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    in existence not into execution t to and...

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    rrintotl by DOUUAL M'GOWAN, of 16, Grea*. Windmill"

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    ttruet, Iluymarhut, in tho 0:tj 01' West...

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    Saturday, Jolt 22, The Tlouaoof Lords Me...

    Chancellor of Ireland , has pointed out the danger eui character of theso clubs . We may think it ncces . itry to Introduce a measure to meet the organisation or these clubs , bat it is to be remembered that that organisation Is directed , Indeed the whole proceedings of these people have been , by men well acquainted with the law , and who , if there is a sew law passed against these clubs , would be found as supple in theirendesvours to evade the provisions of that law a * they hBVe _afcOTO themselves to be in _eviding the provisions of the existing law . We have _Kad , and I have received to-day a of Irelandwith

    further opinion of the Lord Chancellor , respect to the mode in wbich the law has been hitherto evaded . With reipect to the clubs , there is no doubt that these clubs are in themselves unlawful . It is quite evident tbat clubs for procuring armeand raising reilStance against the erowa and the law ara utterly illegal : hut when the law officers of the crown came to advise the Lord-Lieutenant a * to the measures necessary for putting down thess clubs , it was found , that althoug h their general object is _perfectly well-knownknown to every member of this house , nnd known to all who read the newspapers of this kingdom—yet thatthe

    means of procuring evidence as to what _passeB in these clnbs , when they are secret , are not such as ' to enable the government , with any facility , to put down these clubs . Itay ' with any facility , ' because , if any measure were adopted , it would soen be found that by some fresh evasion and under somo new form the law would be evaded , and that tha clubs would he continued in as great force and with as powerful an organisation as before . I will state likewise tbe difficulties with regard to the marchings of these clubs . The house have read accounts of what has happened at Waterford and elsewhere in tbe country , and they will imagine that the law agsinst _trainintr , which is a very stringent law , would be applicable to the training and marching of _thesB clubs to particular places . Bu * with respect to these eases tbere is a great difficulty . These clubs aToid _giviBg a military word of commsnd , snd that which is forbidden by the letter of the law i 3 evaded in order to obtain the object which these conspirators have

    in view without placing themselves in the power of the aw . But I think , after what I bave Btated , and after indicating that information which the house bas otherwise acquired , that there Is no doubt tbere is an associat \ ou iu Ireland which intends to subvert tho authority of the law and of the Grown ef this country , and tbat it means to attain its object by force of arras . ( Cheers . ) If sach is the case , sir , then I know no remedy so straightforward , so direct in its object , aud so immediate in its purpose ef seizing the persons of those who are at the head of this movement , without in _aisy manner _endangeriag the persons or putting te inconvenience the innocent , as what is commonly known by the _nama of the Suspension efthe Habeas Corpus Act . ( Cheers . ) _Whaterer measures wo may f rame , and whatever _messsures msy be necessary to meet particular evils in the special shape- ¦ which they may assume from lime to time , ths remedy which , above all things , is necessary at this time is a bill to enable the Lord-Lieutenant to secure the

    persons of those who sre suspected of high treason . ( Cheeri . ) I come forward , then , to aik this _hause of parliament to grant to the Executive this power . ( Cheers . ) I ask it now . I feel that I might have been justified in asking it at an earlier period . ( Marked cheering from the Opposition benches . ) But , sir , in weighing that question which I have anxiously weighed _durisg months past—( hear , _feeEr)—it has seemed to me that any extraordinary law to snspend the liberty of a part of the united kingdom , wbich should be passed by only a small majority , and withe at a very general , if not en almost unanimous concurrence of this house , —pasted amid conflicting debates , when many doubted its necc * - sity , and _opposed its expediency , that sach alaw , reaching Ireland only as the expression of that _majority , and considering that in the minority there might be men of un . doubted integrity and love of fecial order _. but who were not persuaded that the necessity for such a measure existed—I say that a law so passed would in oy mind lose a great

    part of its efficacy , and would not tend , as wo _r-ifu it should tend , to the complete pacification of that country . ( Hear . ) I have therefore waited until , is my mind , and In tbe minds cf my colleagues , the evidence of the necessity of this measure is so clear , so notorious , and so glaring , tha ; I am convinced that the conviction , the almost universal conviction of the two houses ofpsrlia . ment , will be that what I ask is absolutely necessary snd what they will grant , ( L ud cheers . ) Bu * , 6 ir _, likewise I wish to say , that if It is the conviction of tbis house that such a measure as I propose should be passed , I trust that tbe bouse will lose no time ( cheers ) in arming the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland with the powers which I now ask for him , and which be declares it is necessary that he should _posiess if he Is to possess any means of stopping these proceedings . ( Renewed cheers . ) When I ask this , I ask that which is not merely in tbe interest of tbose who would uphold the constitution and wouli dtt nd ths Throne and main .

    taia ths integrity ofthe _tmpera , bnt I aik it on behalf of those persons who would be sure to be the sufferers of an _unssccessfai outbreak ia Ireland . ( Cheers . ) I have co deubt that if ws have protracted debates on this subject , —the _aessare passing ne ' . witbstanding , as it is sure to pass , —tbat with the means that the government of en empire like this have at their disposal we could put down the attempts which _taess wicked men are commencing of incipient _inssrrectiou . But , sir , we should put them down with ths _lora of life , at tbe hezsrd of peace , at tbe hazard ofthe means of livelihood of many of _herHajestj ' g subjects in Ireland . We should put them down after an outbreak and convulsion , and we ehould not be able to prevent that outbreak from taking place . I say , then , that it is for the interest of all that such a measure should

    ba _immsdiatsly passed . ( Cheers . ) If there are gentlemen , and there may be many in this house , who , I while they think that this measure is accessary , are j yet of _opinlcn that other measures are also necessary , ana that the whole duty of the government has net bsen performed— ( cries of Hear , hear , ' from the Liberal , benches)—that we have not In this session produced and carried into effect those measures , whatever they may be , which are uieful , and as they sta _' e necessary , for the well-being of Ireland—to such hon . members I will put forward only this prayer ; An hon . gentleman has given notice of his intention to bring forward the whole question oftbe state of Ireland upou motion . I shall be most ready , afterthisb . il has passed this house , to give every facility f « r bringing on such a debate , to meet any

    Bich charges as the hon , gentleman may have to bring against vis , and to Bubmit , if the house _sboull think fit by ita vote to censure as for the conduct we have pursued . Ba' I beg this house and those hon . members whs are of that opinion to reserve until that time the expression cf their views —( hear _. htar)—and sot to let a debate which should be confined to this one subj ct , whether the measure we propose is necessary or no , to extend into various matters and opinions , which cansot but lead to _TOnflictfng and protracted debates , and thereby t « delay thu' wbich it is essential should be passed at once . Sir , I art , therefore , thatthe house wiil permit me to introduce this bill ; and I ask them likewise , that if they do ( auction it , they will have that sanction speedily carried iato effect , ( Cheer * . ) Xo man can say whet may be the _conseqaeEcs of the want of these powers for a short time is Ireland , and I ask those who are of opinion that the measure should be passed and that thess powers are _aeee-sssry not to render themselves responsible for the

    _deliy of that which may be the saving of life in Ireland . _Ibfl ' eveln my conscience that this measure is calculated to prevent insurrection , to preserve internal peace , to pr ; erve the unity of this empire , and to secure the tkr- na of these realms and tbe free institutions of this eo _j _^ try . If th ere be other questions , let them be stated st some future time on some future motion . For my part , I stand here responsible for _proposiag this _measwr . responsible far not proposing it earlier —( _hear)—responsible for not delaying it now . ( Chem . ) land ray colleagues are responsible . We accept that _responsicility , and , however painful to our feelings , however ¦ tdi us the power for which we ask , we have now _accetitrd our responsibility , and I confidently ask this bou _. e ti accept theirs —( cheers)—and to be _miadfal of the blessings they will preserve , and of the rijks which by toy other course they will incur . ( The noble lord here _cosclod . d his speech amid loud and _prolonged ch _= -ring . )

    Mr _O'Conjtor said he could well understand the painful feelings with which the noble lord said he ro >~ to ask for a suspension of the constitution ; but he thought the noble lord would now feel gratified , as -Gere had been already an almost universal _exprersion of the feeling of the house on behalf of the mrf sure for which he asked . The noble lord told thu . tint he would submit to them three propositi .- ' . 1- , - first , that there were serious threatenings of _darker ; second , that the insurrectionists had means and _appliances for an outbreak ; but the third proposition in favour of the measure he had not heard made out .

    I _.-. rd John * Russell : The remedy was the third . _V . v O'Cokxor ; No the remedy was the first . ( Lti _-f ilter . ) However , if the noble lord felt it _necets . iry to ask the indulgence of the hou ** e in _proposin it this measure , he ( Mr O'Connor ) thought that , con .. daring the excited state of the continent , consid-ring the state of Ireland , and considering the pr * - -ut feeling of the house , he stood in a much more dill : tilt position . He was aware there was a disposi'ic i to attach importance to every word that fell fr _^ ¦ .: ? he Prime Minister of England ; but if he was at ¦ •¦ ' . _oss for an answer to the statements , he would finr ii in ths confession of the noble lord , wben he be ; - - ; glit the house not to let this measure go to Irela as carried only after an extensive opposition ; but ' . lie noble lord said , let it go as the will of the

    grfv' majority of this house , and afterwards I will % c ;> ss remedial measures for Ireland . This was _i _, t \ :-s the course followed b y a Whig government in pr" -sing coercive measures . ' They always promised to - Misider remedial measures after their coercive me . tires weie proposed ; but so soon as Ireland was qu ¦ ¦ _"d by coercion , then they said the whole country is t -. nquil and there is no necessity for _remedial _measures . However , he ( Mr O'Connoi ) _contended tha . ihe whole of the noble lord ' s speech was _answf- < : d by his concluding unequivocal confession of guilt , so ingenously admitted when he pleaded guiity , not o the possible , but to the well founded chat _ge laving _neglected all remedial measures for Ireland . ( Hear , hear . ) The noble lord had told ihe house that he may possibl y be charged with having

    Saturday, Jolt 22, The Tlouaoof Lords Me...

    neglected those remedial measures , and that he was prepared to admit the truth and justiee of such an accusation , but with characteristic Whig dexterity asked forgiveness of the house ; thus unequivocally proving that the neglect of those remedial measures was the foundation ofthe noble lord ' s present application for the abrogration of the Irish constitution ; in fact , an admission that his own neglect was the basis ofthe measure nowcalled forto repress that excitement consequent upon ministerial neglect . ( Cheers . ) And thus it ever was with the Whig government , tbat every measure of coercion conld be traced to Whi g profligacy , aud that excitement was created for the sustainraent of Whigs in power . The noble lord

    commenced his speech by taking a rapid view of the agitation conducted by the late Mr O'Connell , whose plan the noble lord said was not to lead to bloodshed , but to gather up the mind of the country , and then bring it to bear upon the mind of this house . But what was the result of this policy ? Wby , soon after the period of passing the Emancipation Act the leaders were rewarded with places and pensions , while the people found that they were deluded and had got nothing . ( Hear . ) No wonder the peop le were irritated . But tbe noble lord had himself to blame for much of the irritation which existed in the minds ofthe people of Ireland . When the Crown and Government Security Bill was brought

    in he told the noble lerd that the effect weuld be the establishment of clubs and of secret societies , for it was impossible to keep down the public mind , particularly in these days . There was , however , one point in which he agreed with the noble lord , and that was that in a physical revolution the people themselves would be the greatest sufferers . It was only a good social change that would confer social improvement on the people . But he must tell the noble lord tbat this measure would only hasten a rupture in Ireland ; for all history showed that it was only in exact proportion to the relaxation of the criminal law tbat obedience to tbe law was in creased . Tbe noble lord now came down with all

    ' the dignity of a Prime Minister , and told tbe house j that this measure would be for the good of the _, people of Ireland themselves , and even for those who were offering resistance to the law j but had the noble lord forgot how he taunted the Irish people on occasion of his bringing forward the Alien Act ? Then he told the house with an undignified sneer , ( turning to the hacks behind him , ) that the last accounts from Ireland were ' vapid , stale , flat , and unprofitabIe , ' , " and that there was no treason now worth reading . The noble lord attempted to govern Ireland by patronage , and not by social measures . It was to the Irish members , who were cringing to the prime minister and his dependents , and who

    were proud of an invitation to dine at their tablesit wa 3 to them he ascribed the necessity of this measure . He would tell them more , that this measure would fail , as the others had done . Let them look to America , within fourteen days' sail of Ireland , where all the passions of hatred and revenge against this country were pent up—let them look at France , which was now a republic—let tbem look to Prussia , which was seeking to be a republic—let them look to Italy , wbich was throwing off the despotism of Austria , and then he would ask thera whether they could hope to maintain their position of a restrictive monarchy in this country . ( Derisive cheers . ) Or did they suppose that they could rock their cradle in tbe midst of such a confluence of revolutions and republics . ( ' Oh ! oh ! ' ) The noble lord had read extracts from anonymous letters , and from

    newspapers , with which all were familiar . But he would tell the noble lord that it was himself who bad driven Ireland into rebellion . He ( Mr O'Connor ) had always stood up against bloodshed—he had always warned the people that there waa no benefit to be derived by them from a physical revolution . But the noble lord ought to be the last to repress the fair expression of public opinion . Did he hope to tie up the Irish mind with red tape , and cram it into one of _fers government boxes ? Did he suppose that a starving people would pay any attention to his suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act ? The noble lord had taunted the Irish Repealsrs with having thrown off the minor measure of Repeal of tbe Union , and with looking for a total separation of the two countries . Now , he ( Mr O'Connor ) had never disguised his sentiment ? _.

    He would tell tbe neble lord that if the French instead of the English had gained the battle of Waterloo , and the broad lands of the Russells had been given to Catholic priests , he was sure the noble lord would , with his dying breath , have enjoined his children to struggle for their independence . [ Here Lord John Russell rose from his seat , lifted up the copy of the oath of allegiance , which was on the table , and pushed it across to the hon . member , amidst tremendous cheering from all sides of the house . ] What did

    the Hoble lord want ? ( Renewed cheers . ) He presumed the noble lord wished to direct his attention to the oath of allegiance , but he thought , if the noble lord would examine tbat oath , he would see that he best discharged the obligation of that oath by preserving to her Majesty that portion of her dominions which could be preserved without the horrors of a revolution . ( Roars of laughter and derisive cheering . ) Yes , he would say-Give me the avowed , the erect , the manly foe , Bold I can meet , perhaps may turn his blow .

    The whole question in Ireland was a question between Catholic and Protestant—and until justice was done between these two creeds—until the state of things was removed which made the Protestants the masters , and the Catholics their serfs , there never would be peace in the country . The noble lord had attempted to govern the couatry by feeding the landlords on patronage as long as he could . When he could feed them no _lsnger he brought in the Encumbered Estates Bill , that they might have the power of selling their own estates . Oh , but , said the noble lord , did not we send eight million last year to feed the people ? Yes , they did , but tbey did not spend it in reproductive works , and

    they only gave it to stop the excitement . ( Derisive cheers . ) He hoped the Irish members would not acquiesce in this measure . For his own part , if it was in his power , he would obstruct it by every means in his power . He asked the Irish members to give up their slavish position of looking for patronage to the government , to cross to the other side of tbe house , and as the government was determined to coerce their country to give them every opposition in their power . ( No , no . ) If they did not think proper to do that , he regretted that Ireland must suffer ; but it was not in his power to prevent it . If tbe Irish members would be as faithful to their country as the Protestants had been to

    their creed , they would give the noble lord seme trouble . He had no doubt that the right hon . baronet the member for Tamworth would give this measure his support —( Cheers)—with more courtesy to the noble lord than the noble lord had shown to him when he opposed the comparatively trifling measure of an Arms Bill . The right hon baronet differed from him in politics , and perhaps the right bon . baronet would take that as a compliment . ( Cheers , and laughter . ) But he would say of the right hon . baronet , that his firm conviction was , if he had been at the helm of the ship last year and tbis , there would have been no need to ask for coercion bills . They said it was dangerous to

    compliment the right hon baronet ; but be must say that he was the only man to whom the moneyed classes and the people of this country looked a 3 the man that could save the country . As for the noble lord , he seemed to take a Stock Exchange view of the matter . Because the stocks went up one and a half per cent , when Mitchel and the others were arrested . He reduced the question to one of the rule of three , and calculated if three felons are worth one and a half per cent ., what will one traitor be worth ? ( Laughter . ) He thought the present government party was the smallest section of the house . The Irish members alone , if they were united , would beat the government ; the Protectionists would beat

    them , if it were not for the juvenile staff of the right honourable baronet . ( Laughter . ) The noble lord had quoted passages from various newspapers , but why did he not produce the articles from the Chronicle during the Reform and Free Trade agitation . Tbat paper in shewing the people the value of street warfare , republished all the tactics of Col . Mazzaroni , and recommended them to the consideration cf the populace , but that was when the Whigs stood iu need of violence , and hailed and encouraged the wildest expression of popular frenzy . That paper

    wliich , liki a true prostitute , had gone from one side of the house to the other . But there never was in any country such a venal aud profligate press da in this country . He warned the house not to fetter public opinion , as it was the national safeguard , and would break down every barrier . It was his pride to say , that he had never attended a secret meeting never written a secret letter , never allowed the press to be excluded from meetings , or never conspired against any one iu his life . These circumstances ought to entitle him to some claim to speak for his countrymen . The noble lord had expressed a hope

    Saturday, Jolt 22, The Tlouaoof Lords Me...

    that the bill would speedily be sent to the Upper House . The Upper House would , of course , pass the bill in a gallop , and it would not occasion him the least surprise , if it was returned to this house backed with a warrant for the apprehension of O'Brien and Meagher , and an indictment for treason against them . Having now adverted to the three propositions of the noble lord , he would conclude by reminding him of the aphorism , that to be forewarned was to be forearmed . ( Hear , hear . ) He had told hira of the effect of the Coercion Bill—he had told him the effect of the Crown and Government Bill—and all his predictions had been verified .

    He ( Mr O'Connor ) understood his countrymen better than the noble lord ; and he now told him that the effect of this new Coercion Bill would be to cause an immediate revolution in Ireland . ( Hear , hear , hpar . ) The noble lord mig ht rely upon the ability and courage of Lord Clarendon ; but if he had assisted that nobleman in carrying out measures of agricultural improvement , much more would have been done for Ireland . The draining of swamps and the reclamation of waste lands were , however , pursuits of too vulgar a nature for a Whig government , which would rather place its reliance upon _Free-trade negotiations with foreigners for the prosperity of the kingdom . ( Hear , hear . ) He told the

    noble lord not to lay the ' flattering unction to his soul' that the co-operation of the two Houses of Parliament in Bills of coercion for Ireland could keep a starving people in a state of tranquillit y , but that the effect weuld be to plunge the country in all the horrors of a civil war . The noble lord has dilated upon the apothegms , and appears to have chronicled ths sayings of the late Mr O'Connell , while the mind , which is now to be repressed , is the creation of those very sayings and apothegms ; but the noble lord had omitted to remind the bouse of Whig apothegms and Whig _sayings , when the Whig party stood in need of violence , sedition , and treason . The noble lord did not

    revert to the agitation for reform and free trade . He studiously avoided the repetition of the maxims of Reformers and Free Traders , the sentiments and teachings by which that mind wbich was now to be repressed was created . ( Hear , hear . ) When the Whigs required popular support they told the people that taxation without representation was tyranny and should be resisted—( bear , hear )—that the people were the only legitimate source of power J and that labour was the source of all wealth . ( Hear , hear . ) Well , was not the realisation of that teaching likely to be contended for b y an enthusiastic , a famished , a deceived people ? The Morning Chronicle—the organ ofthe Free Trader s , reminded hon . gentlemen

    upon the Protection benches , that ladies' heads had been dragged in the gutter aforetime , and that the amusement might be repeated ; and yet , with such teachings , followed by such treachery and disappointment , the people were to be placed out of the Constitution ! But he would warn the house that loyalty was a capricious thing . Men were not loyal when they were starved to death ; and much as they boasted of the loyalty of their Church , let them take away the tithes from the bishops to-morrow , and their loyalty would follow it the next day . Let them take the rents from the landlords , and they would become Chartists to a man . ( ' No , no , ' and laughter . ) Tuey might sav ' no ; ' but they were not

    tried yet . He ( Mr O'Connor ) had critically predicted the effect of Free Trade upon both England and Ireland ; and although Ireland , as an agricultural country , had the first taste—let not the English landlords deceive themselves with a notion that their day would not yet arrive . ( Hear , hear . ) Their position snd their influence , in that house might postpone the malady by the entangled , but deceptive budget ef tbe Chancellor of the Exchequer , the policy of whose government it was to feed class upon class , giving the politically influential the largest share of tbe booty . Had any single one of the extensive hopes presented in the celebrated Edinburgh missive of the noble lord been realised ? and

    where were the prudent and timely concessions so pompously referred to ? They are there , seated upon that bench ( pointing to the Treasury bench ) . That was the only beneficial change that the noble lord anticipated from _Frea Trade . ( Cheers . ) And while adverting to the sayings and doings of his colleagues , he would ask , where was the right hon . baronet the member for Harwich ( Sir J . Hobhouse ) once a revolutionist , but now a constitutionalisl ? How easy it wonld be to rake that Treasury bench , branding each of its occupants with the samp of sedition , while they are now associated together to abrogate the constitution of Ireland . He ( Mr O'Connor ) had never expressed an opinion eut of that house which

    he would fear to express in that house ; and much as he longed to see the liberty of his country established , be repeated there , what he had stated , over and over again , elsewhere , that the working classes of no country had ever derived a benefit from a _physical revolution , because , with the last shot , some greater tyranny is established , than that which has been destroyed , and the people mad , thoughtless , and enthusiastic , while rejoicing in their triumph , become victims to the ascendant party . ( Hear , hear . ) Yes , he understood that cheer , but what he contended for , was the right of the people to such a social system as would iRsure a sound political system to protect it , and around which all

    would equally rally . Now , he ( Mr O'Connor ) thought he best fulfilled the obligations of that oath of allegiance , which had been flashed in his face , by pointing out the means by which the English dominions may be most safely secured to her Majesty ; and he believed in his soul , tbat those means were by restoring to the Irish people the right of self-government , when both nations would be stronger and more harmonious than tbey are now . ( Ob , oh , oh ! ' ) Well , they may ' oh , ' but what would be the opinion of that house if they were aware that he ( Mr O'Connor ) entertained those

    opinions , but shrunk from their avowal ? In conclusion , he would make one more appeal to those Irish members who sat upon those benches as the flank company of the government—would ask them no longer to be the mere hacks and sycophants of an administration , whose every act tended to the prostration of their country—no longer to consider themselves honoured by the slavish acceptance of ; invitations to dine with the Prime Minister or his colleagues , but to pass over from that side of the house to the Opposition benches , resolved to abandon patronage for the emancipation of their oppressed country .

    Sir R . Pm . —Sir , by one of the compliments paid to me by the hon . gentleman I am _gratlSe ' . I am gratified by hU anticipation that I should give to the measure proposed by tbe government a decisive and cordial _support— ( loud and _continued _cicerlng ) - _—^ support not qua . lifted by tbe reminiictnces of past contentions —( cheers ) —a support not qualified by party recriminations . ( Loudeheers . ) Sir , I look to tbe state of Ireland ; I look to the combination whieh _Giists I look to thu avowals of the parties wbo head that combination—( cheers)—I give them credit for veracity ; and , giving them credit for veracity , I _believe there exists in Ireland at this moment a wicked _conspiracy to deprive the Queen of ber crown and government In that country .

    ( Load cheers . ) Suoh being my _impression , trustlug to the avowal of the _Confederates , I take my part nith the Grown of tbis united kingdom against the conspirators who are arrayed _agaiost it . ( Loud _cheers , ) Sir , I won ' t qualify the value of my support by a long _speooh . I don ' t blame tbe _government even far their delay in _introducing this measure . I cannot bnt feol that governm nts ought to be very forbearing before they impose the greatest restrictions thej oan _Impose os tho coustiia t _otisl liberties of a largo portion of her Moj sty ' s subjects . I dare say that at an earlier period a _cAae might have been made out fr placing tho liberty of individuals at tho discretion of tbe Crown ; bnt I agree with the noble lord that wood _proposals of thia nature are made there ought to be a _strong decisive impression on the mind of this hou _^ e , and _< n the public mind also that

    there is no opportunity for further _dolny that the necessity has arisen which _justiHus tho _mes . Euro , and which will ensure for It a general support . ( Loud cheers . ) Sir , I bolieve the question at issue lu Ireland ts not whether the union shall be rcpealel , ( Cheera . ) I believe that if you do nothing you will have during the recess a _dceolbtlc-g warfare . ( CaetrB . ) My opinion is thac _^ the authority of tbe Crown will be ultimately _Bucce-sml , after great _duvaBtatiou of property , after great 1 (> S 9 Of life , lifter tho _lOHS Ol life by mony _innocent persons—the loss of life by many who hava joined lu re belliou Irotn doubt as to your ultlmnto intentions —but tbis I believe , that if the Crown ehould fail in _re- ' establishiog Its huihority , yeu "ill tl . _ea have substituted for the _govirnmint _undtr wbich you live by far the most true '! , debasing aud _sauguinary desolation thai can

    p revail in a civilised country . ( Loud _chocrs _. ) There is no cr _> noealm _: nt of what are to be tbe instruments by whic ' i this new power is io be established . Have I n _< e seen a _reference made to the value of the crops tbat ore now _sending in Ireland ! Have I nit sem a disti id encouragement given to the masses , to tha physical strength c f tbo country to combine with tha men superior in intelligence , not that they may furtively uhdermine tho Royal authority , not that they may tnko _means for ultimately repealing the union , but that they may at one * resort to pill . _' gufor tho purpose of dividing among t ' _-emiclves thc spoils of their _success ? ( Loudch ?< _rs ) Tbit is the mode in wbich the power of these men ivho u .-e conducting this _coinbinittion is to be _exorttd . 1 won ' t enter into auy other questions connected with genera' _government , I believe the diinger is immin . nt . ( Cheers . ) I believe thut if thtro hau _bsju too uiuuh delay , tbat ' _eonititutss a reason for immediate action . ( Cheew _. ) I for one am perfectl y prepared to insist on

    Saturday, Jolt 22, The Tlouaoof Lords Me...

    no ordinary forms . ( Liud cheers . ) I believe that thi _eovernment Is jus tified In asking for thi . measure . 1 believe the measure itself—the power to apprehend ot _gnspicion and keep t he conspirators in confinement , ii necessary . The conspiracy is not an _Bgrariai one ; ii _s not a conspiracy of _aasasslns , It U the _oonsplraey o traitors That Is a case in whioh I think the apprehen . _aion of the leaders is justified . It is possible othei measures m » y be neoesBary . I hope , after the announce _, ment of the noble lord , there will be no delay ou thi part of the government In asking for these measures ( Cheers ) If they be directed against ths clubsif tbey be directed against thoso shooting galleries _«» taMlshed in the metropolis of Ireland , witli

    the heart of the Lord . Lieutenant as the butt _ogainst whioh their shots are to be fired—if this be so —if government require additional powers to maintain the authority of the Crown , I do hope no delay win be Interposed in stating what are those additional powers . ( Cheers ) I think it would ba unbecoming on the pari of me mbera of this housa to urge oh her Majosty ' _s _mialaters additional powers . The responsibility rests with tbem I will not urge on them measures of greater coercion than tbose their own responsibility demands ; but this I Bay , a _» nothing but necessity can justify a BUS . _nenslon of the Habeas drpus Act , tho same _neoosalty makes immediate action desirable , and I will _oonsent to the suspension of any forms in order to embody my

    opinions in the shape of an act of _Parllsmont . With re . spec * to the speech of the hon . gentleman ( Mr O'Connor ) , I tell him I will defend the monarchy of _EoglanJ against this mock King of _Munster ( _loud _oheers and laughter ) and against hU own pretensions also in a subordinate degree . ( Loudch «« 8 . ) The King of Munster ! ( Shouts of laug hter . ) This gentleman who says , * Dont » hout out for the King ef Munater yet ! ' ' Not yet ! ' No . I for one am not prepared to exchange the mild supremacy of Queen Victoria for this new King of _Munster . ( Loud cheers ) I did g ive credit to tho hon . gentleman tbat be was 'tha bold , the erect , the manly foe , ' duriuirthat period of bis _speeoh , In whioh drawing a contrast between himself and other agitators in Ireland , he said , ' he for one was the friend of separation . ' Bat the noble

    lord ( Lord 3 . Russell ) showed ths hon . gentleman an oath by wbich hehad _aworn to bear true _alleglanc * to her Majesty ; apon which the hon . gentleman said , ' And am I not fulfilling that oath of allogianco when I am trying to insure for her Msjesty the _subnotion of her Majesty ' s faithful subjects in Ireland ! ( Hear , hear . ) Wby , that is what the late Mr O'Connell might have said , who was the enemy of separation , and wished to maintain the golden link of tha Crown—16 might have been possible for him to say , ' I am for a soparats legislature but for the supremacy ef the Crown in Ireland . ' The position of the hon . gentleman , however , is diff rent from that occupied by _MrO'Connall , whoa he asserts his ' boldness' and * manliness' in declaring for tho se .

    paration of Ireland from England . Xf ho aetms by ' separation' that Ireland shall still remain associated with England—why was he scared by that oath i ( Loud cheers . ) I thought the hon . gentleman ' s declaration in favour of' separation' had bsen absolute ; but on seeing and being reminded of that oath he said , 'Iamendea . _Vauring to preserve the integrity of her _Majeiij _' e Iritb dominions . ' ( Mr O'Connor— 'Her English dominions . ' ) 'Her Engliahdominions ! ' That oath wastakeB without that equivocation , . ( Loud cheers . ) The allegiance promised was allegisnco on the part of Ireland as fully and completely as on the part of England ( loud cheers ); and if the hoa . gentleman really took that oath with a secret reservation that he would be a faithful and loyal

    subject In this part of the U nited Kingdom , but reserved a perfect latitude of action in Ireland , and a right to sever the sitter country from Her Majesty ' s dominions , —that latitude of construction is so large as would entalnly convince me that there Is nt value whatever in suoh a declaration of allegiance . The hon , gentleman asks whether we think it possible to maintain a restricted monarchy after the example we have had In what has been occurring in France , in Italy , In Germany , and other European states . Sir , I Bay not a ward with respect to the internal a dministration of the affairs of other countries . I have done what I oould Bince the commencement of these disorders humbly to _disoourage any reflections on what has occurred in _Piris or elsewhere ; but when the hon . gentleman holds up tho

    example of wbat has taken place in other countries as a reason wby we should distrust the advantage of maintaining the monarchy of this eountry , I bars no dim . cutty . I have a right to say that , looking at what has taken place on the chief arena of revolutionary Europetaking France , taking Paris as tha example—looking at tbe government that existed before February , the securities for public liberty —( bear , bear)—tha state of the revenue , the condition ofthe manufacturing _claaset _, the principles that were acted upon with respect to tha reward of labour—looking at what passed in February , looking at what passed in the interval of three or four moaths—in June , when the new government , founded en the barrieades of February , was exposed to the most

    violent opposition from tbose whoso _hopeB had been disappointed—looking to all tbis , I draw a fitting reflection from it for the guidance of the people of this countryand I say , so far from wbat has _paaed in _Burops inducing me to distrust the advantage of limited monarchy , or to believe thst its foundations are less secure—to believe that there is less of affectionate devotion towards tha person of the Sovereign , or less of rational oonvlotlon in favour of t _^ e advantage of limited monarchy—I look to the experience of the last six months , and I retain an increased conviction that the monarchy of this country is secure , and is endeared by new cons _iterations to the aff . ctionato support and devotion of the people of this country . ( Loud and continued cheering . )

    Mr B . _Obbsbne believed that the object of the men against whom this bill was directed was not repeal , but murder and pillage . It was , th _«»< or _3 , a measure of mercy to lock up those men who wished to accomplish such an objeot , and to deluge Ireland with blood . Ho could not , however , vete for tho continuance ef tnlo bill to the 1 st ef Mareh , 1849 , because be thought that the house ought not to be prorogued , but should sit from month to month in deliberation upon the remedial measures necessary for Ireland , He thought that tbere might be some modification of the Act of Union ; but still he would not , when the house was on firo , do any . thing to impede the operation of tbe engines upon it , Tho state of things In Ireland was most alarming . He bad received that _morning Information from Ireland that numbers of houses In _Tipporary had been stripped of tbeir lead in order to make bullets . Under _buoq circumstances ha should not oppose tbe introduction of tie bill .

    Mr Sadliir thought that it was hi _^ h time that the movements of the revolutionists should be stopped , and should , therefore , cordially _sappart the bill of the neble lord . At ihe same timo , ho told him that the extensive _disaffection which existed In Ireland conld net hava existed without great _mlsconduot on the part of Its rulors . Mr S . Cb & wfobd found it very difficult to convey to the house any idea how very painful it was to him to proceed to a division npon the present question . The condition of Ireland was one of tbe _grentest possible danger , and no one more earnestly doairod than he did to uphold her _Majesty ' d loyal subjects In that part of the United Kingdom with all the force that lasv asd government could pu * forth for their protection , _But _.

    _loeking at the _measures of the government , be found it impossible to come to any conclusion favourable to their plans . On the contrary , he bellovod their whole ad . ministration to be utterly inefficient for any useful _purpcie , aod more especially did ho consider that the present measure would be wholly unsuccessful . He wanted to see peace established in Ireland , and he feared tbat the proposed bill would bring with it no peace . He admitted _tbat times arose wben tbe common principles of the _constitition must be suspended ; but what ho wanted was , that sueh measures of suspension should aot go alone—that they should bo accompanied with practical plans ef nodal improvement . He begged tbe house for a moment to consider what were tbe causes of the present agitation and discontent . They

    evilently were to be found in the condition of the people . Was their social state a healthy csndltlon ! Were thay not depressed to the lowest point which human beings could reaoh ? In some ports of the country the population were actually starring . Such was the state ef Ireland at present , and such it bad been for a length of time past . And this was going on without any attempt to provide remedial measures . The strongest promises of remedial measures were uniformly made by _eivety Ministry , aud as _unifonmly neglected . They were growing worse and wareo every day . In the year 1800 the Habeas Corpus Act had been suspended iu Ireland ; it bad again beeu _suepeuded from 1802 till 1805 ; from 1807 till 1818 ; _agatu In 1814 ; and once more , from 1822 till 1824 . Tho Habeas Corpus Act ,

    then , hail frequently been _suspended , and they even had martial law from 1803 till 1805 . Arms Acts were frequently enforced , and now , In 1848 , after _forty-stveu years of union , Ire-land must be hold by tho sword , or cy that wbich few governments liked to propose—good rcinodial measures , If remedied measures were not adopted , the consequence would bo social disorganisation in Ireland , aud a _reaistama directed agaiust property and ordor , which the _government had not a sufficient body vf troopB to put down ; for there was a groat difference between meeting a rabble lu a field , and _taklun that military occupation of the whole country which , under the circumstances he alluded to , would bo . como _necossary . In 1798 tbero was a forco of 100 , 509 men in Ireland ; and , he would ask , was government prepared to furnish as great a force now t There could be no mere dangerous policy than to adopt apparent measures of coercion unless the government possessed the power of carrying them out .

    He dreaded the _dlsorgantsttloa of the country , and tho resistance to rents nnd taxes whioh would arise , unless remedial muaaurea were adopted , and which no _cosreive measures could adequately roach . The violent opinions held by individuals in Irelvind hadbjen roferred to ; but why were such opinions held and expressed ? Because thoio had been that oppression of thecountry—that want cf attention . to Ua interests and wishes , whioh impelled _thos-e pirsona to havo a _desirefot separation . He wanted to know why ths aot already _paaBed , commonly called the _Fehni Aot , could not be sufficient for the purpose , and wi y , it had not been fully carried eut i The govermnen * heed uot used the powers with n their hands ; and why ih n _, should that houso bo cullod on to pass a ' new _CKrvion act ? Ha roiollectol the _proceeding of 17 D 8 when It wns alleged at tbe time that government _tiaii n « _slicted all pr p : r precautious wi th the view of k'Uins bin _^ _a come to a _ci-isi _* . Ha _fcopod that such waa r . ow not the _cas _.-, though there might appear eome grounds for the suspicion , when it wan Been that tho lawn of thc

    Saturday, Jolt 22, The Tlouaoof Lords Me...

    land already in existence were not put into execution . He believed that one of tha most dangerotu kinds of coer . clon was the arresting of porsens on mate susplclan aud he recollected the bad effects of the exercise of such a power In former times , Uader these circumstance " , he felt It to be his indispensable duty not to let the houso corns to e vote on tbis question without recording bis opinion of the inutility of the proposed measure of coercion , and of the necessity of the house applying itself to the adoption of remedial measures . Ho folt himself the more bound to do this because he bad hitherto been pri _> - _vanted by various circumstances from bringing before tbe house tbe whole question of Ireland , and the nmodial measures bo _wauld recommend . The hon , _membarcon . oludod by moving an amendment to tbe following effect : — ' That the present distracted state of Irelaud arises frommlsgovernment and from the want of remedial measure * , -without which no coercive measure could _reetora either order or content to the country , '

    Ur Faoam seconded the amendment , and contended that Lord John Russell bad not made out any oase even upon his own shewing , for the _smpsnuioa of the _Habeas Corpus Aot . Ths evils of Ireland were of a social character aud required a social remedy . You could not loag preserre that country to tbe empire either by a eya ' om of packed juries or by your military force . Mr _DiiiAELi deolared his intention of giving tbe measure of government his unvarying and unequivocal support . If he could bring himself to think that tbia pending Insurrection arose from the social and political grievances of Ireland , and that this bill would ba an obstacle to the remedy of those grievances , he should be inclined to view It with distrust . Its character was _flagrant ; it was avowedly an invasion cf the constitution . The

    only excuse for it was its necessity , and Its necessity had been proved by the circumstances to which Lord J . Russell had alluded in his speech . His lordship had not come down to tha house with a green bag full of anonymous communications , but had only referred to circumstances with which all were familiar , as _ajustifl cation of the measure wbich he recommended . He _ooneidered tbis pending Insurrection to ba neither an agrarian nor religious m _jvement . It did not arise from any perverted sentiment sf nationality , fer it was nothing more nor less th » n a Jacobin movement . Now , looking , as he did , upon _Jicoblnlsm as a _system of unmitigated fraud and violence , we must encounter its violence with greater force , and must meet with courage that auda . city , which had been _enoouraged by events which had not occurred in England , nor as yet In Ireland . He protested against the attempt to mix up the social and

    politieal grievances of Ireland with the question then before thp house . Ho also protested against its going forth to Europe that this was a question between tbe English government and the Irish _people . The majority of that _pee-ple were not traitors . He oould not believe that the Roman Catholic priesthood would look with favour on a _Jaoosin movement , nor would he believe , though some of the peasantry might have been deceived by tbe delusions of bad men , tbat the great body of them in the south of Ireland were heart and soul in this menacing movement . It was the movement of a -party stimulated by foreign events asd encouraged fey foreign success . He had no doubt that their plots would meet with discomfiture ; but he wished that that discomfiture might not be accomplished at the eame expense of life and treasure and good feeling at which it had been accomplished on former occasions , and for that reason he supported this bill _.

    Mr Cjuxaohah opposed the measure , which , he be . Ueved _, was founded on the misrepresentations of the press , and would not have the effect anticipated . Sir D . _Noaasis supported the measure , asd called on tbe government to seize the leaders of tbe _conspiracy at ouce , and thus save his poor wretched countrymen , who wcre misled by them , from the misery which would _otbernise fall on them . Hr _Dsomuomd observed , tbat tbe general policy of the government with regard to Ireland was not ihe question then under the consideration of the house . Whenever that qavstion was properly raised , be would be ready to enter at length into It . The point for them then to consider was a particular _remedy for a _particular state of affairs . He agreed with Mr Disraeli as to the origin of Ihe present movement in Ireland , and would

    cordially support the government in any measures which it might deem necessary to meet the case . The hon . member proceeded to make aa attack upon Mr O'Cennor and this journal _: —The hon . member for Nottingham has _apokan of a profligate press haviag done much to influence the piblie mind improperly . It is not for mo to Otand up iu b _» half of the preen , nor , indeed , do I think tbat it has need ef any defender in tbis bouse ; but I should like to know what meaning the hon . member for _NottinKbam attaches to the word ' profligate * in this instance . ( Hear , hear , ) I suppose he means to de . scribe a person who , in his connexion with the press , doas some unworthy act for the sake of his private advantage or gratification , Now , I should like to _kaow whether there is a person connected with any pap r in the kingdom but one , who will publish a long column of

    blasphemous books and recommend them to all his readers . ( Loud cries of'Hear , ' ) I will not pollute my lips nor dlBgsst the ears of the honourable members by reading tbe titles of _tbiBe works ; but I wish to know whether the paper which acts in tbe manner I bave described is tbe ' profligate press' referred to by the honourable member for _Nottingham « ( Cheers . ) I give the honourable member for Nottingham the choice of two al ternatives—either he _boliuves in and approves of tbe doctrines of tbe books advertised ; er , _knewing and believing tbem to be immoral , irreligious , and blasphemous works , he publishes their titles for tha sake of the money he gets for so doing . ( Hear , hear . ) I charge tha bon . member for Nottingham with having , more perhaps than any oae , tended to foment Jacobinical feelings . When I spoke on a former occasion of the doctrine pro

    _mulgated by M . Froudhon _, touk _propriete est m voi _, I was ignorant tbat tbe some doctrine bed been broached by the hon . _member for Nottingham la _hn newspaper . Hero it is— 'The land is yours , and one day or other you'll have your share of It ; and the sooner you arrive at a knowledge of its value , tbe sooner will yon be prepared to assert tbe great principle , tbat the Und is the _peeple ' s inheritance , and that kiage _, _prlnoes , peers _, nobles , priests , and commoners , who bave stolen tt from tbem , hold it upon tho title of popular ignorance rather thau upon any right human or divine . The natural right is jours—the human usurpation is theirs . ' ( _Loudoriesof'Hsar _. ' ) But that is net all—the hon , member for Nottingham is not merely discontented with the tenure of property , he declares that the whole Btate

    of society must be subverted . ( Hoar , hear . ) This , then , Ib not , as tbe noble lerd has argued , a question os to the separation of Ireland—it is not a mere question of repeal ; it is a question affecting the foundation of society _itsslf . But the hon msmber for Nottingham shall speak for himself ;— ' We frankly avow that we have no respect for society as at present constituted . Civilisation means ill-requited labour , starvation , gaols , bastilles far the masses . To the millions civilisation is a huge lie , an organised hypocrisy . Perish such civilisation ! ' ( Loud cries of ' Hear . ' ) Amongst the things which have Maddened the too excitable people of Ireland , we may enumerate that curse an _< unruly tongu _ej' whioh ' setteth on fire the course of nature , and is set on fire of hell . ' (« heera . )

    MrHcHB * I beg to protest against the abominable doctrines which tho hoa . member tor Surrey has qaoted on the subject of property , and to express my _abberreuce of the man or the paper which oould pander to the passions of any portion of the people by promulgating such doctrines . ( Cueers _. ) I hope that there are tow papers which would act such apart , and I do net hesitate to designate as ' profligate' any party whs would endanger the peace of society by holding out to the ignorant expec rations which he must know _caa never bo realised , ( Chiera ) The man wbo takoB tbat course is dangerous to aeciety—he 1 b dishoneBt and ought to be shunned . ( Loud cheers , ) In my opinion there Is nothing mere pregnant with danger at ihe prosenc time than tbe per . nlcious principles relative to property which have beeu widely disseminated in a neighbouring oountry , and which some individuals have for years back fostered lo this . ( Hear . ) To Interfere with the labour of others and to attempt to establish community of property , ia a dlreot violation of the fundamental law s ot

    society . It appears to me tbat the remarks of the honourable member for Surrey would have been more applicable to Communis n and Jacobinism . Great evil has resulted in France from the promulgation of the doctrines of Communism . I hope that no individual will rise in this house and support such _doctrinoa . ( Hear , hear . ) It would Le dangerous to do so at any time , but it is doubly dangerous at a period of distress , when tho passions of the poorer classes can be easily worked upon by men who promise what they knew can never be carried into execution . ( Cheers . ) The hon . _member then proceeded to observe , that the part which he had always taken with respect to the affairs of Ireland caused him to take a deep _interest in tbe condition of that unfortunate country ; no man not connected with Ireland had brought thc evils whicli afflicted that country more

    frequently under the notice of the house than he had done ; no person could be more impressed with the ncces * ity of removing those evils by wise and honest legislation ' , but porceiving the danger which now menacea Ireland he was _eouatraiued to vote for a measure which would invest the government with power to suppress any attempt to iraise civil war . Like the hon . member for Corlc , he was of opinion that the peace of Iroland oouli never be effectually secured until the Legislature removed the long-continued causes of discontent which existed in that country . For many years class had been opposed to class in Ireland—Protestants against Catholics—and eminent men had traversed the country preaching the doctrine that English oppression was tbe cause of Irish misery , and that England was the deadly enemy of Ireland . That was the state of feeling which prevailed down to 1829 , wh _« m the Act of Emanci pation passed . That measure having been carried , he hoped that the evils of Iroland would be _remsved by the adoption ef a system of mild and conciliatory conduct on the part of

    the Legislature ; lout in that he had been disappointed . Ireland was iu its present disturbed state because their civil rights were withbeld from the peoplo . They wtve uot placed on tho same footing as the people of England aud Scotland . Since the Irish people were not treat , d as freemen it was too much to expect that they should demean _thcmstlves as patiently and orderly us their more fortunate fellow subjects in other parts of the empire . The source of the demagogues' power in Iroland was tbo misery of the people . Tlie _promi- _-es whicli tho Ministers had held o * . t to tho people of Ireland had never been fulfilled . ( Hear . ) When the Tones were in office then-opponents upbraided them with he ing tho cause of the mUcry of Ireland by refusing to make concessions which would restore peace nnd content i cut to that country . But what bad tho present Ministers done for Irelaud ? _llloar _, _lio-. ir . ) It was extremely to bo regretted that the promises wh ub bad beeu iniide over and over uguinto Olio peoplo oi _Ire-lund had not beeu fulfilled . Ireland had been _n-gleeted for e ' ljht or uiuc mouths , aud now , « t _thj eud of tha session , tha

    Saturday, Jolt 22, The Tlouaoof Lords Me...

    gorernment comes to parluiment and asks for _ . _** , tional powers for the purpose of coereinj _j the people 7 % present bill might have the effect of arresting the Cou , of the tool sh or wickod men wl . o were exciting th ' , ' fellew countrymen in Ireland ; to that extent it mi _h hush and quiet the present excitement , but tho bill Wof ? J be but temporary . Discontent would remain a « ion » its cause existed . As fast as the government ; mw arrest agitators in one place others would arise in an _ther . Ministers were about , far the second time in o session , to deprive the people of Ireland of some of *§* privileges of tbe constitution . They possessed the selves of power , and were _responsible for the _cxerct- f it . They were in an especial degree _tnswerable t ' _. _ir th evils of Ireland , because they had not availed the selves of the opportunity they possessed of _fulfilling _»?* promises they had made . ( Hear , hear . ) The t _^ , ? people could not forget the declarations _retiMtlli .

    made by every man now sitting on the Tra 3 i , bonch , tliat there could be no peace in Ir _^ _p J as long as the Irish church remains ! l n _' _*? 1 tence . ( Loud crleB of ' Hear , hear . ') England » obliged to maintain 60 , 000 men in arms ia Ir _lanrt That country was governed , not as he wished to se . it „ der tho mild aud maternal sway of _Vistoria , it was held a garrison , and the expense waa now visiting the * ju <) _* ' % England ass punishment for the course which htAL n pursued towards that unfortunate country . It Wa 3 ! L "~ alone in a pecuniary point of view th . it England suffered the risk was incurred of the disorganisation which nrp vailed in Ireland extending to this country . Our p . _irlshM were overrun with paupers , whilst the profits of trade and the means of employment were daily decreasing t ? was the duty of Ministers to bring forward immediatsU measures calculated to conciliate the people of Ireland and Parliament ought to sit from day to day to pass them ' The noble lord at the head ofthe govemment u < n d for *

    merly to regard the extension ot the suffrage as one ofthe * means of conciliation ; but what was the case now _*> ira land bad once 200 , 000 representatives- ( great _li . _u-ht «» —he should bave said electors ; but he did not believe that the number of electors now amounted to more than io 800 Was that a stale of things that ou _, _< ht to be continued . ' when the popu _' ation reached 8 , n 0 o , 0 _» o ? He asked the noble lord to consider this subject , as well as the state of tho grand jury laws in Ireland , and the state of its _municioal institutions , and he submitted that parliament ought not to separate without an attempt to apply remedies in oach of these particulars . He agreed entirel y with his hon . friend ( Mr is . Crawfordi that remedial measures ought to be introduced as speedily as possible , but he should be sorry to see auy division on thc motion now before the liouse . ( Hear , hear . ) He hoped that remedial _measrures for Ireland would be brought forward to-morrow —( loud laughter )—he meant Monday—though he could notheln

    thinking the better the day the better the deed . He did not know that any man could employ the Sabbath day better than in giving peace to Ireland —( cheers )—if sitting on a Sunday could be made the means of doing so . He , therefore , advised his hon . friends near bim not to oppose the motion , but to allow the bouse to come to an unani . mous vote upon it , though he was quite ready to support the proposition of his hon . friend when it came before tba house in a separate shape . No man , to judge from the speech which he hid delivered , was more impressed with the necessity of passing remedial measures for Ireland than the noblo lord , and he onl y regretted that the noble lord had not acted upon his own convictions . Mr Newdeqate would give his support to this _meaaura ae a great measure of policy , hut he _conBidcre 1 tba case aa strictly exceptional , and he wiBbed to guard him . self against the supposition that he thought such a mea . sure ought to be considered as the occasion for anv bt <» _£ constitutional changes . He trusted that her Mai ? stVa government would pass this measure _withoat makl „ _anr conditions , for past experience ought to tell them tnat ii h _' ' !' l ' d ° d ° _" lj S 0 W the wiad t 0 rea P _*•

    Mr ftBoaAN . as representative of the loyal citizens of Dublin , thanked the government for this bill , wliich would put an end to that _agitation which had reduced so many ofthe opulent and industrious tradesmen _of-fiubl ' n to bankruptcy and ruin . He regretted that this mua 9 ura bad not bsen introduced earlier , and hoped tbat the go . vernment uvould not show any indecision in carrying it into effect . Mr _Ritnolds differed toto ccclo from his hon . _colleagns . He prophesied tbat this bill would pass and would be a failure . Still , in expressing that belief , he rr :- . st declare himself favourable , not toits introduction , but _toitser . t ' mction , He should rote against it in all Its stages , and hoped that those stages would be long and tedious . Ths bill would make Repealers , aad would extend all the evils wbich it professed to cure _.

    Mr Muntz asked Mr S . Crawford to withdraw bis amendment . He lamented over the necessit y in which be felt himself placed to give support to her Maj . sty ' s government , but he felt tbat under existing circumstances he could not help himself . He warned her _Msjigty ' _s government , that if they did not forthwith redre _.-s tbe grievances of Ireland he never would support them in another Coercion Bill for that country . Sir H . _Basbok added his testimony to the absolute necessity for adopting this measure with unanimity . He had that morning receired letters from Ireland of the most alarming nature . People of all _descriptions were lamenting that the government had not adopted thess measure sooner . Some of ths leaders of the intended rebellion who had some property , were most anxious for the passing ef this bill , and would rejoice when they heard the sound ofthe prison doors closing behind them . For they knew that thoy and their property would bs sacrificed iu a _rising which must lead to their ruin . _N o one was more convinced of tbe hopelessness 0 ! the rebel _, lion than some oftbe leaders of it , and to his knowledge _so _* Tie of them had expressed themselves to that effect .

    Colonel Dunne concurred in the amendment of Mr S , Crawford , but nevertheless declared bis intention of sup . porting the bill . Mr Scully , considered that this bill might be fatal . He denied the disaffection and _dltloyalty wbich had bees attributed to Tipperary . If the government did notin . tend to introduce remedial measures for Ireland , this bill would never introduce into that country permanant peace . The house theu divided , when thenumbers were—Por Mr S . Crawford ' s amendment .. 8 Against it .. .. ,, ,. 271 Majority against it .. .. 26 ? Leave was then given to bring iu the bill ; and it was brought in by Lord J Russell and reed a first time .

    Lord J . _RcisBtl . —Sir , as _thehouiejias ' sounequivocally expressed its opinion in favour of this bill as to leave no doubt that it shall pass , —( cheers . )—I do hope thatthe house will now agree that , under all the circumstances it would be bet _' er that the bill should be pasBed im « mediately . ( Loud cheering . ) I therefore more that this bill be now read a second time . ( Renewed cheering . ) Mr _O'Connok . —I will not take up the time of thc bouse by any further expression of opinion on my part , seeing that the house has so very uaegulrocallydeclared itselffn favour oftbe bill . Sir L . O'Bbiin ( brother to Mr Smith 0 'Brien ) .-Sir , I wish te explain in one word the vote which I have just given . ( Hear , hear . j lean assure you , when 1 beard

    tbe announcement of the noble lord yesterday that it was his intention to bring in this bill , my first impression was not to vote upon it . It occurred to me that the vote of a single individual would be but of small Importance and , considering the possibility of my near relative _bein » one oi the first to be affected by the measure , the impression oa my mind was , that it would oe more decoroos not to vote . But , considering that if I abstained from voting _, my conduct might be mistaken in Ireland- ( hear , hearland being strongly impressed with tbe necessity of these proceedings being put an end to for the sake o : t- e poor persons who are sure to be involved in great sufferings by their continuance , I thought it more _becotaitg to rive a decided vote in favour ofthe measure . ( Cheers )

    Mr Hume -A great p _* . wer is given by this bill to tha Lord-Lieutenant or the other parties who are to carry ou tho government of Ireland of imprisoning the subject . Now , I want to know if any record will be Kept Of the individuals who may be arrested , in order that at the proper time we may be _satisfied-tbat the law has notbeen improperly exercised . ( Hear , hear . ) I should like to know what is the rule in such cases j and , if tbere is no such rule as I have mentioned , I think we ought to take care that tha liberty of the subject is not unnecessarily interfered with- ( Hear , hear . ) Sir 6 . Gret , —Un former occasions , when a law exactly similar was in force , it was provided that any warrant for the apprehensioa of any individual should be lodged with the Clerk of the Peace for the City of Dublin . '

    Mr KbTMotDi .-Sir , the sense of the house has b » en se * . distinctly and decidedly expressed on this subject that I , for one , do not feel I should bo justified in calling for another vote upon it . The bill has now been read a first time , but I ask the government whether it is perfectly fair towards the people of Ireland in the _absense of the great bulk of their representatives — ( ' Oh , oh _, ' ) -to propose to read it a second time to-day ? It appears to fee an unusual course to call for the second reading of ji bill of which the people of Ireland have received no notice whatever . The bill has not been even placed in the hands of members , All we know about It is that it proposes to suspend the constitution in Ireland , and , perhaps , with a principle so _s _weepinar , it matters little what the details

    may be . ( Hear , hear . ) But I ask whether it is respectful to the people of Ireland and tbeir representatives , who are necessarily absent , to proceedtn this hurried manner ! The second reading may be postponed till Monday at all events . ( ' No , no . ' } I have stated that I do not feci niy « self justified in asking for a division again , and it is net my intention to do so . I feel , indeed , thatit would be unpardonable in me to do so , after so decided an expression of the sense ofthe house . ( Hear . ) I beliere that the majority being so very large and the minority so very small is entirely to be attributed to the fact that the representatives of tho people of Ireland have had no voice in the matter . Surely tho eountry is not hi such imminent danger as to require all this haste . ( ' Divide , divide . !)

    Mr Monsell . —I will not occupy the attention oftbe house tor more than one moment . The hon . gentleman who has just sat down has spoken of the _courseprouosed by her Majesty ' s government as unusual ; but I ani sure the hon . gentleman will udmit that the state of Ireland is unusual too . ( Cheers ) I entreat the noble lord at tne head ot the government , and I entreat this house , it _' tbey value huraauhte , not to delay the passing of this measure . ( -Cheersj . I only state what is my strong conviction , when I Bay tliat on the passing of this bill , and the acting on it suddenly , depeiias the salvation of the lives of multitudes oi my fellow countrymen , particularl y ofthe uoorcr classes-reheer _?; -and I therefore entreat the _hou *; e to interpose ne obstacle to the passing of a measure which has been too long delayed . ( Cheering ; After some further conversation the bill was read a second ttme . Tho house then went into committee on the bill . On the question being put , that the bill should ext . nd to tho 1 st of March . 1819 .

    Mr Osbobnk begged , in accordance with the views he had already expressed , to observe , that the house ought I T r ° _i ' P i } . ni , e tU 1 U had _Passeei remedial measures for Irelaud . The bill was proposed to remain ia force till th 1 lstot March . Wlmt security had the house that they would not be dismissed _n-. _xtweek , while this bill w _. is io operation in Ireland , without any remedial measures being passed ? He would most strongl y deprecate such » State oi _tilings ; and , therefore , he would now move that this bill should continue onl y to the 1 st of September , 18 _* 8 . 1 'Ou , on ' . ' 1 He should do so for this reason , that they had lamentable experience that the house would not pass other measure ** absolutely necessary for tlie wellbeing of Ireland . He , therefore , moved that the lull be only extended to the 1 st of September 1848 . ( Cries of * _Se _>; no . ') ( _Co'icIittieM' , ' _rt ihe Fim Page . )

    In Existence Not Into Execution T To And...

    ft THE _NORTHBRNJTAIL July 29 _^ 184 rl

    Rrintotl By Douual M'Gowan, Of 16, Grea*. Windmill"

    _rrintotl by _DOUUAL M'GOWAN , of 16 , Grea _* . Windmill"

    Ttruet, Iluymarhut, In Tho 0:Tj 01' West...

    ttruet , _Iluymarhut , in tho 0 : _tj 01 ' _Westin ; stcr , at * -2 _« Otliutt , in the same- _Stroot _anei l _' arish _, for tn l * r . i . _rWtofi FEARGUS O'CONNOR , Esq ., M . P _., and ' > u " ' iU _^ _'" * by William _llswivr , of Yo . IS , Charles-street . ; " •" doii-stiTct , W \ ilwor-tl ., in the parish of St . Miir \ . '• _'' •" Hig'oii , in tho County of Surrey , at _thuOflU't , S » . _•' ' _* Great _Wiminiill-siret-. t . Ilaytn _.-irkrt , in the Ci _** oi ' * ' * '' minster . —Saturday July _rj-nh , _lSiU

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 29, 1848, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns4_29071848/page/8/