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    " ¦ -/' ' •' ¦ v i. \' * ¦ * ' • ~ f "li...

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    House Of Commons, Monday, Feb. 17. The H...

    ( Continued from our sixth page . J cult to put salt on the tail of so sby a bird as Sir Robert peel , but he thought that he had done it now , when , he _prodnsed an opinion of his thatthe Minister ought to keep hU ears open to fhe complaints ofthe agriculturists , and to give them a share in any relief which he was enabled to dispense to the community . He gave notice that , on a future day , he should propose to extend the income and property-tax to Ireland . The Marquis of _Gbasbv thought thatthe manufacturers would not feel satisfied if the same answer were _Tetora-sd to them -which Sir _Robert Peel had just retamed to ihe agriculturists . Would they think themselves well treated if they were told that their distress wmld be alleviated in consequence of the general prosperity which would overflow the country , when the remission ofthe taxes on agriculture came into full operation }' _Axterafewtrords fro m Mr . CoUett ,

    Mr . Boebcck called the attention ofthe country to this fact , that every Member on Ms side of the House had condemned the income and property tax—bad deprecated it as a permanent tax—and had expressed his expectation that it would be permanent ; and that , nevertheless , every one of them bad come to the conclusion that lie would _voie for the tax . - . Hr . CBciiEE said , thatthis tax must now be regarded s ; a permanent tax ; and seeing that it must he so regarded , be felt himself at liberty to oppose it . The gallery was then cleared for a division , when there _sppaarad— For tbe amendment « .,......, 35 Against it . 263 Majority against it 203 jtr . Cdkteis moved that the Chairman do report progress , and ask leave to sit again . Mr . Hoebuck said , he was about to move that the income tax be extended to Ireland .

    Mr . Sheil . —Yes - , to give the Hon . and Learned Memher for Bath an opportunity of reading Edmund Burke ' s speech on tbe conciliation of America . ( A laugh . ) Lord Howick observed , that if the Hon . . Member for Bath meant really to move ids amendment , it must be done in the present stage of the bill . Mr . Boebcck said , be seriously intended to move it . Mr . Cdkteis repeated bis motion . After a fen-words from the Chancellor of the Exchequer , on the inconvenience that would attend delay , 3 tr . _Sorstrcit said , he felt all that inconvenience , but there would be quite as much inconvenience in hasty legislation . Hr . Smith observed , fhat there seemed some reason in the proposition ofthe Hon . Member . Mr . W . _TTtt _. t . iams supported the postponement .

    Sir IL Peel said , if the Hon . Member for Hath perse vered , Be must of course give-way ; but he begged to re-Blind the Hon . and Learned Member that at the same time the income tax was proposed , he had also proposed additional stamp duties for Ireland . He should decidedly oppose the Hon . Member ' s motion . _su _^ a J . _KcsaEti . supported the postponement . He hoped a few days wonld be . allotted to members to consider tbe Government propositions with regard to tbe sugar duties . The Chairman then reported _progress , aud obtained leave to at again on Wednesday . _Adjourned at half-past one . TtESDiT , Feb . IS . The House met at four o'clock .

    The . Hon . H . _iife-roy took _, the oatha and Ms seaton his re-election for the borough of Lewes . Sir . W . IIeathcoie brought up the reports of the committee to which several petitions for railway bills had been referred . From these it appeared , ttat . in the case of the London and York Railway the standing orders had not been Mmjplied witli . This report was referred tothe Committee on Standing Orders . In the cases of the following petitions for railway bilk , the committee reported that the _standing orders had been complied with , and the parties obtained leave to bring in their respective bub : —The Leeds and Bradford Railway ; the Manchester and Birmingham Railway ( Ashton branch ) : tiie York and Scarborough Railway ; the London _South-Westcrn Railway ( Metropolitan branch ); Hie Leeds aud West

    Riding Junction Railway ; the Manchester and Leeds Railway ( BMey branch ); the Leeds , _Dewsbuiy _, and Manchester Railway ; the West Yorkshire Railway , and the North British Railway . Mr . Yovso moved that anew writ should be issued for ihe election of a knight of fhe shire to serve in this Parliament for the eastern division of tho county of Kent , in the room ofthe Right Hon . Sir Edward Knatehbull , Bart ., who since his election had accepted the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds . ( Hear , hear , and _alaugh . )—Ordered . ilr . Youxg next moved , that a new writ should be _ksaedwr a burgess to serve in this Parliament for the borough of Thetford , in the room of the Hon . W . B . Baring , who since liis election bad accepted the office of Paymaster of her Majesty ' s forces . — Ordered .

    Mr . Cowpee gave notite , that on the 4 th of March he would move for leave to bring in a billfor the allotment of field gardens to the poor-Mr . _TTuxums gave notice , that in the Committee « _5- _^* aj 3 and Means ne would move a resolution to this effect— "That all persons receiving public money h Ireland should pay the same amount of income fax ss persons in like circumstances were obliged to pav in Great Britain . "

    _EMPLOIHEXI OF CHttDBES IN _CAUCO PBKT-WOBKS . Lord _Ashlet rose to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice , and addressed the House to this effect : —Sir , the subject which I feel bound to bring -under the consideration of the House is so _mnehakin to others which I have bad the honour to brin _; forward , that I fear I cannot promise anything in the way of novelty in the evidence I Lave to adduce , or _' in the arguments derived from it ; but , nevertheless , I do hope that the House will extend tome its patient indvflgence while I bring before it tbe case ofa large class of our fellow-subjects who have never yet been represented here . I am about to speak in behalf of a large body who have been much oppressed , and I may say , have been altogether

    firgotten—but whose interests rare of great value to themselves , and , if taken in connexion with their « tani » ra _* ry labourers , arc calculated to have a powerful influence on the destinies of ihe empire . It will be recollected that inthe year 18 * 10 , 1 had the _hoflonr to more in this House for a commission to inquire into the employment of children in the various departments of labour . That commission made a very voluminous report ; and in a summarv of _* at report * , from which I shall read a few extracts , they stated wlmt was the condition of many thousands , I may say hundreds of thousands , of children . I do not here mean those employed in the factories , but those employed in the various trades and branches of labour in the realm , and who

    are compelled to commence labour at very tender years . There are many instances of their beginning to work at the very early age of three ami four years ; many more between _' -five and SIX , and in many _inUanees , regular employment began from seven to eight , and in most instances between eight and nine _, ftith respect , to the employment of girls , the report Stated , that " A laige proportion of the children and _joong persons employed in this branch 0 _/ f trade _aTC firiS , the _proportion in Lancashire being upwards of Oce-third ofthe whole number under thirteen . " It anther appear ? , from the report , that the young girls worked as long each day as the adults , which sometimes extended to sixteen , seventeen , and _CVCn eighteen hours consecutively . Schools were whollv

    out ofthe reach of these poor children in consequence ofthe early age at which they were set to work ; and the result is , that the greatest demoralisation exists _m those districts . _^ This was the summary presented " } ' the _-commissioners , and adduced from a close survey offeree numbers employed in various trades in the realm . Of all these cruel and pernicious employments— _-pernicious , I mean , "in the extent to whieh they are carried on—only one has been brought Wider the consideration of the House . I had the honour * ef _proposiftg to the House the removal of females from employment in _colleriejs ; but of all the trades ? _24 manufactures that-have been inquired into , that _* v % _v _f _onewMlfe ? Pect _t ° " _wloxTi . any measure of re . ifc * bas been affordedor anv motion madeIn all

    , . ot-: er respects nothing has been done , —or , rather , _•^• _ETtfling has been left undone : not one hour has wen struck off from their term of labour , —not an _ucmr added to their recreation . They have not had ? es ihe advantage of pubhc opinion being awakened 1 ° ! _i- r _* a . vonr > —that pnblic opinion , which has such _pawerfttl influence when brought to bear on other j _* pf has beeuofno advantage to those on whose " _*™ sn I have ventured to come forward . I am , _nov- _erer _, now _prgpgjgj fo _^ _g _^ bject f and I _oo trust thatin consideration of the urgency of the _« se , and also of the moderation of what I am about _ ° P « pose , the House mav he induced to _eive me

    P _^ _n , if not the whole , of what I ask on behalf o f fieie young persons . I hope it will be borne in mind , _hwugliout the whole of ihe discussion onthisques _« v 5 _Junjted my demand entirely to children under " ! a _\ . - airtw n , which are children according to _T _pillion of the ; Factory Act . Avast number of _«^ _echddien are females , and therefore entitled to e speral protection of this House . I do not consider Wrt . _elusion Of those Of more advanced age fW ¦ -- _¦^ "fonof themeasurewhich Ishallpropose _2 _^\ an _dhumanity will be satisfied , but the _dewh-tT-fc now make is more in accordance with CaW _^ inth _* _mw _^^^ _uuipviiii _, _vihiidi T nniF _luur tn i > oll * lm _*

    _ttonsiin _«~ ' _^ oase , is thus described in the commis-* E * _' - — " Calico printing , with its sub-• oii i « * «!' _* : 6 Ses ° f bleaching and dyeing , is carried ban * ? 6 n * a { est estent in the eotton districts of _^^ _Cheshin . l ) e : rtyshire , and the west of _LonAT , "icre are also a few print-works near _8 » _S _fl _" ?* 1 near _Dnbhn _* " With respect to ' lnf , _t- _^ _dren em ploved the . report _said—W * _totr - _?*** _^ _eshire , ami Herby _« he , instances lathi a . ' , , ch _chddren begin work in this _employ-WpT fi " _^ between four and five , and several _sis _^^^ _-P _Meliuive , manv begin between tie JL _» n i st . flImore between seven and eight , and _r _«^ J ? _y _^ _te ** en . d _& A 9 M nine . " From ot _^ _med _fiojn _printworks in Lancashire-

    House Of Commons, Monday, Feb. 17. The H...

    Cheshire , and Derbyshire , the chUdren under thirteen years amount to 3 , 646 . " But this estimate , " sap the commissioner , _** by no means includes the total number . . . . There are several other departments in which , though thev commence somewhat later than as _tierere-, many children are employed . The works at West Ham , in Essex , are on the largest scale , and those at Carehalton , in Surrey , are considerable / ' Total number as stated in the report , 13 , 492 . But this is confessedlv much under the truth ; and when we add the number employed in bleach-fields and calendering departments sometimes detached from printing-works , we cannot put the wholeof thenumbers at less than 25 , 000 . I now beg to call the attention of the House to-what .-mmr

    havean important effect on the moral character " of those employed—I mean the state of the places ill which this work is earned on . On this point the commissioners state— " There is perhaps no description of manufacture in which the convenience and comfort of the places in which the various operations are carried on differ 80 materially in different establishments , and even in different departments of the same establishments , as in calico-printing . In great numbers of cases these conditions of the place of _workatedftplorabl y neglected . ThehooMngandlaslimg-out rooms , and the singeing-rooms , are also very disagreeable places , the air of whichisfilled with dust , and m thelatter withsmall blimt particles , which irritate the eyes and nostrils exceedingly . ' On _coing

    into this room with a friend / says the sub-commissioner , 'we were both instantly affected , our eyes began to smart , and we felt a ticklish sensation in the throat and nostrils , much the same as that produced by taking snuff . I noticed that all the children who were employed in this room were more or less affected with inflammation and copious discharge from the eyes . The temperature of the workshops usually varies from 65 to SO degrees . . . the stoves are often overheated , and I have oecasionaiiv seen them red hot . The temperatnre to which the _stenters are exposed ia veiS _j high , from 85 to 100 degrees . I have found them between eleven and twelve years old working fourteen hours , The temnerature at which , ' says the commissioner , ' I usuallv found these stoves , when the girls were filling them , was as high as 110 degrees , or fever heat , and the steam rising from the wet goods as they are hung up is still more suffocating and oppressive than dry heat would be . ' " To give a complete picture of the case

    l have to present to the House , I must likewise show them what is the nature of the employment in which these cluldren are engaged . It is quite true that the labour is not in itself heavy ; it is the continuity of it during so many hours that produces a debilitating effect on both body and mind . Sir , I now quote from the Report of the Commissioners;— " The work of the tierers does not require mnch muscular exertion , while it admits of some variety , as they occasionally bring the colour from the colour shop , and it is also their duty to wash the blocks and cleanse the sieves - but , on the other hand , their exertion ot attention must 'be almost unremitting ; they must keep their arms in a continual rotatory motion , and during the whole time they are at work " they must be upon their feet . " And what are the hours of work ? ' " The regular hours of workin the different departments of the print field are rarely less than twelve , including the time allowed for meals , but it is by no means uncommon in all the districts for children of from five

    to six years old to be kept at work for fourteen , and even sixteen , hours consecutively . ''' ' " In those of Lancashire , Cheshire , and Derbyshire , the nominal hours of work are twelve , including meal hours ; but there can scarcely be said to be any regular hours , for all the block printers are in the habit of working orer time , and as they are paid , and are independent of machinery , they are at liberty to work what hours they please . " Thomas Sidbread , block printer , says , "I began to work between eight and nine o ' clock on Wednesday night , but the boy had been sweeping the shop from Wednesday morning . You will scarcely believe it , but it is true , I never left the shop till six o ' clock on the Saturday morning , and I had never stopped working all that time ; I

    was knocked up , and the boy was almost insensible . " Henry Richardson states , " At four o'clock I began to work , and worked all that day , all the next night , and until ten o ' clock the following day . I had only one tierer during that time , and I dare say he would be about twelve years old . . . 1 have known children made ill by working too long hours ; the boy that worked f orme at the Adelphi was sometimes unable to come to his work from being sick with over working . " The sub-commissioner adds , " instances were found of girls working at the steam cans for thirtyeight hours in succession . " The occasional practice of night work in print grounds in all the districts is universal , while in many it is so general and constant that it may be _resardedas a partof the regular system

    of cafrying on this branch of the trade . In Lancashire , Cheshire , and _Derbj-shire , hight work is stated to be so common that those establishments in which _itdoesnotexistare execptionsto the general practice . " But here comes the fearful and important consideration forthe Parliament and the country—the physical suffering is bad enough , but the moral degradation is worse . The commissioners state , and this is their general report , that "the evidence collected in the Lancashire district tends to show that the children employed in this occupation are excluded from the opportunities of education ; tliat this necessarily contributes to the growth of an ignorant and vicious population ; that the facility of obtaining early employment for children in print fields , almost entirely

    empties the day schools ; that parents without hesitation sacrifice the future welfare of their children through life for the immediate advantage or gratification obtained by the additional pittance derived from the child ' s earnings . " This is not my language ; it is the language of the report . . . "Of the same class in Scotland , it is stated that the ease with which parents are enabled to rid themselves of the burden of their children ' ssupport weakens all parental and domestic ties , saps the foundation of morality , and Stops all progress in the mental and moral culture of the children . " I shall not weary the House with any further evidence as to the moral condition of those engaged in the print works . But I will ask if

    that be a state of things which should be allowed to continue ? Any eflbrt we may make , may in the outset be imperfect on account of the' difficulties that stand in the way of all legislation on such a subject ; but at any rate we may strike at the main evil , and correct the law as far sis we can . In the first instance I should propose the total abolition of night work for all females of whatsoever ages , and all of both sexes under thirteen , to commence in October next . I am quite sure that in this I am not proposing anything that can be in the least injurious to the interests either of the workmen or ' their masters . If the House wiU allow me I will state on what evidence I found that opinion . Morally and physically nothing

    can be more injurious than this night work . A deputation of calico printers say— " Night work is doubly distressing on tliis account , where a great quantitv of gas is burning in a room badly ventilated , the air is hurtful to breathe andbadfor the constitution . Children of delicate constitutions are obliged , in a long succession of night work , to desist from comiug to the shop , otherwise they die off . " "When children first come to work , from being robust they will become pallid and weak . " " Almost all classes of witnesses in all the districts concur in stating that the effect of night-work is most injurious , physically and morally , on the workpeople in general , and on the children in particular . Nor is night-work necessary or advantageous to the trade . The report says , — "Xocountervailing advantage is

    ultimately obtained from it even by the _employee . Again , — " In working in the night it is generally considered that more work is spoiled than in the day , and an abatement is made for bad work . " Mr . Robert Hargreaves , of Accrington , one of the highest authorities in the kingdom , says , — " I do not like the principle of night-work ; there is danger of fire , and a necessity for a double set of superintendents . The work done is much worse . " The _sub-commissioner for the West of England reports that " the great majority of printers would not object to a prohibition of night-work for children and young persons . " Mr . Gilbert Jones , manager of Cogan printworks , "is very strongly of opinion that over hours arc injurious both to workmen and employera . " He " considers that a law reducing aud regulating hours

    of work in print-fields would put all on a footing , and so would soon produce no inconvenience . " Jf r . Kennedy , the sub-commissioner for Lancashire , Cheshire , and " Derbyshire , reported—and this is a most valuable statement— "I have been favoured by an influential house with an inspection of those books which show rates of production in their roller printing-• _maelunes , during a period of four months , when they worked fifteen horn's a day . . . . The proportion of spoiled work from the beginning ofthe first to the end ofthe fourth month , actually doubled itself , whilst the average production of the machines decreased from 100 to 90 percent . In fact , the araountof spoiled work increased to such an alarming degree , that the parties referred to felt themselves compelled to

    shorten the hours of labour to avoid loss , and as soon as the alteration was made the amount of spoiled work sank to its former level . " ( Cheers . ) I am informed , he adds , " the general experience of tliis branch of trade is , that under whatever circumstances night work is tried , the produce is distinguished by a larger share than ordinary of spoiled work . " Itis clear , therefore , that a law must be proposed to save these _imfortuuate children from the effects of such a system . I would next propose a reduction ofthe hoars of labour with respect to those under a certain age—under the age of thirteen , for instance . I propose , therefore , that in October , 1 S 4 G ,

    allowing , thereby , nearly two years before the operation of the enactment , ' none under thirteen years of age shall be allowed to work more than eight hours a-day for six days in the week , or more than twelve houre a-day for tliree alternate days in the week . 1 shall propose also , in conformity with the provisions of the Factory Bill , that two hours a-day of schooling should be required with respect to those children who work eight hours' a-dav for six days in the week ; and three hours of schooling on alternate days with respect to those who work twelve hours a-day for thr ee days in the week . Should more labour be required , it may be obtained by relays , to which tbe trade is aceustomed . I do not know whether it is

    House Of Commons, Monday, Feb. 17. The H...

    necessary for me to notice the number of arguments which I mav anticipate as _llkelv to be urged against my proposed provision with respect to the education of the children . Iu the first instance , I may be told that parents may be safely trusted to attend to the physical and moral welfare of their children . ¦ ' Now , m answer to this I may refer to the results of the investigations ofthe commissioners , which prove the utter carelessness of the parents of those children in reference to then' education , even _ivhen they have ample means for providing for that education . ; Mr . Ivennedy says , — " One of the chief points for observation is the carelessness of the parents as io the future welfare of their offspring , as shown by depriving them of the advantages of education . This they

    invariably do without reference to their ample means Of supporting them . " Mr . Grainger savs , many of the" parents are utterly indifferent to tho moral and physical welfare of their offspring ; and it would be a serious error to mistake this indifference for desperation arising from distress and misery . In this deplorable state the population is being brought up . It must , I think , be evident to ' every one , that unless parents themselves receive the-benefit of education , they will be indifferent as to the education of their progeny , and yet we are bringuig up a race of parents in an entirely demoralised condition , and who will be ignorant of the great advantages wliich would accrue to their offspring from proper attention to their education : for we find the

    present generation of these children neglected as far as their physical and moral condition is concerned ; and we find also that such a complication of evils has been suffered to accumulate , that even the powers of this House will scarcely be able to extricate the population from them . " ( Hear , hear . ) I am . at a loss to consider on what ground opposition can be offered to the motion with which I shall conclude . It cannot be said that I have selected one Interest only to legislate on . This is the third in the series of reformations wliich I have introduced to the notice of the House . I have , I hope , been careful—for . ' such was my intention—in my language respecting ! the character and conduct of individual masters . I have endeavoured to expose a pernicious system , without

    imputing to them either the authorship or the encouragement of the mischief which afflicts the ' present generation , It has come down to them by inheritance . ( Hear , hear . ) In all debates on subjects analogous to this , it has invariably been _conceded that protection should be conceded to very young children . Their helplessness , the deep interest which the slate has in their moral and physical welfare , were urged as grounds wliy protection _shouldf be afforded . There may be some , though very few , jvho thought differently , believing thatthe children might be safely left to the affectionate solicitude of tjieir parents and guardians . But these objections were overruled ,-and the _legislature afiirmca by various enactments the principle which I now contend ! for .

    I now ask no more than that principle ; for I IUUSt again OUSeTVe , that this hill will affect children of tender years—cliildren whom the Government of 1833 protected to the extent of eight hours of labour a-day , and to whom they gave the advantage of a regular system of education . In the various discussions to which I have alluded , perpetual endeavours were made to drive us , who sought the aid of legislation , from our paint , and to taunt us with taking narrow and one-sided views . I have been told that there were far worse things than those I exposed—that I left untouched much . It has been in vain for me to reply that I could not __ travel through the whole , On the first introduction of the Rictory Bill , my opponents

    directed me to go to the collieries , and when I went to ihem I was then told to go to the printworks . Now , I hare got to the printworks , I know not where I may be sent next ; but from all that I have observed passing , I think it may be concluded that it ¦ will be tothe Corn Lawsthat I shall be sent . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , let me ask the most zealous friend of the abolition of the Corn Laws what that abolition could do more in his opinion tor the manufacturing population than perpetuate the present state of commercial prosperity ? Yet , in favourable . circumstances , what is the actual condition of these children ? The repeal o f the Corn Laws would leave the children just as it found them , neither better nor worse . They would be precisely in the condition in

    which the children are in those countries where there are no Corn Laws—Belgium , for instance . But I will most solemnly declare , if I believed that the repeal ofthe Corn Laws would place these many _thousand children in a condition of comfort , and keep them there , that in spite of every difficulty , and in the face of every apprehension , I would vote at once for their entire abolition . ( Hear , hear . ) It has been said ! to nie more than once- " - "Where will you stop ?"; I reply without hesitation , that wherever , and so _lopg as any portion of this great abuse remains to be remedied I will not stop . I do confess that it is iuy desire and ambition to bring the labouring children of tliis empire within reach of education , and within a sphere where they may acquire the habits and

    usefulness of citizens ( hear , hear ) , * and if I had a hope of your confidence and support , I would devote the remainder of my life to the accomnlislimcnt of tliis work . Will any man deny that this object is wjell worthy the attention of this legislative assembly ? Do look to the increasing number of yojur children—I speak not of one class or of anoth _er _—^ manufacturing or agricultural . The principle is alike as regards both , though the danger may be less in one case than in the other . The march of intellect , as it is called , brings forth fruits cither for good or for evil , according as it is directed . Do what you will , it will be of little use if you _wjll not , as a nation , undertake the task of applying * a remedv to a system under which the population > is

    brought up in a state of neglect as regards their moral welfare , and whieh almost renders fruitless . ill private exertions for their improvement . Does this state of things afford us any security ? The time was when many believed , or maintained , that utter Ignorance and excessive labour were the best guarantees for the tranquillity of the people . Awful delusion ! to suppose that men brutally ignorant could not find time and intellect for mischief ? I have endeavoured tO impress On tlli 9 House the dangers of tlie present system . I maybe thought somewhat dogmatical , but I cannot disguise the __ truth , that we are standing on a very rotten foundation . You may increase your fleet , and extend your commerce—these arc excellent things in their way , but all you may do will be unavailing unless it rests on the moral and nhvsical prosperity of the great mass of your people .

    ( Hear . ) It may flourish for a while , and we may exchange congratulations , but an hour of difficulty will soon discover that we have done nothing . But while there is life there is hope * , and while the facilities for mischief are rife , let us not neglect the facilities for good . The powers of science arc now _stimuliiting theenergies of mind and body ; and the very condensation of the people into masses arid large towns may be converted into influences of a mi"htv nature , if the state only _perfbi-nis her duty . Let he _' r show herself to be the great and pious parent ofthe population . Her efforts , be assured , will not be lest in the sight of God ; and " her children will rise up and call her blessed . " ( Hear , hear . ) The Noble Lord concluded by moving for leave te bring in " a Bill to regulate the labour of _childi-en in the calico printworks of Great Britain and Ireland . "

    Sir James Graiiam said , that though it had been frequently his lot to oppose the Rome Lord _onmeasures of this nature , lie had always acknowledged the purity of Ms motives , the singleness of his heart , the importance of his objects , and tlie touching eloquence of his statements . Lord Ashley said that 25 , 000 children were employed in tha branch of manufacture . Now , not undervaluing what he had stated respecting the moral condition and the education of these young children , he still thought that , considering the great increase of ouv population and the great competition for labour , it behoved Government to be cautious how it interfered with any measure which would affect thenphysical condition , and so affect , their means of

    labour . If we were to proceed at all with the regulation of the labour of young poisons , nothing could be more moderate than the Noble Lord's proposition . He then proceeded to point out the distinction between this labour and factory labour . The first was a healthy , and the latter an unhealthy , occupation . In calico printing , when the process was once begun , it must bo carried on till it was completed , otherwise it ran veiy great risk , and might suffer an irreparable injury . In factory work the labour was carried en byniachinerv : you might calculate your time , and then stop yonrmachinery without any injury to the work vou were conducting . Again , factory work was equal , uninterrupted , and continuous . In printworks there were three months in the year in whicn work was slack : whilst in spring , when there was a

    demand for new patterns , there was a great demana for labour , and the work must be contuiuous . lhe mixture ofthe work of young children with that ot young persons and adults was indispensably necessary to carry it on . If , by the force of your legislation , you compelled the labour of children to be suspended , you compelled the suspension of the whole operation , or else the substitution of adult labour at higher wages , which would cause a great diminution in the profits of the trade . Again , factory labour was concentrated , inspection was easy , and ' evasion ot the law difficult . It operated , therefore , equally on all manufacturers . In calico printing there was rio machinery , or at least no machinery worked by steam power ; and the labour was , in consequence , not

    concentrated , but dispersed . Inspection was therefore difficult , and evasion easy * , it would therefore take place , and the effect of your legislation would te , that honest men would obey it , and wouldso be placed under the most cruel disadvantage , when compared with the dishonest men , who would disobey it . The Noble Lord had said , that night-work was not necessary , and not advantageous . If it was not advantageous , it would not be necessary , and the persons engaged in carrying it on , would not have recourse to it . He ( Sir James Graham ) contended that night-work was needs * nary , and therefore the House should be cautious how it interfered with it . He had g » eat hesitation in consenting to the introduction of thiB bill ,

    House Of Commons, Monday, Feb. 17. The H...

    He saw the impossibility of advancing further , and even of stopping here . If the Noble Lord would not stop here , he had serious apprehensions of the effeets - which he would produce on the interests of trade . He could not refuse his consent to the introduction of the . bill , on account of the moderation of _the'Noble Lord s proposal ; _. but , in consenting to its introduction , he reserved to himself the utmost latitude of dis-*} as * ° _* "s _mode of _dDaunS with it hereafter . Mr . Wallace expressed his satisfaction that the _government had consented to the introduction ofthe Noble Lord ' s bill , and said that he should endeavour on a future occasion to prevail upon the House to include within its provisions the bleaching and the dyeing trade of Scotland .

    . Mr . HUME was glad to hear Sir James Graham express his reluctance to interfere by legal regulation wttlvthe _managraaent of onr _manufacturei's . The working classes were at tliis moment too much trammelled by the fetters of our legislation on then- means ofemployment . Mr . Cobden denied that there was anything demoralising in the emplovment of children in calico printworks . Thev obtained 3 s . a week for their labour , whereas in the agricultural districts children did not obtain more than Is . 6 d . a week . Mr . Wakley said , that as an act of political civilitv to the Noble Lord , the Right Hon . Gentleman had determined that the Noble Lord should bring in his bill , * but he ( Mr . Wakley ) thought it was quite clear that it was the intention of the Right Hon . Gentleman strenuously to oppose the second reading of the

    bill . Sir J . Gbaham . —I studiously avoided making anv such declaration . ( A laugh . ) Mr . Wakley continued . —The Right Hon . Gentleman did so , but he ( Mr . W . ) as studiously inferred , from the manner ofthe Right Hon . Gentleman , and he thought he was not mistaken , and he believed the result would prove that his anticipations were correct —that the Right Hon . Gentleman would most strenuously oppose , upon the part of the Government , the second reading of this bill . It was right that people out of doors should know the state of things in that House ; and he anticipated for the Noble Lord , if the friends of humanity would move in the matter , a splendid victory . He called upon the Noble Lord

    not to be dismayed when he obtained it . ( Hear . ) He entreated the Noble Lord to push forward to the final goal , when he did obtain the second reading of tliis bill , because he ( Mr .. Wakley ) did not forget what happened in that House last session , when the Noble Lord did not anticipate success , and was dismayed when he obtained it . The facts of the Noble Lord were true , and the subject was one of the most painful character ; and was it possible f or that House to entertain such acute sympathy with reference to foreign slaves , and . not to protect our infant slaves in this country ? ( Hear , hear . ) The Noble Lord said that 25 , 000 Vere so employed , and the Hon . Member for Montrose said ihai ihe parents in this country were at liberty to make such engagements

    as they pleased , and then the Hon . Gentleman went On to say that children could do the same . That was a novel doctrine to him . He was not aware that children had any such liberty . In fact , it was notorious that they had not , and , from the statements of the Noble Lord , it was ' certain that theirs was a state of infant slavery . Could that House , then , act in a more praiseworth y manner than 111 removing those infants from such a species of thraldom as was described by'the Noble Lord ? It would be disgraceful if the House allowed such a state of things to continue without making an effort to remedy it . The Noble Lord said he would not allow anything of this sort to last without endeavouring to bring it under legislative regulation . He thanked

    the Noble Lord for that pledge , biit he constantly found that when the Noble Lord made any of these efforts in the manufacturing districts , he always referred to the agricultural districts . But it was not because greater evils existed that you must hot deal with lesser ones , and he strongly recommended the _Nobte Lord to take the evils of the agricultural districts in hand . ( Hear . ) If he did not , his motives would be misrepresented and thwarted by some person or other in that House . ( Hear , hear . ) Let the Noble Lord go into the agricultural districts , and see what was the state of the people there . His belief was that they were as badly off in their labourers ' cottages as they could be in any of the manufacturing towns in this country . ( Hear , hear . ) The Noble

    Lord would find there every evil , with which he must grapple in some way or other , * and he advised him not to postpone doing it , but at once , in the present session , to move f or a committee , or take some other means with reference to the labouring classes of this country in the agricultural districts . The Right non . ' Gentleman , hi the remarks he made , stated , with that peculiarly imposing and Bolemn manner which hecoidd always exhibit when appealing to the commercial interests in that House , that it was a question of profit ; it would interfere with profit . Granted . But were we to love our children or—profit ? ( Hear , hear . ) Were we to sacrifice thousands of children in this country , to make a few pounds of profit ? ( Hear , hear . ) What they were doing they

    W 6 Y 6 neglecting education . An Hon . Friend of his said , educate the men ; but he said , educate the boys —they might make a boy a good man , 'but they never could make , a man a good hoy . ( Laughter . ) Educate the child , and we should then have a good and respectable member of society . The Noble Lord had opened the case with reference to another branch of the community . They had proofs of the awful condition in which part of the population were placed ; and he therefore entreated the Noble Lord to pursue his labour , and he would live to see the happiest results from his exertions , * but he must not be again dismayed—he must marshal his forces , and go on to a completion of the object he had in view . ( Hear , iipni . * i

    After a few remarks from Mr . M . Philips , Lord Ashley observed , that he was willing to make any alterations in his bill wliich would meet the views of Mr . Cobden , as a practical man , provided that those alterations did not affect its principle , Mr . _Laboucheiie hoped that the Noble Lord would fix as early a day as possible for the second reading of his bill . At th . e same time he must express his regret that , on a question of this importance , which must have undergone the consideration of her Majesty's Government , Sir James Graham had not thought fit to express a more decided opinion as to its merits than that with which he had favoured the House that evening . Leave was then given to bring in the bill .

    POST-OFFICE . —LETTEIl-OPEXrc'e _* . Mr . T . Duxcombe rose to redeem the pledge he had given of calling the attention of the House to the unsatisfactory and evasive character of the report of the secret committee appointed to inquire into the opening and detaining of letters . The report had not been presented till such a late period of the session that it was impossible to call the attention of Parliament to it ; and he regretted that it had not been 80 full , and SO satisfactory and straightforward , as the committee had the power of making it . He had last session presented a petition from Mr . Mazzini , and other Italian gentlemen , complaining that their letters had been detained and opened . , Tliis complaint had then been treated with positive indifference bv

    the Home Secretary , who declined giving any information , beyond stating that he had certainly opened letters of one of the parties who had joined in petitioning , refusing to tell whose or whether he had issued any warrant . A short time afterwards he had presented a similar petition from a Captain Stolzman , a Polish gentleman , and had moved thatthe petitions be referred to a select committee , in which he was defeated , the Government using all their influence to stifle inquiry . His motion had been for a committee on the secret or inner office of the Post-office and the conduct of the parties engaged therein , and to report their opinion thereon , * and whether any alterations i n the law were advisable , as to the opening of letters . He had

    been met by an amendment on the part of the Right Hon . Baronet , who had persuaded the House that the object all had in view would be met by the appointment of the committee he proposed . 1 objected ( continued the Hon . Member ) to the constitution of that committee , and to the course the Government had taken in appointing , without a single exception , everymemberuponlt . I , who had brought forward the question , was not allowed to be upon that committee , and I shall be able to explain to the House and the public the reason . There was not one single gentleman on the committee with whom I could communicate in respect to the conduct of the iliquirv . I objected , further , to the secrecy of the inquiry , " knowing well that secret inquiries never proved satisfactory . But

    when the committee had performed its part , as I had hoped fairly and impartially , it was to be expected that a report would have been presented which should have set tins question at once at rest , and that the House would not have allowed the statute authorizing such proceedings as I had revealed to remain a single moment longer on the statute-book . The Right Hon . Baronet took care to appoint his own jury , professing to refer to them the whole question along with " his own honour , " yet reserving f or himself an appeal to the House , supposing the report proved not quite satisfactoiytohim . Audi , Who was excluded from the committee , had the right to reserve to myself , in the same manner , the power of reopening the whole subject if the report appeared unsatisfactory . I now appeal to the House for another and a searching inwluch cannot brefused

    quiry , e me when I have made out that the committee even disobeyed their instructions ; that there are gross inaccuracies in their statements , * that thev . have mystified where there were the clearest proofs ; that they have omitted most important points ; that they have been evasive where they might ha ve told simple , straightforward truth . What were my charges ? As I stated them before the House , I repeated them ( and from mv own notes ) before the committee , j 1 charged , ' that % _' '

    House Of Commons, Monday, Feb. 17. The H...

    had exceeded his powers , and had made a most unscrupulous use of them ; more letters having been opened in his time than _underbuy former Secretary of State ; that the letters of certain exiles in this country , while claiming the hospitality strangers ever found in England , had been opened at the instigation of foreign powers , to whom the contents had been communicated ; England having thus become the spy of continental states , where the result had been imprisonment ., banishment , and death—( hear , hear ) nay , further , that the con-espondence of foreign ambassadors had been inspected by the Minister ; that a roving commission ot inspection liad in 1842 been sent into the manufacturing districts , seeing who had written , and to whom ; and that , among others , » w letters had been opened and detained . ( Hear , hear . ) That was the bill of indictment I was called on to

    prefer before the committee , and which they took down on their notes , and I maintain it was their duty fully , frankly , and freely to tell us how far those charges were proved true or false . ( Hear , hear . ) Bnt how have thev met those charges ? Not one of the allegations I thus made has been contradicted ; and the committee have not fulfilled their duty . Their instructions were to " inquire into the state of the law as to the detaining and opening of letters , "< tc . I declared at the time the terms were not comprehensive enough , but the Right Hon . Baronet declared that they would be found so . I declared that we should know the circumstances under which each wan-ant was issued . The Right Hon . Baronet affirmed the truth , and the whole truth , would come

    out . But how have the committee begun their report ? As to the state ofthe law , they simply tell us , that they presume it is the same as it was in the year 1-711 , under the Act of Queen Anne ; and that is all they say as tothe law—in " preference to discussing which , " they proceed to " the history of the practice . " And then they go back as far actually as Edward II . —( a laugh ) , and they accumulate much valuable antiquarian research—two-thirds of their report , indeed , being full of such matter—and warrants being supplied , ofthe Duke of Newcastle , the Earl of Carmarthen , & c . ; when what we wanted was the warrants of Sir James Graham . ( A laugh , and Hear , hear . ) In 1742 , the report says , "The secrets of Sir R . Walpole ' s Government were somewhat rudely

    pried into by a committee . '' ( A laugh . ) Now , I suppose that is the modern phrase for describing a committee which performs its dutv ably and faithfully —a compliment , by the by , which cannot he paid to this committee . ( Hear , hear , and laughter . ) But perhaps it is one which I shall be considered as being deserving of before I sit down . ( Renewed laughter . ) Nevertheless I shall discharge my duty . ( Cheers . ) We did not want to know that the committee of 1742 had somewhat rudely pried into the proceedings of Sir R . Walpole ' s Government . But what was this extreme rudeness ? The committee tell you that there was this very secret office , of wliich I complain , then _estabUahed . They tell you everything that happened 200 or 300 years aeo . In short , the renort

    is one of the greatest "takes-in" possible .. ( A laugh . ) You would say , on perusing the first portion of it , that it was a most valuable report , and how interesting it would grow in proportion as it came nearer to our own times . ( Laughter . ) Why , it would be natural for you to do so , the committee having displayed so much research , and told the House 30 much Of past days . It Would be quite natural to expect that , if the information ivas within their reach , they would tell the House much more of present times ; but as they approached nearer the nineteenth century , instead of exhibiting greater research and completeness , they suddenly increased in reserve and concealment . ( Hear , hear . ) They have divided the warranta ofthe last century under the

    dates of the years , and classified them , and also the warrants ofthe present century . And now I think I I have satisfied the House that they have not obeyed our instructions as to their inquiry into the state of the law ; they have made no report on it . They state in another page of their report , the 16 th , I think , with respect to the mode in which they were to examine the warrants , that they declined to follow the warrant from the time of its reception hi the Post-office to its execution . They have , therefore , evaded explaining the law , and then they tell you that with regard to the mode of operation they do not think proper to follow the warrant from the time of its re ceptionatthePost-officetoitsexecution . Why , thatis one of the specific points of the complaint that I made

    before this House , and one on which the pubhc require information , and without that information they will not be satisfied . ( Hear , hear . ) They have not followed the wan-ant from the time of its reception at the Post-office till its execution . Why ? Because it would have carried them into this secret office . ( Hear , hear . ) They have not said one word of that , * but if they had gone on they must have laid bare the whole of the iniquities of that office . ( Hear , hear . ) But they have escaped that by not following the warrants , * and , therefore , I think they have not obeyed the * instructions of the House . " Then , secondly , I say , the Right Hon . Baronet has exceeded his powers , and made an unnecessary use of them .

    More letters have been opened by him than by any former Secretary of State . ( Hear . ) Without intending it , the committee , it appears to me , have rather " let the cat out ofthe bag" in respect to this circumstance . ( Hear , hear , and a laugh . ) A good deal of my charge is proved by their report . In the three years from the summer of 1841 , when the present Government came into office , to the summer of 1844 , when this committee made their report , three years of the Right Hon . Gentleman's administration , the following is the number of warrants issued :-In 1841 there were eighteen warrants issued , but I give half of those to his predecessors and to him ; the case , therefore , will : stand thus : — In 1841 were issued ... ... 9 warrants .

    In 1843 — ... ... 20 — lnlS 43 — ... ,. / 8 — In 184 _i and a half ... ... 7 — Making in all ... 44 — Forty-four warrants in . the short space of three years ' ( Hear , hear . ) Now , on looking over the whole of the list preceding will you find during three years of any administration forty-four warrants issued ? Singular enough ifc is , but the greatcat number was in the time of Lord Sidmouth , whose entrance into office was marked , by flagrant opening of letters . It appears that the warrants issued by him were , in 1812 28 1813 ... ... 8 1814 8

    Total 39 Why , the Right Hon . Baronet beats Lord Sidmouth by five in the number of warranta issued . ( Hear , hear . ) That , then , is partof my . case against him as originally stated by me in this House , namely , that he had opened more letters and abused and exceeded his power more than any preceding Secretary . ( Cheers . ) With regard to the . case of Mr . Mazzini , which comes first , I ' stated my grounds of complaint to the Government , whieh were that the Government had opened the letters of Mr . Mazzini at the instigation of a foreign power , and had communicated the information they received through those letters to some foreign power . The committee acknowledged that a warrant was issued on the 1 st of -March , and cancelled on the 3 rd of June , last year , for opening the letters of Mr . Mazzini throughout that period . " The facts of the case , " say they , " so far as yonr

    committee feel themselves at liberty to disclose them , appear to be as follows . " Now , mark tin ' s . There is an error in this report , and a gross error , which is fatal to its validity . The committee say that the warrant was issued on the 1 st of March , and cancelled on the 3 rd of June . Now , the House will recollect , that when I moved for the appointment of that committee , the Right Hon . Baronet said that Mr . Mazzini had no grievance to complain of , because the warrant had been withdrawn . My Hon . Friend behind me asked the Right Hon . Baronet when he had withdrawn it ? and I undertake to say that Mr . Mazzini ' s letters were opened the day before I presented his petition , afterwards , and that from Christmas , 1843 , to the 13 th of June following , in ISM , the system was going on , and It is In my power to prove it . ( Hear , near . ) An Hon . Member ( on the Opposition side ) . —Was there any warrant ?

    Mr . Duncombe . —Why , no ; I believe the warrant was fabricated for the occasion . ( Hear , hear . ) I do not believe that a legitimate warrant ever existed . ( Hear , hear . ) I believe the whole system was conducted in such a loose manner that the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs or the Right Hon . Baronet sent down their messages to open those letters . ( Hear , hear . ) The committee limit the existence of the wan-ant to three months , from the 1 st of March to the 3 rd of June ; but , unfortunately for them , the Lords' committee contradict their statement . The Lords' committee say— " It is true that Mr . Mazzini's letters were for about four months stopped and opened . " ( Hear , hear . ) There is a material difference then between the committee of the Lords and the committee of the Commons . ( Hear . ) There is

    a difference of a whole month . ( Hear . ) Does not that call for further inquiry and investigation ? ( Hear . ) But I carry it further , and say that the practice was continued for between five and six months . ( Hear . ) I do not care what was laid before this committee ; I will undertake to prove that these letters were opened by the Post-office authorities , by men high in office in that department , for the purpose of inspection , prior io the time at which this report says the wan-ant was issued , and subsequently to the time when it says that wan-ant was cancelled . ( Hear , hear . ) There is , therefore , gross

    misrepresentation in this report . ( Hear . ) Then I say also that the contents of Mr . Mazzini ' s letters were communicated to foreign powers , and that lus letters were opened at the dictation of foreign powers . A portion of that charge is admitted by the committee . Itissaidbythem , "Representationshadbeen made to the British Government from high sources . " Who were the high sources f One would suppose such a phrase would be used with regard to the monarch of a country , or his immediate representative at least . But the committee could not speak plain English , and s » v that they meant the Austrian Ambassador , or Sardinian Minister , or some Other person of authority in connection with some foreign court . They

    House Of Commons, Monday, Feb. 17. The H...

    say— " Representations had been made tothe _. British Government from high sources that'plots , of which Mr . Mazzini was the centre , were carrying oh , upon British territory , to excite an insurrection m Italy . " Now nothine-can be more false than such a charge _against Mr . Mazzini . ( Hear . ) Had the committee given hun an opportunity of being examined , —as he had aright to expect / and as he petitioned to have , --before that committee , he would have _shownius ability to disprove that charge , * and hare produced a very different impression on the minds of the committee . ( Hear , hear . ) But-the report proceeds— And that such insurrection , should it assume a _fpnnidable aspect , would , from peculiar political circumstances , disturb the _vewe of Europe . The'British *

    Government , considering the extent to which British interests were involved'in the maintenance p f that peace , issued on their own judgment , but not on the suggestion of any foreign power , a warrant to open and detain Mr . Mazzini ' s letters . " Not on the suggestion of any foreign power 1 Well then , what will become of the high sources ? ( Uear , hear . ) I suppose there will be sonic quibble about the word " suggestion , " and it will be urged , perhaps , that it was not positively said — " Open his letters , and perhaps you will find something , " though no doubt the Right Hon . Bart , has found _outagi-eatnumberofthings . J ( Alaugh . ) " Such information deduced from those letters as appeared to the British Government calculated to frustrate this attenvot was communicated to a foreign bower :

    but the information so communicated was not of a nature to compromise , and did not compromise , the safety of any individual within the reach of that foreign power ; nor was it made known to that power by what means , or from what source , that information had been obtained . " : The report savs that the information given was only such as was calculated to frustrate the attempted insurrection . What a way to frustrate any such attempt was this ! Was this worthy of England ? ( Hear , hear . ) Was this , the course that a great nation like you ought to have adopted to frustrate this attempt ? ( Hear , hear . ) Are you proud of taking this course , which has caused the lives of men not onlv to be endangered but to be forfeited ? You

    hate asserted that Mr . Mazzini was the centre of this insurrection . Had yon allowed him to come before the committee you would have found by his correspondence , as 1 can prove , that there were certain statements made in letters to him proceeding from those misguided and unhappy men in Italy , then residing at Corfu , to tho effect that they wished to make a descent upon the states and dominion of his Holiness the Pope , and also upon a portion of the Neapolitan territory . Mr . Mazzini , in his letters to these individuals , said and did all he could to dissuade thein from it . He told them it was a rash attempt , and must fail ; he implored them to desist , and-they in ' reply wrote , saying , "We will _deSlSt ' WO Will follow vow advice . " But unfortunately the

    poison had gone forth to the _Neapolitan Government ; the British Government had informed them of the intelligence of the purport of the first letters , and it was too late to recall it . The Austrian Government sent their spies among those unfortunate people ; they resided at Corfu , and they told those people that in Calabria the peasantry were ripe for the enterprise , and waiting tor them . ( Hear , ) These men WftVfi thus induced , notwithstanding their assurances to Mr . Mazzini , to leave Corfu . They went into Calabria , where , instead of finding the peasantry . ready for them , they were conducted into the mountains , where they became easily mastered by organised _troopn which had been sent there by the Neapolitan

    Government . Seventeen of those persons were tried by a military commission , and condemned to death , and nine of them were executed the following day . They were persons of noble family ; two of them , the Bandieras , were " the sons of an Austrian admiral of that name . The Bandieras and their seven companions with a calm and happy bearing bore good witness to their faith , am . died like martyrs , having slept peacefully on the night before their execution . " If we fall , " they said to a friend , " tell our countrymen to imitate our example , for life has been given to us to enjoy nobly and usefully ; and the cause we die in is the purest , the holiest , and the best that ever warmed the breast of man . It is the cause of the independence of « jur country . " Such

    are the men whom you were thus leagued with Austria to crush . Those men were executed , and this is the way you adopted , and the end for which you gained information , with a view of ( as you call it ) "frustrating that attempt . " Why did not you send nobly and generously to these individuals and state to them , — " You are plotting on British ground « you are running into danger ; this must inevitably be your ruin , * let us persuade you to desist from such & course ? " They would have listened to you , and you need not have supplied another Government with the means of entrapping men and putting them to death . I say that they are the victims of this system , and then' blood is upon the heads of her Majesty's present Ministers , as much—aye , much more ,

    than it is upon those whose duty it was to pull the trigger that launched them into eternity ; and if a monument be erected to their memory at Cosenza , where they fell , as I hope it will , it ought to be inscribed upon their tombstone , that they fell in the cause of their country , and of liberty , through tho treachery of a British Minister . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Duncombe then stated , that though Captain Stolzman had discovered that Ms letters had been opened by tho Secretary of State , and had demanded redress and inquiry , he had never been called before nor examined by this committee . If the House would grant him another inquiry , he would undertake to prove that at the period of the arrival ofthe Emperor of Russia in this country a set of spies fabricated , at the cost of

    honourable men , conspiracies against him for the purpose of ingratiating themselves with the Russian Embassy . He said : —Sir , if this matter goes before another committee , I know that what I now state would be proved—that there were spies here at the time the Emperor of Russia was paying that visit , which we have been told he paid at veiy great personal inconvenience ( hear , hear)—spies who , being exiles * themselves , and wishing to ingratiate themselves with the Russian Embassy , at the cost of honourable men , and to return to their native country , told of fowl calumny , about a projected assassination to the Embassy , upon which a communication was made to the Secretary of State for the Home or the Foreign Department , and that suspicion is what the committee

    say would justify the imputation of the crime of murder , ( Hear , hear . ) The Emperor Nicholas came here—our Government partly believed thcinfbrmation and opened the letters ; but " the committee have not learned thatthere appeared anything to criminate those gentlemen . " The spies have returned to their native land , having got anamnesty immediately after the visit of the Emperor , * and these gentlemen are to remain here , I suppose , with this foul stain attempted to be thrown upon them by a committee of the British House of Commons . ( Cheers . ) I say that this is a most unpardonable portion of this report , and what the committee was not justified in reporting . ( Hear , hear . ) I do not believe that the British Government are aware of what they are doing

    sometimes , when tliey are imparting the correspondence that passes between individuals in Poland and the exiles here . Suppose they arc requested to get some information respecting one of these Poles who is here ; they open his letters ; they state to the Government at whose instigation they have done it that there is nothing improper whatever in those letters , or in the correspondence of Mr . So-and-so ; that the communications relate entirely to family matters , and have no reference at all to that Government . Now , are her Majesty ' s Ministers aware what they are doing in giving even that information to Russia ? ( Hear , hear . ) Why , there are in Poland these decrees , — ukases have been issued prohibiting any ' person in Poland from corresponding with an exile ; and if he

    do so , it matters not upon what subject , he is visited with imprisonment and flogging . ( Hear , hear . ) By one of those decrees it is high treason te correspond with certain exiles named in it who are resident in England . ( Hear , hear . ) Now listen : under tuia decreo the wife of General _SloMnski has been _impriaoned on suspicion—only on suspicion—of corresponding with other Polish ladies in exile . Another Polish lady has also been imprisoned for writing to her husband in exile . Another has been imprisoned , and received fifty severe lashes for corresponding with an exile . And this has all been done under the orders of that sovereign upon whose visit'here , at great personal inconvenience , " at a great sacrifice of private convenience , " the British House of Commons has recently oongratulated her Majesty ! ( Cheers . )

    Sir , I am satisfied that the Government are not aware— -no man , no Government would suspect it—that they are doing these individuals in Poland so serious an injury , when they are even telling a foreign power that there is nothing criminal in the correspondence ; for the very fact of the wife corresponding with her husband , if he is an exile , subjects that unhappy and unfortunate woman * to punishment by imprisonment , and that most brutal of all corporal punishment also—by the knout . ( Hear , hear . ) Besides which , their children , if they have any , are taken from them ; and these also have themselves on some occasions been sentenced to the lash . ( Hear , hear . ) I say that it becomes this Government to be veiy cautious ( cheers ) how they communicate any information whatever to the foreign power which may be receiving what is called our hospitality . ( Renewed cheers . )

    Another charge which Imade is , that the correspondence of-foreign ambassadors was subjected to inspection here . I know perfectly well , when I stated that the bags of the foreign ambassadors were opened here , previously to their being received by them , or sent out of the country , people doubted it ; they thought it must be perfectly imaginary on _' ray part * and totally impossible tobe a practice existing here . ( Hear , hear . ) But what do we find in- this report ? "On the subject of the foreign department at : the General Post-office , the secrecy _. of private correspondence , your committee are assured , is kept inviolate Certain wan-ants bearing respectively the signatures of the Right Hoii ' . Charles James Fox , when Secretary of State for _Foreign Affairs , in 1782 , and of-his successor , the _Marauis of Carmarthen , were laid before your ' committee , which : being of a very comi ( Continued in our eighth page . )

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• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 22, 1845, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns4_22021845/page/7/