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    THE FACTORY QUESTION r-POBTAKT PUBLIC ME...

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    The Factory Question R-Pobtakt Public Me...

    THE FACTORY QUESTION _r-POBTAKT PUBLIC MEETING AT LEEDS , j C > - > Monday night a public meeting , the first of a '¦ ser t > announced ? o lake place in th ? manufaciurirs j di £ _tr cis of Yorkshire and Lancashire , took place iu j the Music-hall , Leeds , in favour of a Ten Houra la c ; -: tv BilL Tne _attendance from the commencement of the proceedings till their close , at near midnight , -was me ?* numerous and respectable . The large saloon wss crammed in every pott . The greatest unanimity , _apr-nnching to _enthusiasm , prevailed throughout . Tbe Rev . D . W . F . Hook , _YieaT of Leeds , occupied the chair .

    In the orchestra we observed the following person ; : —The _Ra _* . W . Clarke , M . A ., Incumbent of _HuBslet ; Rev . T . _Nudus , _M-A _^ , Incumbent of St . Paul ' s ; the Rev . R _, Wilson . M . A ., Second-Master of _ibe Grammar School ; Rev . — Brown , M . A _^ _Incambentof Holbeck ; Rev . G . _Urquhart , M . A . ; Rev . Joseph Wardle , Incumbent of Beeston ; llx . F . Shsrp , surgeon ; Mr . S . Smith , surgeon ; Dr-. P . Smi _^ h , surgeon ; Mr . C . Crossland ; Mr . G . _Matthewm- n ; Mr . Summers ; Mr . Smitbson ; Mr . Hntton ; J ! :. Scrnton ; Mr . Hobson ; Mr . Harney ; Mr . "Walker , of Bradford ; Mr . M . Balme _, Secretary to tbe Central Short Time Committee of the West _Biding ; and Mr . B . Jowett .

    _iteviCAB ., tbe Rev . Dr . Hook , having being moved to the Chair , he formally opened the _proceedings of the evening . He said : —Gentlemen , this meeting is called to _deternvne on the b § at plan to be ac-. ; -ted in order to _seccre to the factory workers the 1 _istfit of the _recent decirion of the House of Commons that their labour should ba restricted to ttn honrs during _each day . Ton have doneme the honour of calling _mt * -o the chair , and I feel that I am scarcely compete ::: to discharge the duties of the office . I came here _ges ' -Umen . to obtain information ; I wish to be informed wit ; her you still continue to be of the same opinion as I -r > , that the working classes will be benefitted by the-passing ofa Ten Hours * _Factory Bill?—( "Yes , '' jej " Hear , hear . ") Onr opponents tell us that the by

    _wcTsiug classes would _notls t _^ _netltted the carryii > of ? _aeh a bilk Yon of coarse . br * t know what your _In-rresrs are . and by your opinion I shall be _guided—( beai ) - Your opinion _gtntlemsn _, and mine , ib tbat a Tin Hours' Factory Bill ongbt to be passed—( hear ) I know thB evils which result from tbe present system ; _atd I know , moreover , that no half and half measures will meet or remedy the evil—( hearj . Knowing this to b _?~ the esse , 1 feel it to to my dnty to stand here li-fcre you this day . It is my object and my desire tit * , fee ministers of the church should always be regarded as the friends of the poor—( hear , hear , and cheers ); and it is my firm resolve never to re = i content till 1 have opened all the churches in th _' s to" _^ a to ihe operatives of Leeds , that they Eiay , if they

    _cheese , aviil themselves of their _rkhts and privilegesfhe _2 _r ) . It is cur business to promote ihe welfare , to pr .: ~ _= ct the rights , aad to increase the happiness of the w » . firing classes and _oT the poor _generally . Now , _GrV _. iemen , we are warned with respect to this _messur _^ not to attend simply and entirely to the * humanity _vlr" of the question . We _aretoid that it ia a question in _« hieh we must have a due regard to the commercial _interest . Sow , that point I am ready to concede ; if I we : *? not , 1 should ha guilty of a great-want of charity ; for I know many persons , most humane and excellent mtii , though _"Eisiakfn men in my opinion , . who are opposed to the passing cf such a factory bill as vo _reotiire ; but , _Gentlemen , when 1 admit that , we . are to take into consideration the interests of the commercial

    po _> alation , I _-numtnin that we aTe to consider the _interests of the _-whole commercial community j and I _iaiintain that our opponents are wreng , because they take into consideration only the interests of a few _larga _flt 2 i 3—{ hear , hear ) . Now , when we come to the gescral question , for I thought it right before coming here te think the matter well over—when we come to the general question , I will ask whether _tfc-j whole of the capital invested in mills and machinery is employed and engaged ? I * not a great _portion Tery frequency not working , while the _^ reat firms are nruniEg full time ? 1 know that this is the case . Well , then , l * t ns suppose the time of working to be curtailed . It is true that firms now _working full time must do less business ; consequently ,

    th * profits of those large firms must be less ; but what then williappen ? They must either employ smaller works , _woikud by less influential parties , or thos _^ parties themselves must obtain orders direct ; . and _thtu I would ask our opponents , those _zealous advocitts of the _commercial interest , where is the less to file capital of tbe _csnntry engaged in manufactures ? There is , no doubt , a loss to the large firms , but there ib no _i-sa to the commercial population generally—jfeear _) . Then , Gentlemen , suppose the hours of labour to b < _s _reduced , and that the large firms build additional mills . Tbey nut in newmachmery ; of conrse . the interest of the _opi ' _tsl so laid out must be paid , in order to _realize the _8 SEi 5 amount cf profit as heretofore . New , it is asserted _ttstt . this cannot be accomplished by being laid upon the

    _goirds ; for _comcititioa , we are told , iJ so severe that _thtj will not bear the additional charge . Therefore , we are told it must be deducted from the wagea So _Tst then—I am m & eting the arguments of our _opponents so far , then , the manufacturer has the tune _picSts , the buyer has the goods at the same price ; _ouii , _consequently , they _would rt _» t Euffer loss ; it must fail upon the wcrkmen . This , according to Sir Junes _Griiim , amounts to seven and a half _ptr cent ; bnt if the Luyer were io give a little more ; and if tbe _mrnufaetsrer would bet te _coctent with rather less _profit , tb £ _i the whole loss could not fall npon the workmen . It _eaEsot do both ; it cannot ruin tbe manufacturer and the workmen too—{ bear , hear . ) But if Iara ' r ight in _^ hat I stated just now , and I believe I am q _^ iite

    _contst , that there is always a large ameunt ol the _capital invested in mills and machinery _unemployed , ant * that by thns shortening tbe hours of labonr , those mills and that machinery would get employment , then no los 3 whatever would ensue—( hear , hear ) . Then again , ss regards the reduction of wages to the amount of _th-2 reduction of time . If the time be reduced , and _wr-ges remain the same , then goods must h . 2 higher ; _tiid many persona flunk there would be no great harm in that ; bnt if wages be reduced , wh-ily or _partiaLy , then arises tbe question , Low far the _workman weald suffer loss . From a total reduction he weald _euSj -, to a partial _rtducticn , I apprehend , he would agree . But it is a question _^ -Luther , if wiges were reduced to the full extent , the workman

    would suffer to the full extent . If we continue to _manufacrc : e for either home or foreign trade , it cannot much matter—and I _hsfe ascertained this from manufacturers —it cannot much matter whether goods reqelrea week or a fortnight longer in preparation or no- Now it never happens that the whole manufacturing population are engaged ten hours a day from January to _December . I bslleve if a bin were brought into the _Hcrise of _Commots te eo 22 T > el that , it would meet _witi 7 ery little _opposition . Gj _& _sequentty _, if the hours < f _labour are _sprej-U over a larger space of time , so tL it when they do work , if they were to work but tec hours a day , _instead of long hours at one period , aid short hours at & -other , 1 ssk again , would , not a very great benefit enso _= ? I have thought it necesssary and my duty to

    consider this question , because thia is a point that is urged agai-st ns by the opponents of this bill ; and if we wish to act fairly we must always c- _-nsider what our _oppraents , in fair argument , may bring against _usihesr ) . We have been told that _insttaa of benefitting we shall ruin the working classes . Now we are all liable to error ; you are liable to err as well as others . If I thought yen were in error on thia question , I Bhouid still sympathise with you , but I should not be . here ; but believing and knowing jou to be in the right , from the statements I have had made to me , I should be _Tjnwerthy of the post I occupy in this pariah were I to permit any reluctance on my part to oppose Her Majesty ' s Government to prevent my being present—( cheers ) . Yes , working men , I will go further and

    say , I came here to tell you that I am ready in thiB _righteous cause to fight with you to the last gasp—( lend applause ) . And I trust tbat onr friends in _loisdon , when the question is put to them whether they will Eupport tbe cause of the pour or the cause of party , will fling party to the dogs and support humani * y—( applause )—and go forward in that right path in which tbey now are —( hear ) . The arguments I have adduced I _faiow may be met fey-counter-arguments ; but I have entered into them for this reason ; there is , at _least , yon will agree , looking at ths commercial question , much to be said on beth sides : if much is to be said on both sides , let ua take the side of humanity ; throw humanity into the scale , and then we know how to proceed . Whether the Bill will pass this , session of Parliament or not may be doubtful ? but this I know , and this I will say , that pass it must , and pass it

    will , ere long—( loud applansei . __ Even Lord Ashley consented to postpone the operation of this Act for a short time ; and _therefore we , I trust , are willing to bide our time ; bnt here we are to expedite the movements of our friends— _thear ) . I cannot conclnde withont saying that 1 have not now , nor have I at any other time , uttered a single word of disrespect towards tbe leading mill-owners and rnsnnfsefcurers in this town ; on the contrary , I know some of them to In amongst the most cenerous , and moat benevolent , and most humane of our species . But to the system we are opposed ; and ia cur opposition to the system , I trust we shall persevere diligently , ardently , patiently , _detenninately ; _Wording that fair play to an which ffrery _BngiuriTnfiT- _i-ves , ana with Ghristian feeling , till we have _brought it te a successful issue . Tbe Yiesx sat down amidst loud applause .

    At tins stage u the proceedings Mr . Oastler ascended the orchestra , atd was Todferously cheered . Mr . Jcziah HAJBjrsr , who was loudly cheered on coming forward , said , he had been requested to Store the _hrsi resolution . After the very able _gpeech of th & ir respected Chairman , it would not be necessary for him to occupy much of their time _, more _especially aa their champions , Mr . Oastler and Mr . Ferraud , were present * and the latter gentleman , he believed , would support his resolution , which was as follows .:

    —" That this meeting believe ! that what Is commonly _naderstood as the Ten HomV Factory Questionmeanin g thereby _, H » limitation , of Factory labour withina day of Twelve Hoars , _wfflj Bproper allowance cf lime _^ _formaOs and resi- _^ _Rxeasonable , a holy , and _righteous oHect { and tbat the _pleasing . of Alm _^ hty _SoSwiU bo * _Jafl tor _* a _*» a the _posecntion of it by

    The Factory Question R-Pobtakt Public Me...

    npright and honourable means . That while this meet ing deeply laments that tbe attainment of so legitimate an object , should have been retarded by a conflict which has now lasted more than Fr » e and Twenty Years , during which tens of thousands have gone to a premature grave , this meeting iejoif 38 with a joy unspeakable at tbe progress tbe question has made within the last month : and more especially at tbe fact that , oa the 18 th of March , in the present year , two divisions were taken in the Commons House of Parliament , both virtually in favour of making the Factory day commence at Six o ' clock in the Morning , and terminate at six o ' clock in the evening -. a decision at once in accordance w : th the requirements of justice , policy , humanity , and religion ; and one which calls for

    unbounded gratitude to thai Being who has the hearts of all in his rule and governance . " Upon a previous occasion they had met to support the great principle asserted in this resolution , but little did they then think tbat that principle would be so speedily acknowledged by the British Parliament Since , however , tbey had last assembled-in that hall , the House of Commons had twice solemnly declared that twelve honrs' labour , independent of time for rest or meals , was unendurable —( cheers ) . True tbe Ministry had attempted to overrule the decision of the Commons , and had had recourse to every tricky means to prevent the Legislature carrying out the principle adopted . But as Lord Ashley had well said : " ihe whole matter has been solemnly

    decided ; the House of Commons has solemnly affirmed the principle that twelve hours' labour is not to be borne "—( cheers );—and he trusted , after this _righteous and _jnst decision that no effort on the part of Sir James Graham , would induce that House to rescind its first resolution . That House was elected , not by the mass of the people ; not by that _olass who were said to be devoid of the necessary intelligence to vote in the election of Members of Parliament , but elected by those who were held to be 4 he owners bolh of the property and intelligence of the country ; according to this theory the majority of the propertied _olasses had through their representatives declared in favour of the Ten Hours' Bill —( cheers ) . Let that House

    then not think to stultify itself by rescinding its vote ; for if it did so , it would but tend to still further increase the strength of that party with whom he was connected , who believed it was necessary to reform the legislature before much good could emanate therefrom—Ichcers ) . He Bhouid be sorry to r ompromise tho character of that meeting by the I _.-troduction of any party topic—( hear , hear , hear ) . The IttneshadaEked * ' Why not gather into one _fooua Lii those who are not ashamed of protecting the _Kbonrer 1 " He responded to that question : he answered for himself , for his political friends , and for that class with whom he had been proud to be _associated , tbat they wonld heartily and devotedly _nnite with their excellent Chairman , with Mr . Oastler , their gallant champion Mr . Ferrand j with

    all who were really the friends ofthe labourer j with them they wonld nnite to obtain justice for all—( great applause ) . The Rev . Chairman had most ably replied to the arguments of » ome of the opponents of the Ten Hoars' Bill . He ( Mr . H . ) trusted _:. e might be permitted to reply to the mis-statements , or rather he might call them gross calumnies of one f their opponents—be alluded io Lord Brougham _, _tlis Lordship , on presenting a petition from certain coal-owners of Scotland , had gone out of his way io attack the friends of the Ten Honrs' system . Upon that occasion Lord Brougham said that lie had ever been the friend of the working classes ; that he had never written a line , said a word , or given a vote which tended to their oppression and neglect .

    He ( Mr . Harney ) told Lord Brougham that this was a falsehood , and that so far from looking upon him as a friend , the working classes of this oountry with good reason looked upon him as one who had done immensely mnch to injure them —( cheers ) . He would now say nothing about his ( Lord Brougham ' s ) writings , other than that it was to him and _frs _school of writers tbat the people of this country owed the promulgation of those selfish aud false doctrines which had done so much to bring the working classes into their present state of social slavery—( cheers ) . The working classes had never forgotten that to Lord Brougham they principally owed that legislative abomination , the . New Poor Law —( loud cheers ) . Yes , that Noble Lord , in the discussion on tbat Bill

    had basely maligned the working classes . He had described a great portion of them as being lazy and profligate . He talked about M Idleness and her sister Guilt stalking through the land , " and asserted tbat this was the necessary result of the GId Poor Law —( hear , hear ) . Lord Brongham all bnt went down on bis knees and implored the Peers to pass the New Poor Law , to save their estates from being eaten ap by the poorVrates and himself from becoming a Westmorland pauper . Yet now his Lordship had the effrontery to say that he had never spoken , written , or voted against the working classes ! His Lordship said , ** true , the factory workers might be over-worked , underfed , and subjected to many privations and calamities ; but this was the lot of human

    nature ; these were not oppressions , but the unavoidable results of the inscrutable decrees of divine Providence I" So said Lord Broagham . He ( Mr . H . ) cid not know what their _respected chairman and the Bev . Gentlemen behind him might think of this ; but if there was any such crime as blasphemy he thought this speech oi Lord Brougham ' s the most awful impiety , the rankest blasphemy he ever heard of—( loud cheers ) . What ! Was it all owing to the mysterious ordinances of Providence , that grown-up men working in the Lancashire factories , should have but eight or nine shillings _a-week , and young girls be compelled to work 12 , 15 , and 18 hours per day , while Lord Brougham had £ 5 , 000 per annum out of the public taxes—out of the labour of these

    same factory workers for doing nothing !—( Cneers . ) Was it in accordance with the will of Providence that the poor should be lodged in miserable garrets , filthy cellars , and Poor Law Bastiles , while Lord Brougham had a splendid mansion in London , a hall in the north , and chateau in France ?—( Cheers ) . Sorry was be ( ilr . H . ) to find that the noble scoffer had been thus allowed to mock at humanity , and not one—no , vet one of the bench of Bishops found to rebuke an < i chastise a peer who could so abuse his privileges as Lord Brongham had _done—icheers ) . He held that the clergy from their position ought to be the servants of the poor , and the defenders of the helpless and the oppressed —( great cheering ) . Aad when they saw that night their respected

    Vicar in the chair , presiding over and giving his influential support to this meeting and its holy objects , he ( Mr . H . ) had hope of England yet—( loud cheers ) . Yes , he believed the noble example set by the Rev . Chairman would yet be extensively followed , and all good men unite to rescue the working classes from slavery , and England from degradation and ruin . Lord Brougham bad argued as though the Deity bad instituted two orders of men , the one to toil and suffer , the other to reap and eDJoy—( bear , hear , hear ) . This was precisely the argument ofthe American slaveholders : yet with _whatwuhering scorn wonld Lord Brongham denounce the slaveowner who should venture upon such a defence of what he called his rights and

    property . But they had been taunted that their sympathy was only with the factory workers ; that _tfcey proposed nothing for the suffering classes of other callings . Lord Brougham spoke of the sufferings of agricultural labourers and London milliners , and asked what wonld the ten hours' advocates do for thtm 3 He ( Mr . H . ) said , protect them —( cheers ) . The Corn-Law Repealers said" one thing at a time "; so say we . We have rescued the wives and daughters of the Miners from a slavery worse than death ; now we demand the ten honrs' protection for the factory workers . It was the wedge ; let them fairly get that in , and they would never cease until they had obtained justice for all , and a fair day ' s wage for a fair day ' s work—( tremendous cheering ) . Mr . Harney continued at considerable length to defend the ten hours' question , and

    concluded by calling upon the meeting to give its nuanimous support to the resolution . If they failed in obtaining the Ten Hours' Bill it would convince many of those who _doubted the propriety of investing the working classes with their political rights , that they must assist in the obtainment of those rights as the means of obtaining protection and jnstice for the wealth producers . If they succeeded , and he felt assured succeed they wonld , their hours of labonr would be shortened , they wonld be better able to educate themselves and their children , and in variety of ways the obtainment of this measure must tend to the elevation of the working classes morally and socially , and consequently acccelerate the period when their rights would be acknowledged and themselves admitted to the privileges of freemen . Mr . Harney sat down amidst loud applause .

    Mr . Robi . _PeUHDEn , a factory worker , seconded the resolution . In doing bo he dwelt principally on tbe fact that Mr . E . Wood bad told the Bouse of Commons that the operatives did not want the Ten Hours * BUI . Be wished Mr . Wood was there that night to see ; or that he would go round amongst the factory workers . If he did so , he would soon be undeceived . Wm . _Bismui Fbkkahd _, Esq ., M . P _., came forward to support the resolution . He was received with lond applause , which was continued f er several minutes . After it bad subsided , he said , that when a few short weeks ago be had the hour of addressing a meeting in Leeds , he had told those whom he then saw assembled that Richard Oastler would soon be free ; and now Mr . Oastler was present to bear witness to tbe truth of tbat assertion —( great applause ) . He ( Mr .

    Ferrand ) would tell them to-night that the day waa not far distant when they would have a Ten Hours' Factory Bin—( hear , sear ) . If he wanted •» proof tbat bis aster tion would come true , he could wish no more con-Tinting one than was supplied by the numerous meeting before him ; presided over as it was by their excellent fhit _*"""" - They bad long been engaged in an arduous struggle . The immortal Michael Thomas Sadler laid down hi * life in tbe service . He had fought the battle before the public , and in the House of Commons ; but his _P"pm _' e » and the enemies of the factory opera tives oppressed him , and crushed him , and he sunk beneath the blow . Hia spirit , however , found a resting place in Richard O & _stier —( hear , hear ) . It was true that Mr . Oastler bad suffered imprisonment in their cause : but the prison doors had been thrown

    The Factory Question R-Pobtakt Public Me...

    open ; and that Almighty Being who carried Michael Tliomas Sadler on in his great exertion had brought Mr . Oastler eut of bondage , and he was before tbe meeting this nigbt —( applause ) . It was the delight of Englishmen , who _wisbed well , to their country , to help tbe poor _against the strong . It was ao that night . The oppressed had met together that night in a lega \ and constitutional manner , having in vain appealed to their oppressors to d & them justice . They had met to tell the Queen ' s Ministers , and to tell the House of Commons , that justice _wes their claim , and justice was their right ; and as sure as he addressed them that night , justice should and would be done to them ( applause )—for there waa a spirit awakened abroad in their cause which the oppressors of the weak and poor

    could neither gainsay nor destroy— ( hear , hear . ) A feeling of justice had been raised iu their favour throughout the nation , and in the name of justice and of religion he declared they would soon have their rights . Let him ask them who were the men who said , tbey should not have a Ten Hours' Bill ? They were the men who had grown rich and wealthy by the toil and sweat of the working classes . They were the men who knew not what it was to want a day ' s rest —( hear , hear ) . Tbe only thing to render the Government , firm and to make tbe Queen happy and contented on her , throne , was to make the people happy and contented also . Who was to tell him that the factory operatives and the working classes generally were placed on tbe earth to b 3 mere animal machines for the production of wealth for the few ? The working classes had their duties to

    perform ; so had the rich . The former had their duties to the governors of the country ; and they bad a right to demand a proper discbarge of those duties which appertained to the governors ; and as long as the working classes peaceably and constitutionally demanded that , he would stand by their side ; and they would find clergymen embued with principles of religion and humanity , as Br . Hook was , standing by their side also—( cheers ) . Their opponents told tbem that a Ten Hours' Bill would reduce wages ; and that if such p bill became the law ot tbe land they would soon be brought to penury and want . . The very men who had used this language in tbe House of Commons within tbe last few days , had , in the year 1841 , made statements within those walls , in bis presence ,

    which were appalling and disgraceful to themselves . Tbey asserted that the operatives of tbe manufacturing districts in Lancashire lived at the rate of l | d per day . That was under a system of unregulated machinery—( bear , hear ) . This was produced by the manufacturers themselves , who , by working their mills , twelve , fourteen , sixteen , or eighteen hours a-day , very soon glutted the market ; aud when they bad glutted the market by overworking the hands , they turned them adrift , and left tbem to starve _^—( cries of ' shame" ) . If there had been a Ten Hoars' Bill in those days , would the operatives of Lancashire have been living npon J _^ d . per day ?—( cries of "No , no" ) . The mill _, owners knew tha-: and tbat was the reason why tbey opposed a Ten Hours' Bill . They knew that a Ten

    Hours' Bill would raise their workmen's wages ; that it would give to labour a demand Id tbe market , aud the labourer a command over his wages—( hear , bear ) —restore their wives to their homes , and seod theii children to school , and make tbem ( the operatives ) the main props of . their families , by placing them in that position which God designed they should rill—( cheers ) Such a Bill would at the same time curtail the enormous profits ot the mill-owners ; and he ( Mr . Bnsueld Ferrand ) was astonished tbat any manufacturer in this country should be so blind to tbe best interests of hia native land , that he could feel happy in growing rich while he saw the working people growing poor—( hear , hear ) . Iu the good old days of our forefathers , the master was pleated when

    his men were happy : and they rejoiced iu his prosperity ; and a Ten Hours' Bill was a stepping stone to restore to the factory operatives their right position , and also to enable tbe honest manufacturer to bold up his head on 'Change , as well as in the presence of hu workpeople—( cheers ) . The factory _operatives had hard cards to play in attempting to gain their just tights ; for , as a manufacturer told him a short time ago , " The reason we employ women in our mills is this—thby wont strike for wages like men . " No ; it was true when a woman saw two or three of her children crying at home for want of bread , she would work her fingers raw ; and tbat was one _xeasou wby such a struggle was made against a Ten Hour ' s Factory Bill—( hear , hear ) . Their opponents knew that a Ten

    Hours' Factory Bill , as he had told them before , would restore the wives of the factory labourers to their own homes , and men would be as men , providers and feeders cf their own families . But suppose tbey struck r-alnst tbe oppression ot their masters , —and they had a right to do it —( bear , hear ) . They bad bad a right to refuse to work , if the master said , "My mill shall work from six o'olock iu the morning to twelve at night "—( Lear , hear ) . And there were mills in bis ( Mr . Ferrand'a ) neighbourhood that were running from six o ' clock in the morning to twelve at night , for six days in the week . Suppose tbe persons employed struck against their masters , and refused to be such degraded slaves , and that they applied to the parish for relief . Under tbe Old Poor Law the rate-payers would

    have backed tbem . They would have bucked them in resisting such slavery and tyranny—( bear );—but under tbe New Poor Law , they go to the Board of _Guardians , and iu many cases they found tbeir masters _sitt'Dg there , staring tbem in the face—( hear , hear . ) In Lancashire tbat waa constantly tbe case . The Board of Guardians , acting under the directions of the Poor Law Commissioners at Somerset House , asked the _parties for whom they have last worked * and the most likely answer was , " For Mr . _So-and-So , sitting at the Board " Mr . Soaud-So holds communication with the rest of the Board ; and the parties are told that they are idle vagabonds — thai tbey are to go back to the mill , as their master is ready to give them work ; and if they do not , they must either turn highway robbers , or starve to

    death—( hear , hear ) . And yet such a system of tyranny and oppression was to be sanctioned throughout the country . —( hear ) . Sir James Graham , the man who declared that they should not _bave a Ten Hours * _Bill _. bad been , during the last few weeks , dreadfully _ear-wigged at the Home Office by tbe oppressors of the poor of the land —(" shame upon them" ) . Tbat being the case , there was only one alternative for the friends of tbe people , and those whom he was addressing , to take , and say with tbeir excellent and highly respected Chairman , "Away with parly to the winds : away with any Government who shall be so debased , so lost to justice and humanity , to Christianity and to religion , as to say that they will oppress the millions that a few may grow rich upon that oppression "—( loud applause ) . His ( Mr . Ferrand'a ) firm

    conviction was , that had it not been for tbe coldblooded coolness and dogged stupidity of Sir J . Graham , tbey would have bad tbe Government now sanctioning a Ten Hours' Bill—( hear , hear )—but he was dead to all tbe finer feelings of humanity to think of anything but Belt—( applause ) . He knew a little of Sir James Graham . He had had a pull against bim ( Mr , Ferrand ) when he voted for the interests of the working classes of this _ceontry ; and he must say , tbat the man who could get up iu the House of Commons , and report that which was false , merely for tbe purpose of crushing a Member in tbat House for serving the poor , was likely enough . to keep the working classes in tbe manufacturing districts In a state of slavery . He stuck to Sir James like a leech —( bear , hear , and laughter )—

    and told him his report was false , and tbat Mr . Mett , the assistant Poor Law Commissioner , was nothing but his despicable tool—( hear , bear ) . He told Sir James that he would not let the matter . rest , but that he _wou'd bring it again and again before the House of Commons till justice was done . Sir James durst not meet him ; but he dismissed the poor fellow who bad been his degraded tool . When the Poor Law Guardians of Halifax determined to erect a shoddy mill , to grind devil ' s dust —( laughter )—within the Union Workhouse , he ( Mr . F . ) resisted it , and _csntended against it ; aud when , by the htlp of the assistant Poor Law Commissioner sitting at the Board , they passed a vote of censure upon him , Sir James Graham sanctioned their _proceedings—( sham _*) . Sir James Graham ,

    ever since he took office , had done everything that he could to oppress and grind the poor . He said that he would not consent to a Ten Hours' Bill , and tbat the Government were determined to stand by him . Not only tbat , but he had _Baid that if they were in a minority , that they would resign . He ( Mr . Ferrand ) bad no hesitation in saying that that declaration was unconstitutional , and disgraceful to Sir James as a Minister —( hear , hear _. hear ) . The Ministry had declared ihe Faciory question an open one , when they had ns _inovjMs there toouJd be o majority against them ; but when tbey were in a minority , they said it was a party question . If tbey had made It a Government question , and fonnd themselves in & minority , they ought to have resigned —( bear , hear ) . Tho Whigs ,

    when there was a majority of one vote—that of Mr . Walter—against their dissolving Parliament , acted _spiritly and resigned . The present Government ought to do their duty to the country ; and not wish to drag the House of Commons through the kennel of apostacy , making the representatives of the people the tools of a party —( hear , hear ) . He believed the Ministry would be defeated ; and that the House of Commons would not degrade and stultify itself , and show an example of the first assembly in the universe sinking down , without feeling of honesty oi consistency , at the mere bidding ef a ministry —( hear , hear ) . But if tbey did , was the meeting to be told that there Were no honesty , no patriotism , in that honse but tbat which sat on the Treasury Benches ? There might not be the cunning expediency of Sir Robert Peel , nor the cool effrontery of Sir James Grahtm , amongst tbe Tories who sat in that House , or those who lived in this

    county ; but there was a greater desire on their part to do justice between man and man , beween master and servant , than he could find _inthe present Govern * ment— ( applause ) . The people had no occasion to be disheartened ; they ought to take courage and go on . Wolfe fell at Quebec , Abercrombie in Egypt , and Moore at Corunna , but we found a Wellington at Waterloo—( loud cheers . ) Let the ministry resign ; he for one should not drop a tear . Sir Robert Peel gave the oountry to understand that he would repeal the obnoxious clauses of the New Poor Law BilL instead of doing no , he had stood by them —( hear , hear ) . He bad lost his ( Mr . Ferrand _' s ) confidence . He placed no faith in him ; snd he now told the meeting that after Sir Robert had made the factory question an open question in the House of Commons , and he had a majority against him—a majority who asserted tbat ten hours were sufficient for factory labourers to work if he should , by whipping up the Treasury supporters , by _Tre-

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    sury influence , and the influence of the Government , destroy that vote by unfair , underhand , and unconstitutional means , he ( Mr . Ferrand ) would withdraw bis support front the Government , and place himself in opposition—( hear , hear ) . He would tell Sir Robert Peel tbat he was not to play tbe game now he played in 1820 . there are now a body of independent men sitting on his side of the House , who are determined to do their duty to their country . That party appeal to tbe working men for support—( hear , hear ) . They are willing to battle for the people , as they had done for years , through good report and through evil report . Lord Ashley is their champion —( loud applause ) . His Lordship had had a deal to contend with , and though some present might blame him for

    bis consenting to the Government ' s withdrawal of the Factory Bill , on which they had , in a ten hours' clause , been placed in a minority , he ( Mr . Ferrand ) thought his _Lordship had acted wisely . His opinion was , that if Lord Ashley wonld act tine to his principles , and would stand up in his place in the House of Commons , when Parliament reassembles , and tell Ministers tbat nothing would make him swerve from his advocacy of a Ten Hours' Bill —( hear , hear ) . He would be backed by the religious feeling of the Church , as well as by the factory labourers themselves ; and Sir Robt Peel seeing that , would probably yield , and Sir James Grahnm might retire into the fastnesses of Cumberland , and Lord Ashley would , in all probability , take his place as Secretary for the

    Home Department —( loud applause )—and Sir Robert Peel only retain office accordingly as he conducted the Government upon _constitutional principles—( loud cheers ) . He ( Mr . Ferrand ) bad for the last twelve years felt deeply on the factory question . He first took an active part on the subject at the _Odsall Moor meeting , wbich was convened by bis friend Mr . Richard Oastler—( bear , hear ) . Since that time the cause had gained strength ; and if those who took part in its promotion acted legally , constitutionally , and energetically , they were sure to succeed ; for they might depend upon it that God would defend the right . The Hon . Member sat down amidst loud cheers ; and after they had subsided , tbe resolution was put to the meeting and carried unanimously , and all the subsequent resolutions were carried in tbe same way .

    The resolution was put to tbe roc _3 ting by tbe Rev . Chairman , and carried unanimously , amid loud applause , as were indeed alt the other resolutions proposed . The Rev . Thos . Ferris briefly proposed the next resolution , which was as follows : — " That whilo this meeting would , make its chief acknowledgments to Hiin ' by whom kings reign , and princes decree justice , ' it _fvels bound to express the deep sense of obligation It entertains towards all those Members of Parliament , of whatever party in tbo state , who united in the recent memorable votes iu favour of the Ten Hours' measure ; and _especially to the noblemen aud gentlemen who took a prominent part

    in the debate in favoui of the desired restriction , and whose names are hereinafter enumerat _3 d , namely , Lord Ashley , Lord J . Russell , Lord _Palmerston , Lord J . Manners , Lord Howick , Lord Sindon , Sir George Grey , Sir Robert Inglis , Mr . Brocherton , Mr . Stuart Wortley , Mr . Muntz , Mr . Aglionby , Mr . _M'Geachy , Mr . W . Beckett , Mr . C . Buller , Mr . J . Fielden , Mr . Colquhoun , Mr . Hi ad ley , Mr . Borlhwick , Mr . Bernal , Mr . Hawes , Mr . Brocklehurst , Mr . T . Duncotubu , Mr . B . Ferrand , and Mr . Hardy ; and that the noblemen and gentlemen who prominently supported , and all those who voted with , Lord Ashley , on the occasion above referred to , be earnestly requested to continue tbeir exertions until the success of this most Baored measure is finally secured . "

    The ; resolution was seconded by Mr . Bulmer , surgeon , and carried unanimously . The Rev . T . Nunns _. incumbent of St . Pauls , expressed his deep regret at the necessity which forced upon the friends of the Ten Hours Clause in the Factory Bill the present meeting . He bad thought , as well from what took place at the meeting held a few weeks ago in tbat ball , as from subsequent occurrences in the House of Commons , that instead of meeting to request of our : legislators the benefit desired , tbey would now be in the possession and enjoyment of it . It was , however , otherwise , and both without and within the walls of Parliament the battle had to ba fought , the measure argued , and debated again . Happy would it have been if in Parliament tbe measure was contended for as it

    was contended for out of Parliament . There were indeed , pros and cons—a band of earnest combatants for the measure , drawn up in hostile array against a baud of _tqually earnest combatants against it , and nearly equal in numbers ; army against army . Hector gained the victory one doy , and Achilles the next—( cheers );—but year after year passed on , and the old oppressive system stood bidding defiance to the plaints of women , the cries of children , and the weapons of champions , tho arguments of tho eloquent , and the demands of tbe patriotic Tha time , however , be ventured to predict , was near when it would bo said , " Troy has been ; " and the present system , which he believed originated in cupidity , ana was maintained by mistaken policy , would be Bwept away once and for ever . He said he wisbed tbat

    the battle was fought within the Parliament as it was fought without . There were found opponents to tbe Ten Houra' Bill , many and formidable ; here there were absolutely none . Some , indeed , must exist somewhere or oth « r—for Members of Parliament were said to be representatives of the people—but who they were , what tbe names , and what the numbers , what the character , and ' what tbe _influence , that the opposers of the Ten Hours' clause , _tbe > e powerful advocates of over-work , represented , he for one did not know . They did not honour : i meeting like _tWis with their presence . Perhaps they did not like to commit the matter to fair argumentation ; perhaps they were above it , or tbey might be incommoded , from their numbers , by the narrowness of that spacious room .

    It was possible that they might _kesp away in contempt of tbem , _taiug sure to overwhelm by their numbers , and perfectable to annihilate by their argument . Still , however , they left tbem in perfect ignorance of all these matters , so that when tbey met they never thought of _meeting for battle , for they had nobody to contend with : nor for argument or debate ; for , very powerful and cogent and quite _overwhelming aa their arguments for the oppressive measure might be , they left them in perfect ignorance of _thsm . On other occasions they were quite eloquent—here they were absolutely dumb ; in other matters quite active—here still and motionless ; so that , eut of doors , opponents of the Ten Hours ' Clause appeared not to be—to _bava no existence—and the terrible array of opponents in Parliament are like

    certain mathematical expressions , " representatives of nothing _"—fuuetions of un imaginary quantity . He read , indeed , to his utter surprise , a few weeks ago in tbe papers of an address being carried to Sir Hob art Peel by two gentlemen from Leeds against the Ten Hoars' Clause . Ten Hours was there represented as being a measure that was not desirable , n « r likely to be anything but most injurious to the working classeB . Those gentlemen had , doubtless , _authority , and what tbey consigood authority , for their statements ; but , having made the inquiry to some extent of persons employed in mills , he had bsen unible to meet with one ; and , what was more , all that he had _spoken to told him that they did not know any one in the whole range of tbeir acquaintance but tbat most earnestly desired tbe limitation of

    labonr to ten hours —( cheers ) . For tha principles and character of Her _Mnjesty's present Government he , for one , had the sincerest respect . He believed the present Ministers to be great men , good men , men of great political _experience and integrity , true patriots . Judge of hia deep disappointment , when , against what ( from no little _experience of the character aud conduct of _manufacturing _operatives , no little or limited observation of their condition , and do slight acquaintance with their spirit and temper ) he felt was a wise and a righteous , au expedient and useful measure , all the force of the present Government was arrayed —( loud cheering ) and the vote of one night was repealed by the vote of the next—the blessing held out to the poor , as it were in mockery of

    their hopes , ono hour withdrawn and refused the next 1 ( Cheers . ) It reminded bim very forcibly of the conduct of Egypt ' s unhappy kins , who gave his premise one day , " l will surely let you go "—another retracted his words—recalled bis pledge—violated his engagement . " Wby do ye , Moses and Aaron , let tbe people from their work "— «• They be idle—they be idle "" let more work be laid upon them "— " i will not let yon go . " ( Cheers . ) Again , the clergy bad often been blamed , and generally censured , for allowing their parishes and cures to sink Into such a state of ignorance and moral degradation as tbey were , —to be taunted tbat our people were so ignorant and debased , while the cupidity , and he might In some cases say , the oppression of tbeir masters , deprived them of all time

    and means for education and improvement . This was indeed requiring of tbem to make bricks _without straw with a vengeance . ( Cheers ) The assertion had been made again and again ( and he fully believed it ) , that the operative population of this country was ( so far as education was concerned ) below tbat of the same class in any continental nation . But was there not a cause 1 Was not the cause as evident as the sun in tbe heavens ? Talk Of educating children that had been working twelve or fourteen hours in a fjctory t When were you to do it f In after hours ? They were jaded , they were worn ont—tbey could do nothing , —tbey felt they could

    do nothing but sleep . The Sabbath Day came to them with no Sabbath blessing ; for they had no taste to receive it . Work , work , work , till their joints were swollen , their limbs distorted , their physical powers debilitated , their minds enfeebled and worn ont , their souls went hence , unblessed by heavenly light and onsanctified by Divine Grace , into the presence ofthe God who gave them—( cheers ) . My friends ( continued the Rev . Gentleman ) I feel you are embarked in a most righteous cause , and as it is a righteous cause it most prosper . If it is a righteous cause , all opposition to Jit is unrighteous , and therefore must fail He cordially moved the resolution , as under : —

    "That this meeting would fain hope that her Majesty the Queen will be made cognizant of the fact that a large majority of those who work In factories are females , the number often amounting to two-thirds , and in seme instances to three-fourths , of those employed ; and that this meeting confidently believes , that her Majesty herself , if the facts of tbe case are but duly laid before her by her confidential advisers , will not fail to sympathise with her oppressed subjects , and be anxious to redress their wrongs . Whatever course , however , her Majesty ' s Ministers may think proper to take , —warned aathey have been by the de *

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    f _election of ninety-three of their ordinary supporters , — this _njeeting feels that tbe interests involved in this question are of farl too sacred a character , to permit them to be waved for any party or temporary considerations ; and it ; therefore , hereby calls upon . Lord Ashley and his Parliamentary supporters , to persevere resolutely in the course to which they , in the sight of of God and their country , stand pledged , nntil the Ten Hours' Question is i brought to a glorious and a triumphant issue . " i Mr . Samuel Smith , surgeon , seconded the resolution . He said , after a few introductory remarks , that

    as soon as it was known tbat a majority of the House of Commons had decided in favour of Lord Ashley ' s proposition , a meeting ! of _millowners and manufacturers took place in Leeds ; and the first resolution tbey passed was— "Tbat the hours of working _now customary for women and young persons in the mills and factories in this town and neighbourhood , are not oppressive to the _werk-people nor injurious to their health . " By the present Factory Act the hours and work allowed to children , girls , and young persons from thirteen to eighteen years of age , Were twelve ; and those _millawnetB had said that those hours of labour in factories

    were not oppressive to females and young persons , nor injurious to health . He had come to the meeting to say , tbat those miflewners and manufacturers ware not at all competent to give an opinion on the question—( hear , hear ) . He said that that question had been settled a long , long time ago , by persons much more competent to form ah opinion on it than those gentlemen who had passed the resolution which be bad read . When a commission wo ? forced upon Michael Thomas Sadler in 1832 , many eminent medical men of the metropolis gave their opinion oh tbis point in tbe strongest language that could be uttered , aud every one of them was of opinion that twelve hours a day was too long to work young persons , and must prove injurious to their health—( bear , hear ) . He had , as a

    plain country surgeon , given a similar opinion to Mr . Sadler in 1832 , and be did that from bis own personal knowledge and experience . He had bad great opportunities of seeing the effects of the long hour system . He had been one of the principal surgeons at the Leeds General Infirmary for twenty-five years , and had well known the practice in that Institution for thirty-seven years ; and long i before tbe factory question was agitated either by Sadler or Oastler , he felt deeply on the subject ; he had seen its evil effects , and spoken warmly ont the subject . Therefore it was with delight that he saw tbe first letter in a Leeds newspaper by his j old friend , ecbeol fellow , and companion , Richard Oastler , on what he called ' white slavery "—( hear , hear , hear ) . From that time

    to the present he had been enlisted in the cause ; and he provided Mr . Sadler with the facts of many of the coses , which , when brought before the public produced such astounding effects —( hear ) . One ease was mentioned in the House of Commons of a lad from Leeds fourteen years of age , who bad been in the habit of working from five o ' clock in the morning to eight or nine o ' clock at nigbt ofthe following day , working all through one night , with only an interval of an hour to sleep on a sheet in the mill at midnight , or from twelve to one o ' clock ; and this he did twice in the week . This was not believed in the Commons , and a Commission was sent down into the country to inquire . Before those Commissioners the lad clearly proved the case , aud buM— "If you

    don ' t believe me , I will bring you twenty or thirty other lads who will tell you the same . " ( Hear , hear , hear . ) As a practical man he ( Mr . Smith ) hod long been accustomed to see the injurious effects produced by Working those long hours , and be most pointedly contradicted the resolution come to by the gentlemen at the meeting to which he had alluded . He would stake his professional reputation that they had said that which was incorrect—that they had said that which was not the fact . He knew that twelve hours a day , employed in a standing position , as was the cose in factories , } was very injurious , but especially to females . ( Hear . hear . ) He would say , as a medical man , if Her Majesty ; in her present interesting situation , could have her attention directed to one or two paragraphs of the printed evidence given by him b & f re

    tbe House of Commons , she would stamp her foot on the ground , and insist that such a system Bhouid at once be put an end to—( loud cheers ) . Let those persons who gave tbeir opinion so readily tbat twelve hours factory , labour daily was not injurious to females and young children in an ' erect posture , without a sofa to lie down upon —( a Hugh)—or a chair to rest ou—but constantly following the ! machinery—let them try their own daughters upon such labour , and after six weeks trial he would be bound to abide by their opinion on the subject —( cbeers ) . The speaker then alluded to some cases of injury which bad come under his .. care , repudiated tbe idea which bad been entertained by some tbat be had wished to create a feeling on the part of the workpeople against tbeir employers , and enumerated several _instmces where the owners of mills had

    acted with grtat generosity . He concluded by informing the meeting , that be had lately received a letter from a factory-inspector , requesting bim to forward reports of tbe number of admissions into the medical institutions of this town during four years of a depressed state of trade , and also during four years of a brisk state of trade . He ] sent the report , knowing that it was to be a weapon to fight Lord Ashley with , but be was happy to say , not being found to answer the pur pose intended , it had not been used —( cheers ) . Mr . Oastler was next called upon , and on rising was greeted with three cheers . He said—Mr . Chairman , —men of Leeds , —Since I last bad tbe honour of addressing you in this place , the question which we were then discussing has occupied a large portion of

    public attention , and also ef the mind of Parliament . Since that evening the question of ten hours' labour in _factories , which has for so many years occupied your thoughts and mine , has received the sanction of the House of Commons —( hear , hear ) . Yet there are individuals in that ; House who , after the sanction which a majority gave to our question , dare to assert Parliament has been taken by surprise , and also that the factory operatives are not for the Ten Hours' Bill . Taken by surprise * Indeed ; when year after year have been spent , aye , for the last thirty years , in ascertaining the simple faot of whether the working day is twelve hours or not ! Why ] scores of volumes have been published for tbe information of Parliament , and yet there are those who assert that Parliament has been taken

    by surprise I Tbe operatives of the factory districts not for tbe Ten Hours' Bill I Wby , I have boon duriDg tho last fourteen er fifteen years of my lite in every factory town in Yorkshire and Lancashire , year after year , aiskiug tbe assembled ; thousands and tens of thousands , and on one occasion \ _160 , 000 ot those very operatives , who were then assembled , if they were in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill ; and they have on all those occasions been unanimous and _enthusiasm ic in its favour , escepttwice , when I remember to have seen three _hauda held up against it ; and at another time only two —( hear ) . Yet we axe now to be told by persons who profess to represent the manufacturing operatives in Parliament , that the monufacturing operatives are not for the Ten Hours' Bill . And the micistery too ready to

    lay hold of any straw which they can to adhere to tbe oppressive number of twelve hours , give more credence to the suggestions cf those persons than to the petitions of the people , and the urgent requests of the host of friends that we have in the ( House of Commons . Well then , my friends , after hearing that that decision of the house had been unconstitutionally rescinded ; for I maintain , let others maintain what they may , tbat it is unconstitutional for any minister , after a deeision has been takeu upon any question in tbe House of Commons , to attempt to reverse that decision : after heating that such an attempt had been made to nullify the vote tbat had been given in our favour , I was waited on by a { deputation from the Short Time Committee whilst I was at Wold Newton Hall

    with my friends , who begged me to tell them what was best to be done iu this emergency . I was glad when tbey came to see me ; I was sorry for the cause . I knew that there was , as Sir James Graham says , " inextricable confusion" in the _Houbo of Commons on the subject j I knew that the Government had got them themselves Into inextricable difficulties ; and I thought that the best : way of removing all this intricacy would be for them to do as I bad always done—to go to the party most interested aud ask them what faey thought about it And therefore , iustead of my coming here , as was my intention , to take a cup of tea with you , I resolved to throw my individuality overboard , and come to the manufacturing towns of Yorkshire and Lancashire to hear the operatives again speak for

    themselves on this question . That is the reason why you bave been called together to speak for the town of Leeds . To-morrow Ii shall ask the people of Bradford what they think about it . Next day I shall go to Huddersfield to hear what they have to say : from thence I shall pass on to Halifax ; and I particularly invite , through tbe medium of the Press , Mr . C . Wood , the representative of that town , to meet me there . We will then settle the question whether he spoke the truth or not upon this subject in the late debate . From Halifax I go to Keigbley , thence to Holmfirth , and then cross over into Lancashire , j I am determined never to rest till we have the Ten Hours' Bill , and never to place any confidence in any set of men who may be appointed to govern us , who refuse it . But when we apply with

    so loud a voice at the door of the Cabinet , I trust that Sir James Graham himself will be disposed to yield ; and , if not , we _muet , | in the name of the great cause we are met to support , bid him begone —( hear , and cheers ) . My friends' will excuse me for a moment while I advert to a circumstance which almost overpowers me when my mind suddenly turns to it . It was but the other day that I was iu prison : I am bere to-night , in my native town , among this assembly of the people , aud there sits my deliverer—( loud applause for some time ) . Mr . Oastler pointed towards Mr . Buefleld _Ferand , upon which a person in the Orchestra , mistaking the compliment intended for him ,

    proposed three cheers for Mr . William Walker , who sat near Mr . Ferrand . The cheers were given with great cordiality , and Mr . O . proceeded . ) O , my friends , it is impossible that I can in language express to you what I feel ; bat I hope I may be permitted in your presence , and j in the presence of that God who moved his heart to feel for me , to thank Him , to thank you , Ferrand , for that liberty which , under God , is your gift —( loud cheers ) . And now , my friends , we will proceed with our factory question . The thought crossed my mind , and ; I knew that if I did not give vent to it then , it would harass me ail the time I was talking . I remember the tima well when Sadler was taunted with— "If yon ever have the audacity to

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    propose a Ten Hour Bill In Parliament you _wiff be laughed out of the House . " The Ten Hour Bill wes proposed by Sadler in Parliament , and there was one man laughed , bnt only one . Bat how the Ten Hour Bill has been acknowledged , by Sir Robert Peel , by Sir James Graham , by Lord John Russell , and by every person who has spoken either for or against it , to be tbe most important measure that can occupy the mind of the legislature . It has been described as a measure upon which the wall-being or the fall of England depends —a measure so pre-eminently great as to require the greatest wisdom and the greatest alacrity in deciding it ; for it bos been felt by those who have the charge of the Government of tbis conntry , tbat if it cannot be wisely settled , there is danger in the heart of the State . Let

    no man henceforward think that tbe Ten Hours' Bill is a trifling measure . We have already demonstrated over and over again that the path of justice is the path of safety , and that the only care for those national evils of which the Government of this country so loudly complain is to do justice to the people whom they _sovern . I am not one of those who think that Almighty G xl ever designed that human beings should be employed from mora to night , from week end to week end , from month to mouth , from year to year , in nothing else but providing food and clothing for the body , I believe tbat God , who made the mind of man , intended it to be tbe recipient of his truth , and that it should have time to contemplate ou his will , bis laws , and his works . Yet , Sir James Graham has

    affirmed tbat he will stand by the principles which have been proved over and over again to prevent the possibility of people improving their minds or serving their God . Tbe question then wss a serious one—whether we , as a Christian people , will support any man , or any Government , who thus set up his or their principles in defiance of the will and law of God . Bat there is one individual who has dared , impiously dared , in another bouse , to charge Almighty God directly with the Imposition of the factory tortures ; who goes on Iaughicg and ridiculing , and treating with sarcastic jeers all who think it possible that by working shorter hours in factories the poor working people would be benefited . Bat there was one peinton which he touched which is almost too sacred to mention in

    tbis assembly . In excusing the most horrible cruelties which are practised under this system upon mothers who give suck to children , and who are dragged from the cradle ef their babes to spend their days in factories with their breasts boiling over with milk , whilst the babes are crying at home for that nutriment ; the nobleman of whom I speak , jeered at the idea that there wa 3 suffering in that , and absolutely declared to their Lordships that their own wives were sometimes so much engaged io other matters as to avoid their natural duties ; as if there was any comparison between tbe heaving of the breasts of their _Ladyship's which bad been prepared to be dry , and the teeming breasts of those mothers whose sweat when it had trickled down upon the factory floor , I have seen mingled with

    that milk which their children ought to bave bad . _< Mr . Oastler read an extract from the recent speech ef Lord Brougham on this subject before the House of Lords . He also referred , at the suggestion of Mr . Samuel Smith , surgeon , to the practice which prevails extensively among female factory workers of giving opiates to tbeir children to make them sleep whilst they are at the mills , a practice which was highly injurious to the infanta . He proceeded to ask )—And was it really come to pass that England , tbe proudest , the-most _powerfal nation In the world _, tbe army of England , the navy of England , tbe Church of England , and all the English institutions , from royalty downwards , bad come to be dependant for their existence upon the last two hours of the labour of

    women and children in factories ? Sir Robert Peel said it was so ; Sir James Graham said it was so ; and all who opposed the Ten Hours' Bill asserted that that was tbe state of _England . If that be true , England is not worth saving —( cheers ) . She had better take her chance without any institutions at all , and have a scramble , for a scramble would be better than such utter mischief —( hear ) But it is not true ; and if the present Government dont know how to manage the affairs of _Bigland without laying such heavy burdens upon women and children in factories , it is time that you and I requested that the Quee . _i would choose some wiser men to govern us—( hear ) . Tbe very cause of half the difficulties that these men in ofiice experience is the excessive labour—the two hoars * labour to

    females and children beyond ten hours ; that is tbe causa of the very misery they deplore It is tbat very excessive labour which prevents the homes of the people from being comfortable ; it is that excessive labour which produces disorder in families . The child of fourteen was taught tbat it was independent of its parents ; it became refractory , and there was a rebellion in the family ; and when many families are refractory iu a neighbourhood they become turbulent , and Government soon feels tbe consequences . What Is i ' . that prevents the clergy from doing all that they wish , but tbis excessive labour ? I bave beard my esteemed friend , Parson Bull , of Birmingham—God bless him , I wish he was bere—say , many a time , " Give me the children to educate , and I will answer

    for the peace of Bradford . " Is it not ridiculous beyond conception , that these two hours of women and children should be necessary to the well being of the state , when it is clear that it is the very same thing that is gnawing at the roots , and making the state disturbed and rotten ? Why if it were true , as Sir Robert Peel asserted that it waa , then we should have arrived at the perfection of civilised barbarism , and it would be needful to turn back again in search _pf Christian _civilization , ( cheers . ) If it be as Sir Robert Peel says it is , it is a direct proof that the laws of this country are in positive contradiction to the laws of God ; and it is time that we upset that system of false philosophy , and establish our institutions as they were originally established , upon the fundamental principles

    of truth aB revealed by God himself —( loud cheers ) . Mr . Oastler then read a passage from a speech by Six Robert Peel in tbe late debate , which he said had removed any doubt that he might have entertained aa tothe Sight Hon . Premier becoming an advocate for an Eleven Hours' Bill , and had satisfied him that whatever Sir Jam « a Graham might de , Sir Robert Peel , if be moved at all from twelve hours , would move to ten hours . He also adverted to the nickname of " Jack Cade , " which Sir James Graham had applied to Lord Ashley and his supporters . He ( Mr . 0 ? stler ) had made many prophecies , none of which had been _falsfied ,- and when he saw that Sir James Graham had been reduced to the beggarly necessity of calling nicknames , he exclaimed ; " Twelve

    months hence you are out Sic James : " and he intended to mark the time carefully to see whether be was correct or not . Mr . Oastler next referred to a resolution of tho Leeds Flax Spinners who bad sent np a deputation to London , to ear-wig Sir Robert Peel , which declared that a reduction of the period of factory labour , would not only reduce the wages of tbe factory workers , but render the manufacturers less able to meet the competition of foreign manufacturers . The resolution was an absurdity ; the two results could not follow from the same causa Mr . Oastler concluded by quoting a beautiful passage from a sermon by the Rev . Dr . Thomas John _Hossey _, rector of Hayes , Kent , and sat down amidst vociferous applause . The resolution passed unanimously .

    Mr . Hobson , in a brief bat appropriate speech , proposed a petition embodying the opinions of the meeting to the House of Commons . The adoption was seconded by Mr . Smithson , and passed amid loud acclamations . The Rev . Dr . Hook then left the chair , which was taken by Mr . W . B . Ferrand , M . P . Mr . Oastler then proposed a vote of thanks to tbe Rev . Dr . Hook for bis kind attendance at the meeting , his conduct in the chair , and his general acts of kindness towards the poor , a proposal which was received and carried with the most * vociferous applause .

    The Rev . Dr . Hook , ia acknowleging the compliment , said , —in attending at this meeting I have merely done my duty . It was my duty , as the vicar of this parish , to defend the weak against the strong—( cheers ) . The clergy , it had been said , ought to be the servants of tbe poor ; to that doctrine I assent , and God knows that it has been the desire of my mind on all occasions to prove myself bis servant , by becoming the servant of the poor —( Loud and continued cheers ) .

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    A working man in the body of the meeting suggested that as the present meeting ; was largely composed of the working class , it would be highly judicious to take advantage of the present opportunity to express an opinion npon the "infamous Masters' and Servants' Bill . " Mr . Hcbson said that would be done ; Mr . Ferrand had consented to preside whilst a petition was proposed to them for their adoption .

    Mr . _Harnet again came forward , and read the petition ( a copy of which appeared in the Star of last Saturday ) . Mr . H . briefly commented upon the Bill , exhibiting its real character . The reading of the fourth olause elicited shouts of execration from the meeting . Mr . Oastler seconded the adoption of the petition ; he did so upon constitutional grounds . This Bill was another blow at the liberties of the people—another attempt to destroy Trial by Jury . He hoped it would be universally and successfully opposed —( cheers ) . Mr . Hobson suggested tbat all workshops , _clabs , societies , and other assemblages of working men should petition against this Bill . It was a deadly blow aimed at the labourers of the country .

    __ Mr . Ferband , from the chair , supported the petition . He denounced it as one of the worst measures ever laid on the table o tha House of Com mons . He pledged himself to take advantage of all the forms of the House to oppose it in ever / stage— ( loud cheers ) . ~ _> The motion was then put and carried unanimously . A vote of thanks to Mr . Ferrand , for his noble defence of the interests of the people in the House of Commons , and his services that evening , was proposed by Mr . Oastler , and carried by acclamation . Mr . Fhrbakd briefly acknowledged the compliment : and

    Three tremendous cheers for Richard Oastler , the King of the Factory Children , closed the proceedings , whioh had continued tor neariy five houra .

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• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), April 13, 1844, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/nss_13041844/page/6/