On this page
-
Text (1)
-
and
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Destructive Fire.—On Friday Morning Week...
when the sliding scale was enacted , up to the end of 1841 , when it was abolished 14 , 787 , 990 quarters of wheat were admitted , 12 , 452 , 563 of which , or 94 tier cent , were not admitted until the pride exceeded 70 s . per quarter Seventy sbillingsperquarterforwheat , and 603 . persackforflour . The quartern loaf would then be lid ., it is now 7 d . Hear , hear . The consumption of the population of Xondou is not less than two quartern-loaves per head per week , so that the savin * is 8 d per head per week , or 1 / . 18 s . per annum , being , for the whole population 4 750 , 0007 . Hear . Again , as to sugar : In London , where the consumption is somewhat greater than in the country , the allowance to servants is half-a-pound each per week for breakfast and tea alone ; the middle and upper classes consume not less than 581 b . ; so that the average may be fairly taken at 301 b The soft sugar , that up to 1845 , was 7 d . is now 4 d . to 5 d . ; the loaf sugar ,
that was lOd . and lid ., is now 5 d . to Gd . ; and probably half the consumption of london is loaf sugar . Take the reduction as a low average , at 3 id ., the saving is 8 s . 9 d . _a-nead per year ; ov , for the whole population , 1 , 093 , 750 ? ., the entire quantity consumed giving above 26 _$ b . per head . In coffee , on a similar calculation , the gain to London is 166 , 666 * . ; and on tea , 125 , 000 ; ., representing a total of 5 , 739 , 5 S 8 _f . in London alone , there being a proportionate gain to the provinces . Since I gave notice of this motion I have had more information sent to me from all parts of the country than I could carry ( a laugh)—papers , and documents , and facts , from every district of the country , proving the great prosperity that in all directions so eminently prevails . ( Hear , hear . ) If I thought there would be the least dispute on the point , the smallest difference of opinion started as to the fact , I should feel myself bound to read to the House more or less of this information so Teceived , because it certifies , from literally every section of
the country , the great prosperity of every section of the country , tested by every conceivable test—by full employment , by diminished pauperism , by decrease of crime ( hear ); and clearly ascertained by competent judges , who have witnessed and watched the course of the change from its commencement . ( Hear , hear . ) The landowners have not anything to complain of . They have had great advantages . Everything has told in their favour . There never was a time when there was such a desire to purchase land as at present . There never was a time when they obtained money so easily , and everything has been made cheaper to them than it used to be . ( Hear , hear . ) Then the labourers , by the admission of every person , axe better off now than they have ever been before . I have here a proof of it in a letter from Wiltshire , in which it is stated that " there is nothing the
labourers have so much at heart now as getting a picture of Sir R . Peel to hang over their fire-places , they are so well off . Almost to a man , the labonrers ar _« for free trade . I can't say so much for the farmers , because they are led on by the landowners to loot for protection . ' I don't deny that there are individuals who may , under the circumstances , have been unable to endure the transition , but that is a very different thing from the general interest , which ought to have been done long ago . There may be things affecting the shipping interest , affecting the agricultural interest , or affecting the colonial interest : but all those things are independent of the removal of protection . What I contend for is , that protection is an evil ; that the removal of it has been an advantage , and
that the last six years have proved 'it to be so . I am in possession of tiie most extraordinary details of the prosperity of the country that could ever have been collected at any period of its history . I don ' t hesitate to say that this country is in a state of most unexampled prosperity ; that the manufacturers and producers in every part of the country are unable to execute their orders ; that the people never were so well off , owing to the wages they receive , and the command which those wages give them over the comforts and necessaries of life ; and that all this is entirely owing to the application of free trade to the commerce and productive interests of this country . The hon . gentleman concluded a lengthened address amidst loud and protracted cheering .
Mr . _Ewart seconded the resolution . The _Chakceiaor of the Exchequer moved , by way of amendment , " that this House acknowledges with satisfaction , that the cheapness of provisions , occasioned by recent legislation , has mainly contributed to improve the condition and increase the comforts of _thewcrMng classes ; and that , unrestricted competition having been adopted , after due deliberation , as the principle of our commercial system , this house is of opinion that it is the duty of the Government unreservedly to adhere to that policy in those measures of financial and administrative reform which , under the circumstances of the country , they may deem it their duty to introduce . ' The question that night , he observed , was not ¦ w hether Protection or OFree Trade should prevail , but whether Her Majesty ' s
Ministers , in their conduct since they had taken office , had fulfilled their pledges to Parliament and the country . If they have not , it was the duty of the House of Commons to declare its want of confidence in the present Government . He then traced their conduct during the last five or six years with reference to this great question , _pledsing himself to show that the conclusion would be very different from that which Mr . Villiers had attempted to establish by the convenient generalities in which he had indulged . They had opposed the repeal of the corn aws on two grounds : the main reason was , a belief that the change would prove injurious to the interests of labour : thesecondwas , that it would oceasioninjury to a considerable interest . After the repeal of the corn laws two other great free trade measures were carried , relating to the sugar duties and to the navigation
aws . There were then three great complaining interests—the agricultural , colonial , and shipping . But from the time when the corn law was repealed until that moment not a single attempt bad been made in that House by the party to which he belonged to abrogate the measure of 1 S 46 , or to bring back Protection , because they had laid it down from the first that the fate of that proposition must depend upon the condition of the working classes . With respect to the sugar duties , Lord G . Bentinck had asked only for inquiry , and a committee , consisting chiefly of Freetraders , had resolved that there ought to be a differential duty of 10 s . per _cwt . between foreign and colonial sugai \ With reference to the navigation laws , Lord Derby , so far from seeking to abrogate the decision of Parliament , had declared it impossible to retrace our steps . In 1851 , when a
change of Government was imminent , he ( Mr . Disraeli ) had given notice of a motion , not to restore Protection , but to relieve the cultivators from local burden 3 ; and when the present Ministers acceded to office—which was gained by no economical pledges—Lord Derby made up his mind that _nothirfg could justify a return to Protection but the suffering of the working classes . Having lie said , shown that , from the moment when the three great Free Trade measures had been carried , themembers of the existing Government—although , sympathising with the suffering classes , they had proposed some remedial plans—had never attempted to disturb those measures , he proceeded to inquire what had been the conduct of the united sections now banded against the present Ministry , and he undertook to show that they had perpetuated mischief as enormous as had been
laid to the charge of the party in power . The party of SirR . Peel had sanctioned and approved the course which he and his friends had pursued , and Lord J . Bussell himself had recommended the Sovereign to acknowledge the continued depression of the agricultural interest , and had introduced a bill to prolong protection to the sugar interest . If these suffering classes were thus sympathised ¦ with , the present Ministers , against whom those sections were now banded , could not be inculpated for desiring to mitigate their distress . They had appealed to the country witli the impression that there existed a strong party in favour of Protection . There had been a fair contest , and the beaten party was not ashamed to acknowledge and unreservedly to act upon it . The resolutions proposed by Mr . Villiers were unprecedented , impolitic , and unwise ; the practice of requiring
a recantation of opinions would render Parliamentary Government impossible in this country . Sir H . Peel had not been required to recant his opinions respecting Parliamentary reform , nor could his followers be called upon to declare the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill , which they had opposed , " a wise , just , and beneficial measure . " Ministers had fulfilled all their pledges—among them , that of obedience to the will of the country—and had prepared measures founded upon the assumption that unrestricted competition is to be in future the principle of our commercial legislation . "The measures which the Government has prepared would have been brought forward but for this—I must call it—vexatious motion . ( Cheers . ) Those measures are founded on the assumption that unrestricted competition , or , to use the more popular phrase , free trade , is the principle of our commercial system . These measures have been concerted with my colleagues , and have received their unanimous support , and there is no reason except the hon . and learned member ' s motion , why I should not at this moment
offer them to the consideration of the House . In proceeding to discharge ouv duty as a Government , we are met by resolutions which involve more important considerations than the fall of an Administration . You are about to establish a precedent which may destroy a Government—an affair which , perhaps , you mav deem of as little moment as it appears to be thought by the hon . and learned member for Wolverhampton ; but you will establish a precedent that will destroy more than the one Government whose cause I am pleading before the house and the country to-night . I say it for myself , and in the name and on behalf Of my colleagues , that we neither seek to be , nor will we be Ministers on sufferance ( Ministerial cheers . ) We took upon ourselves the reins of Government _without inquiring whether the late Parliament was hostile to our general policy or not butwe tookthem at the general desire of the House of Commons and of the S _™ f * _Y _% rfc the difficulties of our P ° sition f _ai'ly , and administered the Government of the country to the best of our ability , applying ourselves diligently
Destructive Fire.—On Friday Morning Week...
assiduously to the affairs that were brought under our consideration ; but we " either desired , noi would we submit to cany on the Government without an a ppeal to the intelligence of a new Parliament , ov in any other mannev that was f oreign to the spirit of the British Constitution . We believe we have a policy which will conduce to increase the welfare , content , and prosperity of the country . I hope it is not an unworthy ambition to desire to have an opportunity of submitting that policy to Parliament . But I am told that that is not to be the case . Now , although I have too much respect for this house to condescend to advocate the cause of Government , yet I will say something on behalf of a policy . I will not , therefore , without a struggle , consent to yield to an attack so unfair
as that to which we are subjected . I will not believe , remembering that this is a new Parliament , that those who have entered it for the first time have already , in their consciences , recorded their opinions . On the contrary , I believe that they will listen to the spirit and to the justiee of the plea which I put before them to-night . It is to these new members , on whichever side of the house they may sit , that I appeal with confidence . They have just entered , many of them after much longing , upon that scene to which they have looked forward with so much firmness , suspense , and interest . I have no doubt they are animated with a noble ambition , and that many of them will hereafter realise their loftiest
aspirations . I can only say , from the bottom of my heart , that I wish that , whatever may be their _ai-. ii in an honourable career , their most sanguine hopes may not be disappointed . Whatever adds to the intelligence , eloquence , and knowledge of the house adds also to its influence ; and the interests of all are bound up in cherishing and maintaining the moral and intellectual predominance of the House of Commons . To the new members , therefore , I now appeal . I appeal to the generous and the young , and I ask them to pause , now that they are at last arrived on the threshold of the sauetuary of the constitution , and not become the tools and victims of exhausted factions and obsolete politics . The right hon . gentleman resumed his seat amid very loud and continued cheering .
Mr . Bright , after alluding to the significant circumstances that Mr . Disraeli had described himself and his party throughout his speech as " Protectionists , " reminded the right hon . member of various occasions on which his freinds—if not himself—had brought foward motions directly against tiie present commercial system of the country _^ The argument of tiie right hon . gentleman was mainly one of recrimination ; he had sought simply to show that others were as bad as himself . The government now chose to call themselves free-tradess ; but he reminded them that it was upon principles of protection—as far as the counties wore concerned—that they gained their places in the house . The house had met there to agree to a final verdict upon the question ; and he
asked them if Mr . Disraeli or Mr . Villiers was the most proper person to draw it up . The hon . member denied the truth of the favourite protectionist maxim that the corn law was given to the landed interest to relieve them from peculiar burdens ; and he maintained bis ground with historical facts and statistics . The old corn law was always the law of the strong , and had caused nothing but calamity since it first received the royal assent until the royal assent was given to the act that repealed it . Referring io the free trade opinions now held by the government , he read , amidst the laughter and cheers of the house , a long list of protectionist professions made by several of those right hon . gentlemen to their constituents at the l ast election , as well as similar professions from a large num .-
_bev of their supporters . Among others he alluded to Mr . Ball , the hon . member was of the same opinion yet [ Mr . Ball , energetically , — "Quite so . " ] ( Laughter . ) He recognised the great fairness and honesty of the hon . gentleman ' s course . He had no large emoluments from office ; he was not a Privy Councillor . ( " Oh , oh . " ) He had nothing whatever to gain in political position . There was a gentleman in that house , the hon member for North Essex ( Sir John Tyrrell ) , though he did not know whether he would dare to come forward and show himself on this occasion—( The hon . baronet referred to here came forward from one of the back benches , and seated himself upon the front Ministerial bench , amidst great laughter and cheers . ) He ( Mr . Bright ) must apologize for
rousing the hon . baronet from his slumbers ( loud and continued laughter ) , and could not help complimenting him upon his admirable temperament in being able to slumber uponsuch an occasion as this . ( Renewed laughter . ) He ( Mr . Bright ) held in his band a book called the Pollbook of the North Lincolnshire Election . On the titlepage there was a motto , round a sort of shield , commemorating the glorious Protectionist triumph at the general election of 1852 . He was not versed in heraldry , and could not therefore , explain the meaning of the device , but , as far as he could make out , there was upon the shield the portrait of three donkeys . The book was dedicated to the tenantfarmers and yeomanry of Lindsey , by Thomas Flicker , the publisher , and
contained a narrative of the election . The writer remarked that the waggeries during the election , all proceeded from the Conservative party , and that the Freetraders in Lincolnshire had no spirit left . ( A . laugh , ) He found members of the government avowing themselves willing to bow to the result of the country ' s decision . It was that course which he now advised them to take . Why did they not fall in a manly manner in the cause of those wh o had trusted them with a fidelity that had never been exceeded 1 And if they could displace their successors on any other question let them do so as speedily and effectively as they could . He asked how it was possible that the free trade members of the house could place confidence in the maintenance of the system b y the present
government , when it was well known that three-fourths of the supporters of that government were as much attached to protection as ever . This was not a question between the House and the Government . He would have had nothing to do with this motion if it were a factious attempt to displace the Government . No ; apart from the question of protection and free trade , he would not have voted fora direct motion of want of confidence in the Government . He and his friends were the advocates of a measure and of a policy , and no one could say that they had behaved otherwise than consistently with regard to the objects intrusted to them , or that they had ever made themselves the Parliamentary servants or tools of any Government . But he wanted to have a final verdict and couched in
one terms that could not be misunderstood , whereas the resolution of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was drawn up purposely to be be mis " _derstood . (" Oh , oh ! " ) If the House agreed fo the resolution of his lion friend ( Mr . Villiers ) , there was not a man in the United Kingdom who would not know that the present Parliament had confirmed the _judgment of the Pir liaraentof 1846 and 4847 , and had , moreover , ratified the judgment of the peonle of this country , and that , too , upon the ground that the act of 1846 was a wise just , and beneficial measure . The newspapers would carry that verdict to the United States , where the Free-trade President had just been returned by an overwhelming majority . The Protectionist party in the United States were in the same position as the Protectionist party were in herebut thev did not
, give up the doctrine of protection , although they were beaten . ( " Hear " _nnri a laugh . ) But if President Pierce came into office next March , and Co n « reSS knew that free trade was no longer a question for _discussion in the united _kmgdo did _notton . gentlemen on the other side think that reciprocity would be more likely to prevail between the two countries ? ( Hew h « _X Let hon gentlemen opposite look at the prosperous condition of the liourtaclasses , „ ail parts of the country . Let them remember how steady was 1 ov ° ment , how satisfactory were wages , and how gratifying the social , moral \ nd political condition of the country . Let them see the beautiful _tranS SS : : l _^ _- ! "i _^ i " _™ _»* " _**» * "a . no compensation lor _^ _upposed injury from free trade that the
country should be so _quie aud o con tented Even if they had suffered some small pecuniary loss , " _hSto _™ much doubted , was it no compensation that they could now _nCitto _J _* without exciting the jealousy or discontent of any _^ Z _^ l _^ _^ ng the _woiung classes ? In the present condition of the laboure-s and of th country at large there was ample and abundant compensation for any iniu v which hon . gentleman opposite might suppose the repeal of the corn _lats Ind i / iieted upon them The Chancellor of the exchequer , in one of his speeches 1 ved in Bucks , charged the revived Anti-Corn Law _League with bom * _f " ' eUve i led He did not know exactly what that _^ J _^ _f _^ S _^^ « n -something « citui S to discontent and disloyalty . But the S _t gentleman must now know that during the last six years he ha I J f one single feather ' s weight to the tv _^ uility of th _^ y tit T _^ _lT he _villified before his constituents h * d indeed contributed so . Ll i _" t 0 T _jeet _, and tor 10 or 12 years of their political life devoted _rhemsel _S !« 7 , ject in which they had worked honestly ftr the good of tcount ¦ v h asked the House to sanction their own act , and to set ther ea \ Z * _£ , > f * _^ _hepolicy of 1840 . He trusted by the vote they _^ ZoTio Z _^^ Z express their opinion , he would even say their renrobitinn _* f th 7 y d Government , and , at the same time , _establish loT _« £ 1 _tT _rf _??* try for the people of this kingdom . Uei Ol free Ind _« s-
Mr . K . Seymbu said the question really before the House _wis Inrl HP , _vn Ministers been sufficiently explicit as to what wouldT ? _J-w _? _Majesty's policy ; he contended that Lr langu ITZ _^ m _^ _u JT _™ _?™ _" ** * the country . The resolutions asked the iLZZ _^ _l _^ Zt T _^ T _^ wise , just and beneficial } but a measure might be lcIs fu l which _? * *"
Destructive Fire.—On Friday Morning Week...
Ministers entered office on the question of protection . The late Government were not turned out ; they fell out . He should support the amendment . Mr . F . Peel observed , that all must agree that Her Majesty's Ministers had made very great advances , and continued to advance from one set of principles to another—from protection to free trade . The reason why he preferre d the original motion was that , although he gave the Government credit for a desire heartily to abide by the principle of free trade in any measures of financial and administrative reforms they might submit to the House , he was not content with
this ; he thought there was nothing unreasonable in exacting from them some test of the sincerity of then convictions and intentions ; that as they had abandoned their policy only at the last moment , they should recant once for all their false doctrines . Some reparation was likewise due for the past ; those who had heaped obloquy upon the authors of the act of 1846 should have the candour now to acknowledge that it was a wise , just and beneficial measure . He by no means
undervalued the admission made , which was most significent . It was admitted that the country was prosperous , and that the prosperity was due not to tlio Government , but to unrestricted competition . But when he looked closely to the amendment lie felt distrust ; he found it studiously ambiguous as to tho future , with a cold and unimpassioned reference to the past ; and the prospective part ominously omitted all reference to the question of compensation , which ought to he set at rest .
Lord _Palherstoj _* , considering the ambiguous nature a the speech from the throne with regard to the commercial policy of the couutry , thought it doublv necessary that some such resolution as the present s hould be adopted by the house . He concurred in the resolution , as to the past , the present , and the future . The . principle which it upheld must be the guiding rule of legislation . At the same time he could not forget that there was a large party in the house who had surrendered their own convictions for the good of the country ; and it appeared to him that the resolution of the government was sufficiently decisive
move so in one respect than that of the opposition—sufficiently so , at any rate to bind any _pevsou suppovtog it _h'yevoe & bly to the principles of free trade . 11 a wished that some middle course could be pursued , by which both sides of the house might be satisfied . ( Cries of "Hear , hear . ' ) He deprecated turning a resolution of such national interest into a , party question . ( Hear . ) After further observations the noble lord said : There being two resolutions before the House , I do not presume to lay a third on the table ; but , at the satne time , if the Plouse will permit me , I will just read that form of words which ii
I were encouraged by any manifestation of opinion on the part of any great body of gentlemen in the House , I should be ready to tender for your acceptance . The form of words I contemplate records , I think , on the one hand , the doctrine of free trade and its permanenc _establishment ; while , on the other hand , it is not liable to the objection that it requires those who agree with it to recant opinions they may honestly have at any former period entertained . What I propose will appear , I fear , almost a plagiarism upon my hon . and learned friend , the terms
are so nearly alike . The resolution I would propose would run thus : " That it is the opinion of this House that the improved condition of the country , and especially of the industious classes is mainly the result of recent legislation , which has established the principle of unrestricted competion _, and abolished taxes imposed for purposes of protection , and has thereby diminished the cost and increased the abundance of the principle articles of food to the people . _Nobody can object to that . ( Hear , hear . )
" That it is the opinion of this House , that that policy , firmly maintained and prudently extended , will best enable the industry of the country to bear its burdens , and will thereby most surely promote the welfare and contentment of the people . " ( Hear , hear . ) "That this House will be ready to take into consideration any measures consistent with those principles , which in pursuance of Her _Majesty'sgracious speech and recommendation , mav be laid before it . "
After some further remarks , the noble viscount resumed his seat amid "ener . il cheering , which appeared to proceed more particularly from the Ministerial side of the House . Sir E . B . Lytton- and Mr . M . Gibson rose simultaneously to move the adjournment of the debate ; but we believe Sir E . B . Lytton first _caught the Speakers eye , and that upon his motion the debate was adjourned UUTUursclay . atl _^ _Sn _^ _^^^^^ _^ _- _^ heHouse _adjourned
HOUSE OF _COMMONS . _—yrjMXEsiiA . Y _, Nov . 24 . COUNTY _ELECTIONS . On the order for the second reading of the County Elections Polls Bilt , Mr . B . _Denison , assenting to the limitation of polls in counties to one day , objected to the interval between the nomination and the poll being con / ined to one day , which would augment the expense of elections , since candidates must always provide for the contingency of a contest . After an interesting discussion , the bill was read a second time and ordered to be committeed on Wednesday next . The House then adjourned . Thursday , Nov . 25 .
_^ Speaker _W S took ' tiie ( J chair _" T at 5 o ' clock . T C _« _« " " " ( Wwould _acaXtr _^ _,- ' ° the _^ _toandin _^ that the _^^^ t _^ l _^^^^ _, ****** his motion celler of the Exchequer I _heth r n _thof Tl- _f't ™ the Chanber for WolverhamiZ _, _ta _£ I _, 7 ent ot tlle _honourable memwill be prep _^ oV ? ° * J _^ Smg * _° _™ _tMraw _his n _^ tion , Government _membeS Tive ton and tl * _^^ . P _^ posed by the noble lord tho cl by the _SC _^ h _^^ - _* inte _^ _sSe _^ nd _^ Sr f * 1 _^ ° _^ hh » to _housed _^^^ 0 _^ itlliu tlle ** th 0 therefore , _iTorda _^ tint ™ „ ° _? C 0 Ilclud _^ ith a motion . And opportunity of _SvhS tX * _^ cllOOse to do so _*» have an fo _^ _minn _^ _tel _^ 1611131 _^ _> begged leave to nuke the formal motion that the hou e do _Z ' J _^ _V _™™ maketho candidly to the house Z ! _\ . _^ mm- He wished to state the _ordinal motion _hSTS _?^ vV _^ * _^ 8 * late in the _evening pj £ _iW _^ , dld not arrive in town until morning of that S _' peech _hl _^ T J irom the Tllrone > aild on the had _t _oopporMW _to ? _"" , 1118 se _f _^ tbre two o ' clock , he Aberdeen , one of hi Lneronll _^ Wlth llis noble friend Lord tinned uPPn terms of _thHw g v _^ and with _^ he still _con-™ _tof _&^* S _™ _% _^ _to _^ : ( Hear , hear . ) Hi , to the great question of _nnvT _^ the S l ) eech » i _referenca _^ W _^ to _^ _wK _" _^ _TLpassagein the it ™ agreed that ll _Vife IS Cons t _^^ t isfactory , and party general * mve notice of _. _?? ! ' ° behalt of the frce trado Immediately afiel-the speech o _^ _Ubstant ! motion ou the s « b J Hers leant over to him _St ? i _? feConder was concluded , Mr . _Vil-^ pon which he ( Sir j _/ _GralJ _^ _fe _^ _gl _noticerflii . motioji , _ujjuh wnich lie ( sir J Gmli < m \ v _, UUiU - _S « notice oi ins motion , recollected that the _noSet _^ l _^ _ft Certainl y- _And _** should be of the policy of e G _^ e _^ _fuZP _^ _^ 016 any _Nation was made way in whicl / the _mJaJ ™ _, _tt ( _^ _^ P _^ al interest in tho the paragraph in the Royal S _^ J f i _?^ ' - Having word it in as fair a nrSr _, peecll . b 1 efore him , he endeavoured to that the Howe rf ( _SnST _^ _ffi - v _^ recollectol ions , was an assembly o _Sntkmlf _^? the Varie _^ ite ° P _" thing which _niidit _itirl 2 ? ' he was anxious to iusert 110 _" _theifopinions , _wl _^ _gtfe _?} ' _" th ' _*> _^ f question . He could unt _L clian ge their course upon a particular vert to free trade _SidthatT _^ V" MmSelf liad once bee » a co 11 _" others with the lame _ht If WUS 1 the last P erson who _ou § _^ to tax W _^ _Bam _^^^^ ( Cheers . ) [ The right hon . It varied to some IS froi « * the esolutiou wWcl 1 he _drew u _?' wine _extent _troux the motion submitted to the house by
And
-
-
Citation
-
Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 27, 1852, page 244, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/nss_27111852/page/4/
-