content themselves with denouncing the doctrine—they call it Treason forsooth ,-and theyj expect that *'» the people of England" will he Too * ' enough to believe their word , against the highest and , soundest Tory and Whig lawyers whps have written on British law , against the plainest declarations of the wisest Whig and Tory Statesmen who have written pri . the British Constitution ! Tjtei may have frightened aorde timid ignorant pettpiy ; but , I do hope , that they have made no imprel ^ on on the minds of the well instructed and well disposed people of my native land . Let those persons Who htavf secretly conspired to overthrow ;>* the ancient institutions" of our beloved country , tremble at the thpught-ofan ; amerfjpeopfe--fprinyself , lam satisfied , that , if the people dp . not resolve : to place themselves 1

      in a position of " self preservation and defence , ' every " ancient institution" ; of ^ thei country , will , very soon Qe utterly destroyed , ko& instead of a national altar , a throne , a House of Lords , and a House of iComiion » --weshall very Soon have " a ; natiorial Commigsion , '' composed of the ihost cruel monsters , andt defended by a banditti of national spies and poKcetr : / , .: ¦ ¦ : .. ¦ : ¦' - ¦ . '¦ . ' . - ¦ ' . ' . ¦ ' .- ¦ <¦ . : ¦¦ '¦¦ Once more then , in spite of all that / B it % the Whig , Conseryative , or R ^ dicaipressmay , sajf ^ or a Government of Traitors : . ina ^ r " : doi once ^ more , ' / solemnly urge ^ verp Englishman who loves his country and A «* hearihi id arm . I know that it is your ri ght ; nay countrymen , I am sure that it is ypnr ( duty \ No other course can save you' from ;' Xh&t slavery-, which the philpsopherB" have prepared for you . No other step can prevent ; the downfal of your National Altar , of the Throne , of the " ancient institutions" of your native and beloved conntry .

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      ~ W > t dVI revert to the ^ obJect ?!^ lr ^ ero ? n « Fa cause } -You have heardthe howUn «« of ^ tte fi universal . press , agamst my recoinmendation ^ bat yoj 1 ™?* heard no single argument against it Notbmg is sp easy as to revUe troth—nothing so difficult as to shake it * : r - myxuM Gentlemen , you have often heard me sayv that all mere ; party men ^ are the enemies of the libertteg of thepepple and of the ?' ancient in 8 titutioris '' 6 f Ae country . I know the * that man , be he Whi g or Tory , or Radical , who will deprive his servant of employment because that servant is constitntionallv seeking for aconstitutmat right , would , if be had the foyrer , enslave the ntonarc / ir and % if he fancied thathecould gam anything by it , the same man , would'destroy every institution which prevented him

      " rOTa , f ?* ' * > *^ thosei persbnsf who are dependant pp ^ him fortheirdail / bread . - . tFheb-. wh yWS ¦ ^^ ¦ ¦ ^ ¦^ ' ^¦¦^¦ ¦ ' ^ ¦ |^ P ^< Eiijeiand 1 ' ' to Arm ? Because I have , xsmce the Kersai . lVlooit meeting , wtteessed the effect ^^ of that miconstitutional tyranny , wbwh jjervades every party ^ and impels its votanes , toseekfor the Uyes ^ ofthSe theyiSp ? who gare , eonstttutionally , to Seek for tiat wh ^ they ^ believe-the ^^ cpnatsttinon awairis to them : hutdf which ^ yhave been deprived by "RefoVm ^ Bills ; Since the ineetiBg : on Kersal Moor . n »» y hundreds of persons have been thrown tmt nThrO * A

      fprnomercrtme than peaceable attending thereto make known their wants to the Legislature *! Thwe persons , who have , a » fai * as they have the power . awardedBEATH aa the punishment to TBemtenkmttl for thus constitutionaMy seeking their rights , are ^ S of all parties;—they are to be found amonerf thc ^ who . ^ all ^ emselves Whig « , Con ^ rvativS ; 3 Kadicats I - , I am not about to argue the »> leealibr ? f ft T ^ % < T « N to aLcL 4 question flf Universal Spifrager-it may be '• lawful " lor a master to discharge Id » servants at his pieasnrer it certamly is ^ lawfub for every servant to seek , in a constittiUonalmanner , that which he believes to be his constitutional right . w

      What 1 am _ anxious to impress upon the minds of your readers , is , that any mau , I care not what is his creed or what his party , who would , under , eueh circunwtances , deprive his dependaatso ! their livelihood , would , if he hadthe power , remove every barrier w / itchimthholds from him universal power * By that act , he proves himself to be inherently a Ttbant\—an enemy of God !—a foe to the British Constitution !—K ^ Z ^ M £ 1 nn * ry ! ~ nay » heis » rabranygnflty oi his brother ' s blood ! and , whatever crimes those , whom he ; has thus deprived of the means of life ! may beguilty of , when they ate thus driven by him to despair ; that man , who thus forced them into wantis

      , the real author of those crimes , committed , as they will have been , by his deputy , whpm he has driven from the field of labour ! Such a man . would , any moment , were the power his , destroy every " ancient institution , " to establish his own deapotinn-. . . Well then , seeing that we have not only a Government of traitors , but also , many influential men of all parties , whoi will not start , even at blood-guiltyness , to perpetuate the slavery ofthe people , I ask again , is there not a canse ^ ^ that I should once more solemnly urge " the People of England" to avail themselves of their undoubted constittUioiutl Right , wxAmstanter to place themselves in a state of " selfpreservation and defence ?"

      What may be the feelings of those employers whose hands are stained with this horrid crime of cowardly but cruel tyranny—I know riot—they have done their best to dnve their servants to desptfration — " they have sown the wind , '' may God grant , that they may not" reap the whirlwind . " Ifauypersondisputesthelegalityofmyadviceabout arming , let him , in 8 tead of calling names , produce arguments ^ aud authorities ; let him know that sneers , and scoffs , and vapouring threats , have no weightin

      argument . Ifany man dreams that the " ancient institutions ' of this country , will either be preserved or restored by the present Government , or by any of the factions , he will very soon awake to disappointment . The people of England are sound at heart , they are loyal , and itisthey alone , under God , who will ever be able to roll back the stumbling block of innovation , and restore the constitution of our beloved country to its original splendour and beauty . It is because I believe this is the destiny of the people , that I urge them to fast , toJpeat , and to

      ARM . . But now for the New Poor Law in these parto , conceive one of the most beautiful , rural , romantic , agricultura . districts ; inhabited by a few . nobles , who are surrounded by then-tenants and labourers , as industrious , as moral and as confiding a race « f men as dwell under the Sceptre of Victoria . Think too of that rational feeling of veneration which the Welch foster towards their Lords—and of , the patriotic fire which once warmed the hearts of the Welch , nobility !—and see , what " liberal and enlightened principles" have done for Wales . Behold the descendants of those , who would have suffered ten thousand deaths , rather than have submitted to forei

      gn tyranny , now base enough--- { they are actually-so degraded , that they submit ) to become the tools of the Poor Law Commissioners , to delude and betray their confiding tenants and labourers into slavery , nay , so wickedly are they debased , that , knowing / full well , thatthe blood of the Welch would nse even in spiteofthem , if the truth were told , they are so far sunk , as willingly and knowingly to mis ~ represent the nature of the new law to the people , and then , to induce their tenants and labourers to submit to be harne .-sed to the chariots of the Somerset-house despots ! All this is true . Newspapers are very little read hereabouts . So the word of a noble is believed . The nobles become Guardians , they act as thetools of the Assistant Commissioner , and haye actually got all the machinery pf the " Devil ' s own" established , under the assurance .

      " that the only alteration on the old law , is , that the poor are to be much better providedfor--that ovt-dow relief is tobe conliniied as heretofore , and that the Union Workhouse- is only intended ^ fir * { hose poor invalids , who require good nursing , and who , under the old law , were left withpu t many conifofts , which will be provided for them in the UnionWorkh'tuse !" —and they are all assured , " that no separation of man and wife will ever be dtteihpted" Such , - 1 do assure you , are the promises made to these peopleand made top , by men who iare called ^ noble ! " As I said before , they read little— -but now that they see the size of the " hpuse , " they wonder-- ^ tnd some little light is breaking in upon their understandings . As one person said to me ^— " they begin to fancy that they have been cheated;—and anotheV said , "The labourers ^ now that they seethe house building haven horror about it . " ¦ ¦ ' ¦

      I was assured , by a very respectable tradesman , " ¦ that 49 prik of 60 , who reall y know anything about the law , detested it ; " " but , " he added , " The landlords are all for it , and the tenants must do as thei Stewards bid them . " One man told me , " we look to Yorkshire and Lancashire-to get rid of it—we dare not oppose our landlords . " I am going to Si . AsAPH ' on Monday and will see some of the ^ officers , aud try if I can find somejdb ' ourers ' who can speak Enelisn .

      Igitifotdisgusting to see a Government of a great nation , in one district employing police , and spies , and soldiers to / orce the people to submit to ( da ^ ery and , in another , engaging noblemen to delude , deceive , and betray , a confiding people into the hands pf a tyrannical commission ? With snch a Government and such a race of nobles (?) what chanceis therefor the constitution and institutions , but in the people ? The day of reckoning will not long tarry .

      I remain , Gentlemen , Your obliged Servant , RICHABB OASTLER , Rhyl , nearSt Asaph , Oct . 6 , 1838 . P . S . Last evening , I met with a gentleman , who is building a house in this neighbourhood , he told me , " that he met Lord MosTVN the other day . His lordship said , ' How do you get on with your building . ' The gentleman replied ' I am at a standstill , lean get no masons . ' ' How ' . is that ? ' enquired hig lordship . * They axe ill building homes for them ' selves , my lord , ' said the gentleman with a sly wink . ' Ah , J indeed , building houses ^ -for themselves f

      ^ exclaimed his lordship , " * Where dp they get the land , and money ? ' ' My lord they are building Union Workhouses ! " announced-my informantand he gave his lordship a look , that ; inade the noble appear very childish . The lord slunk ; oft and said no more . I shall not forget that saying soon-r . ' * They are buildihg houses for themselves * - ^? otkrshire masons--hear that ! and when you build bastiles—repeat as you lay every stone . ^ We are Building Houses for Ourselves ! !* ' _ ¦ . . ¦ - ¦ •• ¦ ¦ ¦ : ; " . - ¦ - ¦ . ; - ¦ - : ' R . O .

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      THE LONDON DEMOCRATIC ASSOCIATION . TO THE EDITORS OF THB NORTHERN STAB . flpMTLPMRN — In vonr report of the glorious DemSKSeld oi ^ er « J Mopr , you state / that » amongst the many inceaUyes ty the j ) eppl ^ pf Lane ^ Si ^ to exhibit their poU ^ al ^ inxon ^ on ^ this occasion , an a ^ dresa ¦ irofH . * he , L prido ^ Working IWon ^ a Association was widely circulated in the Sfe ^ d « con »«) le is ^ L ^ f the factories in the town , iW neig ^ bourhot )^ and throuehout Lancashire , to be closed . Whigs , ' Tories *^^ arid ^ ^ Radicals , the owners of factories , haw been iobligBd to shtit ¦ them up'for the day ; the people havingaetennined that this should be no , &c

      I am instructed by the council to inform you , that the addressi in questum , which tfas ^ wned wi th auch . triumphant ^ aucceaa ; emanated ;«< rf Irpm the Lohm Working Merta , A stoctam ^^^ Lonhon Pemocbatic Association , oy ^ nwa ^ ag this correction ja , th « eolumns of me , bright Star oi theNorth , ¦ - > '' ; . " .:, ' ,, ' - . - \^ ' . ' . . ' . . "¦ ¦ : .-, ; ' . ; Ybuwillobl % e , ! i On behaff of the Association , < ¦ I Your Fellow'Citizen , " G . JULIAN HAmEt , Secretary ^ CouncilRoon ^^^ on ^ Basi ^ aU " street , City » October , 2 nd , iw » .

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      ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE .

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  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 13, 1838, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1027/page/6/