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Northern Star (1837-1852), 28th July 1838, Edition 1 of 1, Page 8, Untitled Article

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      .-ASSOCIATION OF THE WOEKING MEN OF "WAKEFIELD . ^ On Monday last , this Association celebrated their ^ crst anniversary by a public dinner * at the George ^ and Crewn Inn . Several gentlemen , friends of the -good cause , -srere invited on the occasion . . Mr . -lloDg h presided , and Mr . Otty \ ras vice-president . After an excellent dinner , -which did great credit to Mr . Priest , the real business of the day commenced . "Toasts , embodying the most Radical Reform , and 4 hemost constitutional ameliorations in our establishisents , -were given , and Enpported mth . great ability 3 > y the various members of the Association . The ¦ address of the President -was especially noticed for - "its energy and talent Neithenrere the healths of

      their fnendg forgotten ; those of Daniel Gaskill , Esq ., '{ tk&Taie excellent member for " vTakefield , ) and Ms ^ amiable lady , -who has been a considerable "© eneraetress to the Association ^ "were drank with the greatest enthusiasm . Those of Dr . Disney Alexan--tler , the Revs . Messrs . Johnstone , Cameron , and - Cannon , and Captain Wood , who were present , "were ¦ also-green aaid received with every mark of confidence and kindness . These gentlemen severally -addressed the assembly , urging- them to exertion , to -rely on their own efforts , and to qualify themselves for the proper exercise of their undoubted ri ghts by ^ ptipO improvement , and by a moral and virtuous fife . The address of Captain Wood was , perhaps , -more strictly political than those ' of the other

      gentle-* n * n As more applicable , on that account , to the pat purpose for "which the Unions of the working men are established , we present it to our readers . . His health having been drunk , he addressed the assembly to the following effect : —I cannot , my -feiends , acknowledge the favour yon have done me -without congratulating yon on the Union "which yon j&Me formed . It had long been the reproach of the men of W&kefield , that if not absolutely apathetic , -ifcey were but sluggish in pursuit of that Reform , -which can alone raise you to your proper position in ihe political and social scale . Much then do I re-. joice to find you united for the attainment of thotse -rights , the possession of which constitutes the difference between a freeman and a slave . I use this

      ^ tenn because the man who has neither by himself ¦ or his representative , a voice in'the making of the laws , but is , in his person and bis property , made -subject to enactments passed without his consent , ¦ 3 Bd probably against his will , is , in reality , a slave . l l know , indeed , that it has become a fashionable dogma , with men too who once ' professed attacb--ment to popular rights , that all the people of this country are entitled to , is ** good government . " 1 will tell such persons , howev « % that the people are -entitled to something more than this . Thpy are en--atled to Setcrity Tor good government , nnd that i < only to be found in being fully and fairly represented by persons elected by their own free choice , by representatives -who will re .-pect their opinions and defend their interests . Without this j ^ curiry , -food xorernment is hopeless ; legislation ronst be partial , and the unrepresented many , ever prove die victim of the selfish and influential few . Let us

      - however , take a glance at a few of our laws , and » ee if their comparative effect upon the working classes does not bear me outin this opinion . Let me first ask , " wh . it is your political portion ? "' Can any one be so hardened in effrontery as to maintain ' that you have any ' : Oh , yes " . ' T < m are called upon to elect by " shew of hands ! But what is the real value of " this acknowledgment of the old suffrage of the bind . ( Hear . ) Von have had this taught you at your last borough election , where onr excellent friend * . Mr . 1 ) . Gaskell , ~ * as the object of yonr choiee . It has been ha pp il y Illustrated to me on two occasions at Iluddersik-ld , "where I was one day elected by 15 , 000 of my countrymen , whose election was the next dny reversed by less than 4 U ) individual * , who , we were assured by -the framers of the Reform Bill , would be the faithful enran of their opinions , and the guardians of their 'Iinerests ' . What , next Imay ask , i > the benefits you

      derive from our Courts of Law ? All men , we are told , are equal before the la-w : the Courts are open to the "poor as well as . rich . This is unquestionably true . ¦ y cu may enter them ; but , tinder our present system . "Xhis is in nine cases out often an aggravation of the eviL and too frequently you can onlyescapefrom them with utter ruin . Let us look atour fiscal regulasiens . The great landowner and rich capitalist mar . if they choose , so manage affairs as not to pay above one or two per cent , of their immense incomes , in rasation . The surplus they may either amass , ^ quauder awa y on the tprf or gaming-table , or enjoy in the cisriparion of Paris . Naples , Vienna , or -wherever else their pleasure calls them . ~ Sot so with the aabonring man , niJe . ss he bids adieu for ever to the

      "land of his birth . Indirect taxation , as it is in 3 iockery termed , takes , -without a possibility of escape , 25 per cent , from his hardly-earned income , the whole of which is expended iii necessary com-Vibris for himself and family . He is besides exposed " £ © the hardship of a . bread-tax , imposed solely for " xhe benefit of the richer classes , Most assuredly chis is unjost in the extreme ; for taxation should be . ¦ d istributed according to the abilitv-of the rate-payers , i&Ed = shonld , as far as is possible , Se made to fall , not on what is required for the necessaries pf life , but on -whet can be spared for luxury or amassing . Do you -fire better under tie militia laws ? The Peer is -exempt . The rich man can fora sum \( to him of . little importance ) procure a substitute . The poor

      sian alone is compelled to serve . "Be is then told that vitas the duty of all to defend their native land . . Be does so ; and "wiipn peace returns , and his s ? r-- -dees are no longer smnte < 3 , "what is his reward J ( Hear . ) If nnable to find "work for the support of iis family , he is then told , that he has no legal -claim to subsistence in the land he has heen _ compelled to fight for ; ' and the rich -whose possessions he had defended ; and many of -vv&om hold the old abbey lands -which were formerlT , in -fact , the patrimony of the poor , almost begrudge Urn a paltry pittance , doled out to him as a ~ public -nuisance , on condition he parts -with the wile and children of his affection ( all which the world holds ¦ of value to him ) and submits to live in one of their New Poor-houses , a prisoner and a slave ! ( Long continued cheers .. ) Such language may by some be . deemed strong and inflammatory . I trouble not

      my--self , however , about its prudence or ' imprudence . The most important . question is , -whether it be true -or false . What I have stated are lamentable realities ; and no one can , with truth , deny that the scrims : classes of tViis country are theTictims of legislation . But mistake me not . my friends , I am liot advocating social equality , I am not recommending any . Agrarian law . Your own good sense will "tsflyou , shat gradations in society always hare existed , and always will and must exist ^ Neither are are the framers of such laws to be condemned as guilty of wilful cruelty ; they are , in fact , too frequently ignorant of Tour real " wants and sufferings ; and allowance must be made fdr the prejudices" : dieir Education and position , and for the workings of that selfishness ¦ which , often -unknown to ourselves , influences our actions , and is , unfortunately , inherent in our verv nature . Neither are the evils

      Tou endure the effect of our form of Governmentnot in its consisting of King , Lords , and Commons , ^ Erut in the theory of the Constitution not being carried ont into practice . Had all their proper weioht the interests of all would be attended to . But % e due equilibrium of the Three Estates no longer -2 idst 3 . The Sovereign has become little more than -a gaudy puppet , moved , to amuse a deluded people . hv an usurping , an insatiable , and all-powerful Aristocracy , who , quarrelling among themselves for -jlace end power—can -unite alone to oppose the just . ckims and the real liberties of the people . ( Loud cheers . ) The history of our country proves that , by the limitation of the elective franchise , in the reign of Henry VI , the people were deprived of legislative

      mnnence ^—that , by what you Protestants miscal the -Jtefonnation , the poor were robbed of their patrimony , and that , by what the Whigs may well term their ** Glorious Revolution of 16 S 8 , " th&Crown was , "in fact , divested of supreme authority . And who trere the gainers by these changes : " The Aristo--cracy of the land , who have again , under cover of a delnsive Bill of Reform , extended and consolidated their rule % and possess , in reality , the whole power of the state . ( Cheers . ) Captain Wood then entered into the history and law of the elective suffrage . He shewed , by the preamble of Tth Henry YL , and by the observations thereon , by Nathaniel Bacon and others , that , up to that period Universal Suffrage -prevailed . He quoted Blackstone to prove , that

      representation should be coextensive with taxation : \ ind that no one can be constitutionally taxed without consent , either by himself or his representative ; and also adduced LerdBroueham's declaration during 'die debates on the Reform Bill , that represention was tae right of an the tax-paying inhabitants of the -kingdom . ' ¦ But ,- ' continued he , " our lordly rulers -say you are not fit to elect members . I do not wonder at this opinion . 1 do not wonder at a man Zike Lord John Russell , when he reflects how the nch abbey lands of Tavistock and Woburn came into possession of the House of Bedford , having some it-are of a day of reckoning . I so far agree with him , that J do not believe the real representatives of the people would legislate like the minions of the aristocracy . I do not believe that to pander to the Just of Henry the Eighth , they would havp

      im , qnitonslv transferred to the rich the ch-nrcn ana aUbey lands , and tithes , "which were the real -patrimony of the poor . I do not believe they would i&ve passed the Septennial Act , nor sanctioned our national debt of 800 millions to carry on wars against the freedom of America and France , and to strangle -liberty at home . I do not believe they would have -fomented insurrection in Ireland , because they felt ^ stro ng enough to put it down ' by military force . 1 -do not believe they would have rewarded the perpetrators of the Manchester massacre . Neither -do I believe they would permit the present iniquitous compact between the Insh landowners and sinecure vdergyx > f - the establishment , for the perpetuation of ¦ tithesin that country , to an anti-national church , sehose deeds are deeds not of mercy , but of blood . ( Loud cheers . ) I do not believe they would sanction such enormities , that the younger branches of the oriftocracy may live in luxury and idleness ; but I

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      do Relieve , despite the fears of the timid , that they would allow every one to enjoy his own * whether in conscience , property , or person , without let or hindrance . I do believe they would be alive to the real hononr of their country—that , in a word , they would seek the only legitimate end of all legislation , cheap and good Government , and the diffusion of the greatest possible happiness among the greatest possible number . With these opinions , I have always felt it my duty to advocate the mostextended reform . 1 consider it demanded- equally by policy and justice . I havebeen absurdl y enough accused of violence for so doing , for how violence can consist in doing as we would be done by , in giving to every man hS birthright , whilst we deprive no other of any thing he can justly claim , I have never yet been able to discover . " Captain Wood then noticed and

      ndiculed some of the common objections made to Radical Reform . He" showed by reference to the state of New York and other places , that Universal Suffrage , although exercised by the poorest , and , among others , by the wildest of our Irish emigrants , far from endangering property , was productive ot prosperity , emanating from good Government . He maintained that history proved spoliation to be ever the work not of the many , but the few , and concluded by recommending unanimity of feeling and action in the great cause they had in hand , urging them to join their fellow-men throughout the kingdom for the recovery of their long lost butnndoubted right , and not to be diverted from the pursuit by any other consideration whatever . He believed their cause to be that of the public good , and wished them success with the wannest feelings of his heart ^ w ^ w ^ ^* ^ ^ ¦ h v ¦¦ ^»*» ¦ ¦ ¦ ¥ vv in mirg fe «¦ # ^^^ bk ^ ^^* ^ 4 ^* ^ 4 v % V * M

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      1 ^ GEEAT RADICAL MEETING AT GLASGOW . FEARGUS O'CONNOR . On Monday night , Mr . F . O'Connor addressed in the Bazaar , Candleriggs-street , one of the largest meetings of the inhabitants of Glasgow ever held in that place . Dr . Taylor , in proposing a chairman , said he was very certain that the purpose for which this meeting was held , being to hear one of tht > best Radicals , not only in Scotland , England , and Ireland , but in the wide world ; be was very certain , he said , that he need not fear that those of his countrymen whom he saw around him would conduct themselves—even th « whole mn& 4 whom he saw before him- ^ -with that calmness aud deliberation which would bid defiance to the sneers of their enemies , and would > hew" thnni

      that if they -were not rich , they were a great deal better behaved . ( Cheers , and a hi *? . ) He begged to propose—( a hiss , drowned by rheers , followed bv a c ; ill I ' mm the other end of . the meetiug of "Then * are Whiirs here . ") He trusted that everything which iuteriered with the harmony of the meeting would be put down , with a voice which never can be misunderstood . ( Cheers . ) He now proposed , ns their Chairman , an honest man , who had stood by Radical pr inciples and the rights of the working classes , to which lie belonged , through pood and through bad report , and who well deserved the honour wh . ch he proposed they should confer on him—Mr , Charlvs Mat ;; it * son . ( Great cheering . )

      Mr . Mathieson , ou taking the chair , said it was usual th .-it thus .. ' chosr-u to presiae over a meeting of their fellow-men , should return thanks ; and They would excuse him if , in a few words , he followed thfs example . He cheerfully accepted the situation which he now held , because from twenty years " experience in occa > ion ; illy meeting with thVpeople « f Oinspow . particularly the working classes , he was persuaded that they wou-d on this , as well-as on -every other occasion , exhibir such propriety of couunct would

      , as put their cavilling enemies at defiance . ( Cheers . ) On such an important occasion as this , the most important meeting ever held here , or in any part oi the world , they would not belie the character they had hitherto -maintained , but by their peaceful and orderly conduct would compel their enemies to respect them . ( Cheers . ) He would not detain them longer , but would introduce to them a gentleman whose name would be received with cheerfulness and satisfaction—suffice it to say , honest Feargus O'Connor . ( Tremendous applause . )

      Mr . Coxxor came forward to the front of the platform , and was received with several rounds of applause . Mr . Chairman and working men of Glasgow . —he proceeded , —If , when nearly two years ago J addnvsed you from this spot , there was ' conh'dence on my part , and , perlinps , anxiety and doubt on yours , we now meet under better auspices , and , I trust , with mutual feelings of confidence . ( Cheers . ) When I hist addressed yon , however , I had a different duty to perform . Then it wad mv business to

      collect the scattered Radicals of the nation into one holy union , to go on gathering together their strength to support the good men and bring- terror to all Cad men . ( Cheers . ) But in the piesent instance 1 appear before yon for the purpose of preventing the ¦ union from being frittered away by each section following out some particular crotchet , forgetful of general and national purposes . ( Cheers . ) 1 address you on the principles you proclaimed to the world you would support when 1 formerly appeared among you . If we do not agree now as we did on that

      , it is you , not I . who have changed . ( Hear , and cheers . ) I am well aware that they who sow do not always reap ; that those who would be martyrs to a good cause must undergo the pangs of martyrdom ; public men must submit to public opinioD . and their safest course i * to follow on , guided by-p r inciple . ( Cheers . ) We gentlemen who appear before meetings of the public , must examine ourselves , onr own consciences , and ask if , indeed , we sre in a fit state to appear before the public . 1 have examined myself , and declare , that 1 am prepared to appear belore you , and advocate yourrights in defiance of the union of Whigs and Tones . ( Hisses and great cheering . ) I hear some trifling hisses in one corner , but they sound as music in my ear .

      ( Cheers . ) They are the last hissintrs of an expiring faction , at witnessing the death-Wow of foul eorruption . and the magnanimity which this meeting is about to display . ( Cheers !) I have been asked " by several Associat ions — Radical Associations , and Associations of workmen for various purposes , to lecture on certain subjects ; but it is impossible , excited as I am , and may be expected to be , with the appearance of the present meeting before me , to select calmly and coolly , as I would in my closet , those subjects which might be thought shonld most naturally follow each otherin a well-arranged speech . I have been asked to address you on the subjects of a de < potical , a monarchical , and a republican Government ;—to define what is meant bv the Civil

      List , — -and what effect machinery has had on the labouring classes of the country . " It may be that 1 may touch on these subjects , but I have a * wider field to traverse—a more cxten ^ ve duty to perform . Mr . O'C . then entered into areview of Scottish history . The monarch whom their ancestors lolloped to the gates of Worcester , deceived them ; for when they were panting for liberty , which they trusted would be restored to them by him whom they had placed in power , they were met by persecution under the hands of the cruel Sharpe , the bloody Middleton , the tyrannical Landerdale , and the infernal Claverhoiise . ( Hear , and cheers . ) When they were fighting the battles of the monarch did they not naturally expect that the first decrpps nf ti ^ t

      monarch would be in favour of liberty of conscience . Money was one thing necessary to liave lent , the people might have been left the blessed reflection that they should have it in their power to worship the God of their consciences . ( Cheers . ) It was to impose restraint on their consciences that the first pound of national debt was incurred . This was at the time when William anticipated , and Parliament anticipated , the wishes of the people , and imposed a mortgage upon land ; but the land , be it remembered—the barren surface of the soil—was unprofitable until it was made available by the industry of the labouring man . There was no beauty in the block of marble—there was no value in the mine nnnl it i ^ wrought , and when they heard of the

      land being mortgaged , they must understand that it is the life-blood , " the sinews , the marrow , and the bones of the . working classes that is the real value . He _ pas > ed on from that period , the first time the national debt was imposed , and in the progress of that debt , they would clearly understand that every tarthuig of mone y—every tax that had been imposed was with a view to suppress liberty , and make tbe working classes still more and more dependant . He should not go through the different periods of history m their order , hut would come at once near to their own time . He should commence at this part ot hi address with the French Revolution , and go on to the time of the passing of the Reform Bill , and from that up till this nightwhen of them

      , many would leave him to go home without a fire to warm them , or a meal to place before them . ( Hear , hear . ) Every tax laid on with the semblance of supporting liberty , was a guarantee to the aristocracy more than in the plenitude of their audacity they could look for . Mr . O'Connor here adverted to the scheme originated bv William Pitt , to carry on the war against France ' . They had been gronnd down by means of their own money . The debt in the reign of "William , at its commencement , might be two thonsand five hundred pounds , now it amounted to eight hundred millions . He next referred to the causes "which induced Britain to take part" in the war against France . It was not ,- he said , because this nation

      cared whether France was Republican or Monarchical in her government , but because the aristocracy feared the very semblance of popular liberty in this country , beciuse they were afraid tiat the nation would gain ground , that governments would be conducted without kings , or even an aristocrcy . ( Cheers . ) This it was which induced Pitt to sacrxbee every interest of the country to the support of his order . So far he succeeded , and they had now to pay the debt which was thereby incurred . Since then they had been governed by their own money , and kept in check by the taxes wrung from the produce of their own industry . After this came the Irish rebellion . Demands -were made for the reform of abuses , but thev were not listened

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      to . Ttare was , therefore , little wonder that ^ when offered assistance by a nation that promised so much , and was the same in religion , they accepted it . The result of that struggle is known . While the nation was prostrate after its recent defeat , and without the power of resistance , the union between the two countries took place , which had the effect of adding one hundred corrupt votes to a Parliament which supported the vilest government on the face of the earth . The people were comfortable as long , as they were allowed to ( govern themsplves . ' . ' . ¦ But there was wanting something to carry the aristocracy on in their crusade against liberty , and the union of the two cotintries , causing the extinction of one independent legiBlature , effected the ; r purpose . The people almost

      wholly opposed the measure , but , ; under the circumstances , no wonder they "were ¦ unsuccessful . Historians of the day would tell the Irish , as they had told them , that it was the union that conferred all the benefits , and produced all the blessings , which they enjoyed , as if , while every other nation was progressing in intelligence and comfort , they alone would have been standing still , as if , while science was marching onwards , on erery side , they alone would have been ignorant of its improvements . ( Cheers . ) Look at what followed . Look at the lavish expenditure of blood . ( Hear . ) Look at thelavish expenditure of money which then took place . To ^ procure the government the support of the landed interest , it was protected ; to ensure new loans the

      money classes were encouraged * But the labouring classes were neglected , because they were not represented . The settling-day of accounts at length arrired—the war was at an end—and the blood-letting , money-grasping Aristocracy had to adopt other measures to keep their position secure ^ Before three years had elapsed the landed interest had gotten the bonus of a restriction on foreign corn , the advantages which they derived during tthe war from the high prices consequent on the position of this country , during that period of gambling prosperity . The money which the agriculturists had been enabled to accumulate , from the peculiar situation of this country during that time enabled them the more easily thus to benefit themselves at

      the expense of the people . The money interest had also to be cared for and by the bin carried by Sir R , Peel , 60 per cent , was added to the National Debt Why was it that only three years excitement was needed to carry these measures ? It was because the classes that demanded the measures were represented ; nnd it was because the people were not represented , that their property—their labour- ^ - which was the gift of God , was left without any protection . ( Cheers . ) It was then that the peolple goaded on by oppression and misery , and the agents of a miscreant government , resorted , in some instances , to that mode of resistance which ended in their own destruction . These individuals felt they had no part in the social , and were disregarded in

      t tie moral compact , which binds society . ( Cheers . ) They likewise , in many instances , commenced a rude , barbarous , dull warfare against machinery , as it the destruction of machinery could have at all benefited theircondition . 11 was about that time that > lashiug Lord Brougham and other worthy Radicals now—( cheers and laughter )—began to insist more strenuously for the destruction of that system of representation which had produced so much calamity and misery . In Ireland they began by demanding •• mancipation , and irom 1819 , they were determined on the accomplishment of that one measure . The measure was got , but vvas Ireland in tht ; least benefited ? Had the tithe-consuming clergy been less severe in their exactions , or more merciful in

      enforcing them r Had the tithe proctor been ch :, ngH < 3 , or were the people of Ireland not still suHeriug almost every misery and every indignity , which they had ever suffered as a Catholic people in a Protestant country ? ( Cheers . ) They gave up their political rightslor freedom in religion . They gave up a reality—380 , 000 were disfranchised , were depr ived of their electoral rights , and it was only a shadow they had gotten in return . This , however , wits their first great struggle . The Whigs shortly after got into power , and since then they had been doing exactly what they would not allow the Tories to do while they were in the oppo-ition . The knowledge , too , which they formerly lan ' ded in the people , which was necessary to pass the Reform . Sill , and get themselves into power , they now detest ;

      they dread that knowledge , because they know that it will progress to their destruction . But now they saythe people have no knowledge at all ; now that their services are not requisite , they are deteriorated and are of no value , because that knowledge is used for the reform of abuses in which the Whigs are interested . Even * thing opposed to corruption must be put down that they may live on that corruption . ( Cheers . ) Mr . O'Connor then passed hurrily over the time between JS 19 and . 1830 ; A year Before the last named period , the people-fif Ireland had obtained emancipation ; but this had since proved a bauble , dear in the purchase , and comparatively worthless when bought . It had bet-ii worn round their necks as an onuunent ,.- . but it hud been bought by the sacrifice of the rights of 38 , 000

      freeholders , ( hear , hear , ) and the only good it had conferred was- the enabling of a few barristers to obtain silk gowns , while its positive evil was such as he had described . Disgusted with this measpre , the people of Ireland had turned with enthusiasm along with the people of England and Scotland , to a reform of parliament . That reform had been obtained ; and what had been ihe result ? What had b > en the good effected " - What had been the advantage to the people—the working masses ? Mr . O"Connor showed that the people had been in reality made worse in their condition . They had looked to ihe new order of things—they had looked to the Whigs supported by a Whig parliament—for justice ; but they had looked in vain . The Tories had

      under the i > ld system , spent the people ' * money in the most lavish profusion . They had fattened on the public purse , to the lowest functionary , over which luivernment had control , and the people " hoped for relief from this galling burden . But they had found that with Whigs in office Tory principles governed . The Whigs were not bold enough—they were not manly enough , to oust the Tories from the fastnesses in which they had established themselves , that they might prey upon the people ; but they had , nevertheless , their own adherents to provide for , and they did this by innumerable commissions . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) If an adherent of the Whigs desired office , the place - . might not be open for him , being occupied by a Tory whom the Whiirs

      durst not displace , but the Whigs had another resource—they could get up commissions , ( hear , hear , and cheers , ) and appoint their underling a commissioner to be paid by the people . ( Tremendous applause . ) When the Whigs wished to keep up popular commotion , they _ encouraged Radical principles and Radical associations ; now they would suppress every tiling of the kind , . and in order to effect this end they would establish a rural police . ( Hear , hear , cheers , and a groan for the Whigs . ) This rural police would be a great help to the . Whigs . Not that they cared one particle for the peace of the country further than suited their own purposes , — with them there was little of itself positively-evil , from pitch and toss to manslaughter , or little difference

      between the appointment of a policeman and of a King of Canada—but that it would enable them , with " the aid of their frrieuds and allies of the Tory opposition , to keep the people in subjection . The Whigs and the Tories knew the benefits ot union , and they acted accordingly ; but Radicals , with an obliqueness of vision that was truly lamentable , were ever apt to magnify the faults of their "' friends , and to become estranged from each , other without rational cause . How were the friends of Radicalism after rewarded ? How had his friend Dr . Taylor been rewarded for his zealous , his able , and his efficient services in the good work ? A man who had , it might be said , spent his all in the cause , and who was yet devoting his powerful intellect to the

      advancement of the welfare of the people . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) So long as Radicals acted in the spirit to which he had alluded , they would continue to be a prey to both Whigs aud Tories . Mr . O'Connor then took a cursory view of the conduct of the Liberals in the House of Commons . And first , as to Ireland . In 1832 and 1835 , the Irish Liberal Members were progressive in their politics—they urged Ministers onward . What were they now ? The mere fags of a rotten Administration , ( Great applause . ) Next , as to Scotland . Wallace had become a dead letter ; and Gillon , of Falkirk , had . actually counted out the House when Lord Ashley wished to bring under the notice of Parliament , and and of the country , the case of the Factory Children .

      ( Hear , hear , and groans . ) But he would not dwell on the delinquencies of their Representatives . He would come at once to the Reform Bill , and ask , what benefit that measure had conferred on the Br itish people . It had given privileges to the man who had a costly rug to his hearth ; but what had it donh for him who was dressed in moleskiii ? ( Loud cheering . ) In speaking of these things , he had no wish to address the passions of his hearers—he spoke to their reason . He meant to show that the great body of the people had received no benefit from the Reform Bill of 183-2 . ( Hear , Hear . ) Previous to the passing of that act , there existed in Parliament a powerful opposition to oppressive measures on the part of Government , that opposition being supported by an active and influential public opinion . Now a Whie Ministry were in

      power , ready to trample on public rights and public happiness , and there was no opposition to check them , save that opposition from the Tories , which only kept them from doing good , and urged them forward in evil . ( Hear . ) Under the existing sjstem , mischief was accomplished with the greatest ease ; and while a battle required to be fought for the slightest boon sought by the people , and even a battle was often found to terminate in victory to the enemy . ( Hear , hear . ) When a Colony was to be coerced , the bill went through Parliament with railway speed ; but so soon as an oppressed people , ground down to the earth b y extreme taxation , sought relief from their sufferings , a get of fatted , bloated Commisaoners were sent to enquire into what was as clear as day ; and , on one pretence or

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      another , relief was withheld . - ( Cries of ' true , ' and greBt applause . ) By this means , a ^^ fc of imperium in vnperto was ^ created . , ^^^ But what of ; that ? The Whigs could riot live without patronage . The old and original sources of patronage were monopolized by ^ the Tones , ^ and from these the W'higs durst not and could not displace them . The Commissioners were , therefore , absolutely necessary to the Whies . so long as they refused to throw themselves on the Th ^ f v Pf ¥ ^ 1 " * ( Hear , hear . The \ V bigs had refused to throw themselves on this support , ^ as had been proved by their treatment of ji 5 Ashley s motion relative to the factory children . |« ear , hear . ) He did notmean to produce a hostile impression respecting machinem on the contrary

      ne was convinced that the introduction of machinery m a natural estate ; of things , when snpply and £ ema ttd had , free scrope , and when the law pertotted thelabourer to engage his fair and equitable proportion of the produce obtained , machinery was calculatedto bethe working man ' s holiday ; but as things were , machinery had been made the workman s curse , and it was against this state of society that Lord Ashley ' s bill sought to provide a remedy , ( tries oi hear , hear , and loud cheers . ) He would tell the working men of Scotland , that no matter what grievances they had to redress—what , political party they supported ) no principle was worth a tarthing except the jgreat principle of Universal huftrage . ( Cheers . ) In order to show them that he oiiower in the as

      w ^ as gooa a t cause a leader , he might state that so s 0 on as he found the advocacy of the question had fallen into otherhandshe withdrew . Whence heard that Mr . Attwood had advanced he sajd this man would be a more powerful general thani he was—hitherto he had been a leader ritfw he would become a follow « r-a drummer in the arifiW f A laugh and great cheering . ) He had been taunted ? e , lones withi recommending application to physical force . He would ask those men if he had not on any occasion in -which : he had addressed the people used language denunciatory of P hysical force ? ( Cheers . ) But there was a difference to he observed in the application of the terms physical force . He might quote the wards of the learHn < r

      oracles of theday with respect to physical force , as well as that of many popular men , as to how far it should be used . Mr . O'Connell made use of the lollowinglanguage : — « Hereditary bondsmen * kiiow ye not , who must be free , themselves must strike the Z' , slesnin f Harry Brougham with reference to the three glorious days—or rather the three days ot I-ranee intended to be glorious , but which were not so in their effects—Slashing Harry saidbe hoped the day was not far distant when King ' s heads would be made for little boys to kick about the streets . ( Laughter , and cheers . ) After further quoting ^ irom the speeches of Mr . O'Connell , Lord Brougham , Mr , Attwood , Mr . Fielden , and also from Milton , passages -with reference , to

      the application of physical force , he defended the Rev . Mr . Stephens from the charges of exciting the neople to rebellion , because he had used similar language , and contended that Mr . Stephens wished to see the ; law administered as became the Christian religion . And this was the basis of Radicalisms-equal laws , and justice to all men . England , Scotland , or Ireland hadno separate interest . As djflerent waters flowed into our channel , so did the real interests of the three kingdoms flow into each other . But , unfortunately , the analogy might be carried still further . Waters did -not unite at tke summit of their elevation , and iif-ither did tlie rate of wages throughout the United Kingdom . There was no toll at Belfast , and Irish labour was

      brought over to this country in unmeasurable quantities , to unite and to compete with the- labour of Scotchmen and of Englishmen , on the lowest level . ( Immense applause . ) The landed interest had protected themselves at the peace by a starvation Corn Law ; the landholders had protected themselves by the currency law of 181 U . What was left for the industrious classes I It had been reserved-for the Whigs of 183 ? to provide a remedy tor their evils , and that remedy had been a crusade against trades ' unions . . ( Hear , hear . ) Trades' unions had been represented as all that was bad , but what had been their object ? . It was simply to protect labour , by a legal combination for the sustenance of one portion of labotirefs , in order that the remainder might

      obtain so much higher remuneration . Trades' unions had been represented as mischievous—abuse and calumny bad been heaped upon them—because , in one or two instances , * the onice-bearers of such unions had been found bad men ; but , he would iisk , when was the society , the wisest ill its constitution , or the best in its general management ^ that might not become implicated in the proceedings of faithless and hypocritical onice-bearers ? But trades' unions might be done away with ; the necessity ior them might be annihilated . Let the people obtaiu Universal Suffrage —( hear , hear , and loud cheers )—and there will be little more need of trades' unions . ( Great cheering . ) There would then be no on «; law for tlie rich and another for

      the poor . The House of Commons would then ¦ represent the people , both rich and poor * and then legislation would , m consequence , be comparatively fair and impartial . He did not ; come there to conciliate either Whigs or Tories . He bad been charged with a wish to excite the people to the employment of physical force , and if he had really been the fiery Irishman he had been represented , he had had an excellent opportunity of exhibiting his warlike propensities at a late meeting- at Newcastle , where the military had been , commi&eioned to insult the people in the exercise of their just rights . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) But no . He had called upon all to maintain order , ta bear patiently , knowing that their cause was just , and

      that they must ultimately triumph—( hear , hear)—and he had been successful in his exhortations . Now , he would like to-know what the Whigs would have atiid of this military outrage had the Tories been in power , and they in opposition . ( Laughter . ) The country would never have heard an end of their declamation about Constitutional freedom , or about the blow that had been attempted to be struck at the constitutional rights of the people . ( Loud cheers . ) But the Radicals did not need to-come in contact with the military . They had a noble public opinion with them , which was the foundation of all law . They had heard of the glorious Revolution of 1 ( J 88 , when Whigs and . Tories joined in expe . Uing a King who had broken faith with the nation . He did

      not know whether any of his or their ancestors had bled in that Revolution , but this he knew , that it gave the people Universal Suffrage—that Universal Suffrage of which they were now deprived . ( Great applause . ) Now , there was not a feature of this in the Constitution , as it was called , with , which they were at the present time favoured . The Constitution was , in fact , a mere matter of clouds—an Act of Parliament changed at any time . If Parliament said that . Parliaments should be eleoted triennially , then triennial Parliaments became a part of the Constitution ; if the septennial time was fixed on by Parliament , then die Constitution adopted it . The Reform Bill was an emphatic declaration that the Parliament of that day was corrupt :-it abrogated the

      Constitution under which this cowupt Parliament existed , and all that the Radicals now wish for is a rpturn to the old and comparatively pure Constitution . ( Great cheering . ) He was satisfied that the poverty which met them at every turn , and which had so depressing an influence on the people , was chiefly—be might almost say solely—the result of foolish and wicked legislation . ( Hear , hear . ) Some of the means of knowledge had been taxed , and knowledge itself , from whatever source it might spring , would , he doubted not , meet the same fate , it a Chancellor of the Exchequer could measure it . Were such the case , they ffiigut . see Mr . Spring Rice , with a brain-gage , as they now saw election sheriffs with a property-gage of political intelligence ; . but passing over the Administration ol which he was- a

      member , as too minute in its capacity for ordinary calculation . ( Immense laughter and applause . ) At the present day Peel , Russell , arid O'Connell were playing at battledore and shuttlecock , with the peace of , Ireland as a stake . Ilussellhad said it was im possible , by liiB ^ Act of Parliament , to quietlreland , without paying the arrears of tithe . W as not this a proof that there was a public opinion above and beyond the law ! without which the law could not be carried into operation ? Were this public opinion properly represented in Parliament , meetings such as that before him would be of little importance . The interest attached to them was the result of the inadequate representation of the people . Mr . O'Connor then proceeded to advert to the Radical movement now in progress , under the auspices ol

      Mr . T . Attwood and the Radicals of Birmingham . He said lie had great confidence in Mr . Attwood : he had sat withhimiu Parliament for three years , and he had seen him . to be aman honest arid straightforward in his principles , not to be twisted by the intrigues of party ; therefore he was happy to be placed under the leadership of such a man . At the demonstration which takes , place this day fortnight at Birmingham , a new charter would be submitted , embodying a constitution based on the principles in which they were all agreed . This was a constitution based on the judginent of our ancestors , and he trusted he would be present at the demonstration , to represent the interests of the Glasgow people , although ; he could wish to see a special delegate there . ( Clieers . ) He had been at Pairfev , BarrUead . and several

      -places around , addressing the people , and with all his violence , he was afraid , from the enlarged views which they seemed to have of their principles , that they esteemed him but a milk and water Radical after all . ( Cheers . ) He was going to make himself useful in another quarter . His'Friend , Dr . Taylor , had cut out a little work for him in Ayrshire , and thither he proceeded to-morrow . He should be glad if the Radicals were united all over the kingdom . No matter whether for an election , or a ^ demonstration , or a display of any kind , it would be a worthy consideration to be enabled to say that they were in a position to stand forward in their own strength . He might be told that all his exertions were vain and useless . It would entirely depend npon them whether or not they had backed him in his efforts with confidence andsupport * ( Cheers , ) If they were estranged— . if

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      ^^^^^^^^^^ % rf ^^^^^^^^^^^^ B ^ fcl ^ fc ^^ . t ^ f ^^^ " ^""*'"'* QBBHp ^ BHHHBHBHHIHMHHHHlflMBMMMBHHHii one auction took up one crotchet and another another , they would fall an easy prey to their enemies * If they held fast on the stronghold of principle they were sore to jjrevail—that principle was Universal Suffrage , which if they gained not it would not be his fault . He had determined to devote his best services to this , in his own country and in England , and if he was to blame his condemnation vras from adherencetp principle . The great question on which he came out in public life . in hiaown country , was one which he would not yet give up—it was Whether the people of that conn try were to be ^ verned-by their own laws , passed by their own Parliament . ( Hear . ) Were the repeal of the Union effected , they would riot find Irishmen competing with them in the

      harvest or m mechamcal labour . The withering blast © f poverty would ce < we to drive them hither , jand the tainted gale of faction would no longer cause Ireland to mourn over her slaughtered sons . The cornfields , instead of being sacrificed to a grinding priesthood , would , by the industry and skill of the labourers , blessed with a just Government arid equal lawSj ^ rield abundance to the people , and the country wonldresume that greatness and mdependence which it had lost through . misrule and corruption . ( Cheers . ) The question again occurred a « to the application of physical force . What was alegidinivte reason for a nation to go to war . Not surely contumely towards an officer . Not an affair of a-Fixen ^ oithe blockade of a river . Not violence of temper to Lord Durham ,

      or a supposed insult ^ to the country . There were different conceptioris he had observed of : the worda ^' physical force , " and various opinions as to when it ought to be used . TheKinghad a right tpproblaim war if the flag which is accustomed to sweep triumphantly over the waves was insulted , or ifthere was only the slightest indignity offered to an ambassador ; but if the whole nation were bowed down under the weight of oppression , it was needless to argue , moral force alone was to be recommended , "lam convinced that if the Government of the country goes on as it has done , in the face of the : remonstrances so frequentiy thrown out ^ it will not be in my poorer , nor-in the power of any man living , to arrest that state of things which shall come about . " I would rather die a freeman than live a slave . " " When the constitution of iny- country tells have to

      me I aright carry arms , my own wisdom wilLtell me when to use them . ' These were not positions of his : they were propounded by the greatestof statesman . But the words of living men carry with them little weight now-a-days . The language of a Pitt ,, a Fox , or a Canning , was of far greater weight . One sentence quoted from these ihen would have more effect in the House of Commons , than if all the liberals—so called—should speak until they were " black in the face . " ( Laughter and cheers . ) But whatever Innguage was used , it had no effect . There was a quantity of money in their labour which must be handed over-to the mouey-mongers , to be divided among the corrupt parties in the State . He concluded by urging them to perseverance , until they obtained the management ; of their own affairs . Should he fall , there would be others to supply his place . ( Cheers . )

      Dr . Taylor again rose to address the meeting T and was received with great applause . * It required no small daring , he said , in any man to appear before them at a inomeiit like this . He must , if he dared to hope for a hearing , fancy that he concentrates in himself all the powers of eloquence which had that night astonished and deligated them . — ( Cheers . ) Nothing but the feeling that he had a duty to perform ot a pleasing natune , in the fulfilment of which he auticipated much satisfaction , could induce any man to come forward to address a public meeting after Mr . O'Cor . nor and while his words were yet soundingin their ears ; , and vibrating in their souls . A resolution had been intrusted to him , and were it not that a great moral obligation

      had fallen upon some gentleman to return thanks to Mr . O'Connor for his exertions on the , part of the mi . < -coHdemned and tyrannised Cotton Spinners , he would , in proposing that resolution ,, detain them with a few remarks on the measure introduced into the House of Commons by Lord Ashley , one of the best defenders of the people's rights in England . ( Hear and cheers . ) But this being the case , he would ask their indulgence for a single moment only , while he offered a few very general observations . In all their efforts to obtain their just rights , they would be taunted , arid might be strenuously opposed . They had their ears open—they heard what it was their duty to do , ( Cheers . ) For him to say a word with regard to their proper duty , therefore , would

      be worse than useless . ( Hear . ) The beautiful language which they had heard to-night on that point was explicit arid perfectly conclusive . Moral force in contrast to physical force was . generall y recommended ; but moral force had never been productive of any good . ( Hear . ) It was only as the shadow of a chastening power that it could , do good . ( Hear , hear . ) ' ? Their oppressors would not heed moral force , unless they were aware that physical force was behind . ( Hear . ) The words of several excellent statesmen had been referred to yrith regard to this subject . He hada shorterway than they had of coming to a conclusion . He approved of what O'Connell said that moral force in itself could produce no result except to make the people think . They had thought long enough , aaid -what better were they if they only thought themselves worse off

      than before . ( A laugh , and great cheering . ) If a revolution got by blood , and after twenty battles , were good in 1688 Tit could not be-bad in 1838 ,- — ( Cheers . ) If Universal Suffrage , Annual Parliaments , the Payment of Members , and No Money Qualification were the basi s of the former revolution , and which the Whigs pretended to- call " glorious , " and even the Orangemen of Ireland looked upon as something beneficial , a revolutioa in 1838 , having the same objects , could not be wrong ¦ ; and if they had recourse to blood and slaughter , they would have themselves tobliune . ( Cheers . ) He concluded by reading the resolution , which contained thanks to Mr . O'Connor , for his exertions in promoting an extensive union of the Radicals throughout the kingdoms , and then sat down amidst immense applause-.

      Mr . M'Kerracher seconded the resolution . Having heavd the powerful and eloquent address of our distinguished visitor replete with sound reason and argument , the question ' are we entitled to-the franchise ? " need not be argued here ; hut rather howcan we most speedily obtain it ? How can we best destroy the domination of dass that at present exists , and establish an equality of political privilege ? Is it by argument , % y petition , or by threat that we are most likely to succeed ? Our sapient legislators have never yet admitted the cogency of the first the of the

      , or justice second , and it is . not to be expected they will be frightened into compliance by the last , so long as ' we remain in a disorganized condition . To wield then a power that will act for good npori our rulers and tell with advantage to ourselves , we must give up the agitation of subsidiary measures , and with the men of Yorkshire , " of Lancashire , of Cumberland , concentrate our energies in the great Northern Union , which has for its object the attainment of Universal Suffrage , and for the formation of which we are indebted to oui friend Mr . Feargus O'Connor . " . - ¦'

      Mr . Gillkspib moved a vote of thanks to Mr . O'Connor . He was sure there was not a working man present who would not respond , to the call . ( Cheers . ) When they saw him in the outset of his public career—when they saw him at Rathcormac , and defending the Dorchester labourers , they would be prepared to feel towards him tbat respect and esteem to which such an advocate of their interests was entitled . But there was a subject connected with this city—the Cotton Spinners' Trial , in which he had rendered such services as they ought never to forget . ( Cheers . ) In conclusion , he proposed three deafening cheers for Feargns O'Connor . The motion was responded to with loud acclamations .

      Mr . F . O'Connor returned them his best thanks . lie was glad that his friend , Mr . fiillespie , bad hot confined himself to any local act of his on which to base bis motion of thanks . His labours were riot to [> romote the interests of Ireland more than Of Eogand , or those of England more than of Scotland . He had been elected to the House of Commons by large majorities , without spending one farthing in the contest ; but while he occupied a seat in that House , it never could be said . -that his attention was alone directed to the interests of hisiown constituency . Ireland was , indeed , his country , but the world was his republic . He had laboured to secure a union of the working men and to make them alive to their own interests . He had so far succeeded : for

      political associations , and the principles headvocated had sprung up in almost every 'district . ' " He . had learned in Glasgow there was something like dissention arising , in consequence of soriie of their numbers being over anxious to conciliate the \ Vhigs , and he determhied on lending his assistance ns a pacificator , lest it should gain ground and * lead to warfare . Let there then be no party pulling , one way in opposition to the rest of their friends , "but let them have " a loag pull , a strong pull , and a piiU altogether , " to put down the tempV of corruption , and establish the bulwarks of liberty .. ( Great eheftss . ) He little deserved their thanks , but they wereentitled to Ms ; for although a good deal of money bad been spent on his education , at colleges and schools of learning , he never was a match for those clever

      fellows who . ground their arguments in metaphysics and abstract sciences , until he mingled with the people . There he had read the book ot Nature : they had told him where the shoe pinched them , and he had determined to let it . out . ( Cheers . ) H . e . ^ had . been much pleased to see such a meeting of working men , conducting themselves with snch propriety ¦ . as they had done . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) lhey would iheet with a great - . many Whigs and Tories , who would tell them , they were immoral . [ Here there was a call from the midst of the meeting of the Sheriff—touch him * ip ^ 'l- . A 3 re--. the Shenft . He had a feast prepared for the Sheriff , to which he would invite him at another time . He ^ would endeavour to find a contrast to the views of the Sheriff with regard to the morality of the working classes . Oh ! if he had a search warrant to search the houses of those Whigs and Lords , who malign the lower

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      orders , and the ho-oses which «* net belong to ^ 5 » . " *>» & theyfirec knented-wMk ihe I 3 £ S ^ Captain Miller-the brave CaptaJ * Miller S ?^« rested the cott on spinnera , and senired theiJbo ^ f ltbowgh tbey gazed upon him liSe- g ^ f A ( A laugh , ant ! chem . ) ^ Had he but «^ wa ^ with the assistance aforesaid , snch a SZy ?^ « f drunken fellows be would show them SJ& * hour of the night ! ( Cheers , ) How som ^ fSH would turn jip their eyes in a thunder 3 & If one ^ f these dear cntOmrea were ibTOd& streets , ma moment the police laid hold ofhu ^ to asaut him home , ascarefbttr asif he wereS ? of eggs . ( Laughter and cheer ^ ^^ ? J& * ragged feOow got drnnk . nn « hnK « m »«« —a . v * , Vyfll

      him , and yith ^ come along , ybn scoundrel '' j another gallantfeUow with a stici pusl nriglaS bind , hurried him to the office , and a fine wS aconsequence . ( Cheers . ) The GoVernment w drank . . Mr , SpringRicecould ^ conntthe adva ? & when discussing the amount of the excise ttT * immorality , it conld not be denied , sared the > ntS ? from the immorah ' ty of the money-mong er 3 . tGhep «} Buthe did not hesitate to « ay that ther ^ w ' asSi conduct--more virtue—more morality , more wort ^ be found among the lower orders , tnan S £ \ higher or ^ middle classes . The lower orden I-S deceived the middle classes . . The higher ^ cS made ^ tools of . them , and of the lovref& S $ * r ° ^ J conclusion he proposed fvoft tuauM

      w me unairman , whose character aV ^ working man of sterUng honesty and consist ^ m his political views he highly praised - ^»' . The Chairman in snitable terms ackriowi ^ -J the honour whicli bad been done ^ ^ Sfg meeting dismissed . " ^ « u » a . tne . Unquestionabl y the meeting of which we haw given as large an account as time and limlts ^ S admit , was one calculated to produce a ^ 3 effect on the minds of those anxious to SS Radical principles . Iftherewere to be ^ ny S like dissenfaon among the Radicals of Glasgow address of Mr . O'Connor , of which we have rites but an imperfectoutUnejwas formed to heal divE anditwas ^ endent from the manner in which tM Learned ^ Gentleman was received , and his remafki responded to by acclamations from everv class nftk .

      w nT of , ^ People whom £ e addressei that of all the popular orators who have yet appeared before ^ the Radicals of Glasgow , Mr . o'CoS was . the one whose language comes home with the greatest force to the mind of his hearers His words were not addressed to the passions hnl as he stetesinhis address , he appealed to thejud ^ ment of his audience . He tells them that vrfrd they themselves do know . He points ont existia ? grievances—not imaginary iHs-4 rat such as they are every day compelled to undergo , and which to resist singly , or in small sections , is needless . He has no occasion to speculate as to what course to adopt with a view to steer clear of th » tmnmii ^ nt

      one partr and another . Universal Suffrage is a right which he never fails to remind those whom he addresses , should be gained in the first instance come what may thereafter . Many who heard hu address , and who were opposed to his views , on leanng ^ the meeting , readily admitted that he W one ot the most powerful democratic orators of th « day . . . . - ¦ . :,. ¦ - ,. - . ¦• . - ' • . ... ' , ' ..- -

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      YESTERDAY'S WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET . We have a short supply of Wheat this mornin ? and very little of anything else . turning Rather more money is made for very fine fr « s 1 > parcels of Wheat , but there is an advance obtaSed on general runs . " ^ Oats are in demand and rather dearer . Beans are held for rather higher prices . Leeds Cloth Markets . —In the Colonrd and White Cloth Halls , during the past week , there aas been a very extensive demand for every descrip . tion of manufactured goods ; the stock on hand u very limited and is gradually diminishing . Iti the warehouses the persons engaged are fully employed , and the number of indiriduals out of work is vm small . •' :

      Price of Tali > ow . —The pr ice of Tallcf k this town , is 4 s . 6 d . per stone , being aa advance of 3 d . per lb . on last week ' s prices . Price op Potatoes in Leeds , for new there being scarcel y aDy old offered for sale , is lW for 211 bs . Price of Hav at Leeps , 7 d . toSd . ; Straw - lid , per stone . ' Bradford Wool Market ' . —We have no variation to report in this market . The demaud for most descriptions of Wool ia steady . Matcbings , o ( good length and quality , continue much in requsit , and the supply of these sorts is very limited ;

      Bradford Yarn Mark et . —The Yarn trade continues much the same as last week . There is j fair demand , and prieesvfirm ; yet it is the opinioa 6 f some , that if the prices of wool keep goingup the demand will be injured , because Yam must thai of necessity advance still higher . Already : tW manufacturers say that the price asked for Yarn a too great , and if a . still farther advance be made they cannot calculate upon a corresponding advance in goods . Bradford Piece Market . —In Piece goods generally there is little , if any , alteration since onr last report , if we except figures and six-quarter Merinos , of which the supply is not equal to tie demand , and they have in consequence been sold ai some advance in price .

      ¦ HUDDERSFIELD MARKET , July 24 th . —A large amount of business has this day been done ii the Cloth Hall ; Kerseys and every description o winter goods meet with immediate sale , fancy Doeskins of good style are in good request . The business in the warehouses is considerable for the season , arid confident hopes are entertained of a good autnnm trade . Skipton Cattle Market , July 23 . —We hai a very large show of prime Fat Beasts ; the supply of Fat Sheep arid Lambs wag also very good ; and there beiag plenty of buyers , the market was verj brisk , but prices were no higher .

      SETTtE Fortnight Fair , July 23 . —We had a yery good sbow ^ of prime Fat Cattle at this day'i market ; also a good show of Sheep and Lambs , which met with goodsale .- Prices much the same as last fair . Driffield Fortniqbt Cattle Market , July 23 . —The supply of Sheep and Lambs was very good to-day ; the show of Fat Beasts , although , not large , was of good quaKty . Prices were—Beef > 6 s . to 6 s . 6 d . per stone ; Mutton , 6 di . ; and Lambj . 7 d . per lb . Richmond Corn Market , July 2 l 3 ti—^ e had a tolerable supply of Grain in our market today : ¦ — Wheat sold from 8 s . 6 d . to 10 s ; 6 d . ; Oa ^ 3 s . 4 d . to Ah 4 d . ; Barley , 4 s . to 4 s . 3 d . ; BeaM , 5 s . 6 d . to 6 s . per bashel .

      Wakefield Cattle Market , July 25 . — " we bad a fair supply of Stock at market this roorniiig , of both descriptions . The attendance of buyers was numerous , and the market was better in the morning ; the Sheep marketwas ratherheavy towards the close ; the Beasts a shade better ; and x Lam'hs in good demand . Beef , 6 s . to 6 s . 6 d . ; prime , 7 » - I * stone ; Mutton , 6 | d . to o ^ d . per lb .:, * larate , 18 s to 3 Qa . per head . Beasts , 400 ; Sheep aid Lambs , 5 , 500 . In the Lean market there w « a fair show of Cattle and Calvers . Rochdale Flannel Market , July 23 rd . — There has been a good demand for goods to-day . Prices remain- almost stationary . Wools are in demand at an average of last week's prices . In Oili there is no material alteration .

      Salford Cattle Market , July 26 . —Wehad a very good show of Grass Beef and Mutton from . Ireland arid all chiefly got sold up at rather a decline , in price . The following are the numbers : —Beef , 66 ? from 5 d . to 5 | a . ; Sheep ^ 2 , 890 , &om . 6 d . to 6 | 4 . l Lambs 3 , 774 from 6 £ d . to 7 d .. ; Calves , 64 , . && 5 d . to 6 d . per lb . HwLL Corn Market , July 24 , —The sojfj of farmers' Wheat was short again to-day ,, m

      fulrj realised the rates of this day week , insoine instances Is . per qr . advanee was paid ; Iq Barley ixo . alteration . Very little- Bearis offering , and last week ' s currency was supported . Oats fully maintain their value . Rapeseed is held at rather more money , but there i 3 very little in this ; market . Jn Linseed no dlteration . The holders of bonded 'Wheat are very firm . The weather has been Very cold sin « Saturday , and we tod a good deal of rainyesterdaj

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      O'Connor , Esq ., of Hammeremith , Conny Middlesex , by Joshua Hobson , at hi » Printirig Offices , Nos . 12 , and 13 , Mark «« Street , Briggate ; and Published by ^ w aaid Joshua Hobson , ( for the said Ft **' gu 8 O'Connor , ) at his pwelling-heuse , w 5 , Market Street , Briggate ; an " ^ 2 " Communication existing between the said ^ o * 6 , Market Street , and the said Nos . 12 , andJW ; Market Street , Briggate ; thng congtitutin ? « J ¦ whole of the said Printing and Publish ^! Offices , one Promises . _ All Communications must be . addroBseu , ( Postpaid , ) to J . Hobson , Northern Star Q » # > Leed 3 t [ Saturday JurfI 29 » I 838 ' !

      ': Local Markets. " ¦ — ? ' —- ¦ . " ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦

      ' : LOCAL MARKETS . " ¦ — ? ' — - . " ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦

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      - ^ - -: . - . - ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ : ¦¦¦ ' :, ;/ : ; rg'E < yo ^^ . v _ i ^^^ :. I

      Leeds :—Printed For The Proprietor, Fea»«W

      Leeds : —Printed for the Proprietor , Fea »« w

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 28, 1838, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1016/page/8/