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Northern Star (1837-1852), 9th September 1848, Edition 4 of 4, Page unpag, TO THE LAND MEMBERS. Mt Friends, ! ;As I...

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    • TO THE CHARTFTS.
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      To The Chartfts.

      TO THE CHARTFTS .

      M Mt Friends, The He Session Of Parliame...

      M Mt Friends , the he Session of Parliament has closed , and mcts icts will remain as a stigjraa upon tbose who _cctioctioned them . And , although the hopes of _jpeo people were raised by the introduction of rnucnuch new blood , yet 1 venture to assert that , lea in tbe time Parliaments were first estailbedhed , down to the present moment , there

      wer _rer sat one f so rabidly opposed to the intetts 4 s of the working classes as the present ; tile iie the bloody enactments , to which all but _iim ; iimanimous assent was given , will prove the jgtbgtbs to which the middle classes are prenred red to go to suppress any movement which _^ calculated to diminish their profits , wholly _Epenpending upon speculation in your destittioition .

      IFnFrom tbe moment that it was found that the ( emench Republic bad failed to realise the hopes _tbithose wbo gained it , the English _Gorern-^ _ntsnt , alarmed lest the example of Continental _i-iateates should infect the English people , rellvelved upon setting both law and constitution de defiance , and governing by tbe swoid ; and ' ¦ nance we find the staff of idlers increased , _Ihilnile the ability of the people to support tbem di diminished ; we find that , from the Prime [ finfinisterof England , down to the lowest detecive _^ ve , all other classes are organised in a grand _imonspiracy against the poor , while they

      desie-• _awate the attempt of the people to gain a _liveli-( ootood from tbeir labour as sedition and conspii _tcytcy , and thus drive them to felony and treason . _llo tloihing coaid be more natural then , that the nanange in France , which promised so many belefiefits to the working classes , should have in-: 3 inired those of their order in England with imimilar hopes from similar changes . And so nn | _ng as the realisation of the hopes of the rerench people was a question of doubt , so long i id id the English Government tolerate the fiercest

      i _olblitical agitation ever known in tbis country ; mtut as soon as the dominion of the middle _llaiasses was established in Prance by the power f if the sword , and when all hope of popular _mmelioration bad vanished , then did our rulers , mmboldened by the failure of France , seek _vengeance upon those whose enthusiasm and exu-• eierance bad been long tolerated ; and to this ololeration must be mainly attributed the exesesses into wbich the more enthusiastic ofthe _^ Chartists have been led .

      Nothing could be more exciting than the aianguage used by many delegates who sat in hhe National Convention , prior to the presenaation oftbe National Petition , and every word _ifif which was taken down by Government _re-MDorters ; nothing could be more threatening i hihan tbe character given to the Kennington CCommon meeting by the Prime Minister of SSngland and the members ot bis Cabinet ; aaothing- could be more _-farming to a Governument than the language used b y many _delegates in the National Assembly ; and nothing xould be more fiery than tbe language used by

      Mifferent speakers at different meetings held in LLondon ; and yet with the knowledge of these fifacts , promptly communicated to the Goverannent , and evidently inspiring them with fear sand alarm , not a single attempt is made to take llegal proceedings against the parties until tbe _IFrench Republic in its original phase had failed , ; and the middle classes of France had gained Ithe ascendant . And then , emboldened by the - vengeance that bad been taken upon the French i people , the English Government bad recourse to the most tyrannical measures to accomplish tiie same ends ; and in these measures they were unanimously supported by tbe

      representatives of the middle class in the House of Commons . And now that the Session is over , and when they expect that they have so cowed popular opinion as no longer to dread opposition from the people , they will be prepared to submit some new moFe , the success of which may confer another 76 , 000 * . upon Mr Cobden , and increased powers upon tbeir order . But in my soul I believe that the savage vengeance of that class will recoil upon their own heads ; and that the working classes , so far from accepting their modified Parliamentary Reform , will feel more than ever embittered against them , and more resolute in their opposition .

      Let me call to your recollection the numerous attempts made by the humbug reformers to divert tbe Chartists from the pursuit of their own principles . In January , 1841 , tbe whole strength of the middle class was collected in Marshall ' s Flax Mill at Leeds , in the hope of seducing the people from their allegiance to their Cbarter . All the great guns of Reform were announced as actors in the piece—Messrs O'Connell , Roebuck , and Hume were announced as the great performers , and the exuberant local feeling of Yorkshire was to be rallied around tbem . The time was opportune ; the leading Chartists were in their dungeons , but tbeir spirit was abroad , and tbe result was the ignominious defeat of the conspirators .

      In 1842 , when the Corn Law League had hoped to consign Feargu 3 O'Connor , and fiftynine others tried with him at Lancaster , again to their dungeons , a Conference was assembled at Birmingham in the depth of winter , for the purpose of diverting the Chartist movement into other bands , and for other purposes » but , undismayed by the threatened prosecution , between 400 and 500 Chartist delegates _magnanimously rallied round their principles , and again defeated the enemy .

      In 1845 a powerful Convention , representing the views ofthe Middle Classes , assembled in London , and after a fortni ght ' s deliberation their success was to be commemorated hy a Tea Party at the Crown and Anchor , and there also the Chartists , with but poor arrange ments , assembled , and again defeated the enemy . These several instances of Chartist magnanimity inspire me with strong hope that , when tbe QUADRUPED makes bis appearance upon the stage , the people will rally around the WHOLE ANIMAL , bristles and all .

      The Press—and especially that portion representing tbe middle classes—are exasperated to madness that they have not been enabled ta destroy fhe RED CAT OF CHARTISM . Those who are now suffering are called " my dupes , " and I am the man upon the clutching of whom they bad set their hearts and minds ; and if they are more indignant with me for any portion of my conduct in connexion with the Chartist movement , i * is , that I have not made a fool of myself , and «— . them a clear stage for the dissemination of their doctrines . But I believe tbat there is not a Chartist in England , nor a working man in England , who wiil not more respect and honour me for bavin ;* - evaded the pursuit , than tbey would if I had fallen iuto the trap .

      As there is nothing more necessary than that the People should be warned by the past , let me now < all their attention to facts fresh in the recollection of every man , and which none can deny . In 1839 , the Chartist movement was destroyed by the sacred holiday , originated by Attwood and tbe middle classes . I hazarded my popularity by resisting that wild and visionary project ; and the people , when judgment had resumed her seat , all acknowledged that I was right .

      To resist the new move at Marshall ' s Mill , in 1841 . cosime over 100 ? . I drew the sketch of the Fox and Goose Plate upon the table in my cell ; and our success upon that occasion saved Chartism , although Collins , and man y in whom the people had confided , joined in tiie move . m In 1842 , when Mr Duncombe s tour in Scotland , and his accession to the Chartist ranks as a member of the Association , gave new

      vitality to Chartism , the middle classes turned out their hands—the North of England was all but in rebellion—I risked my life in resisting all invitations to physical force ; and while the guilty League were allowed to escape , I and fifty-nine others were tried at Lancaster ibr their conspiracy . As soon as the leaders were apprehended , and not knowing that we could traverse from the Special Commission to the Assizes ia March , the Sturge Conference

      M Mt Friends, The He Session Of Parliame...

      was summoned to meet at Birmingham , in December , in the hope of seducing the people from tbe Charter . In 1845 all was apathy because trade was good , and again a New Move Conference assembled in London , the party always taking advantage of Chartist excitement and strength , or Chartist weakness and apathy ; and again hv good arrangements we defeated tbat move . ' In 1848 , Chartism , after five years of an uninterrupted lull was again roused to action by the French Revolution . The monster petition gave signs of revival and the dodgers proposed their QUADRUPED .

      Tbe resolution of the Government to suppress and annihilate Chartism was exhibited in the attempt , nay , in the announced determination in the House of Commons , not to allow the Kennington Common meeting _t" ) take place , and every middle-class man in London , with scarcely an exception , volunteered as a special constable . I felt convinced that the abandonment of that meeting would have jeopardised the Chartist cause , and in _defiance of threats and exhortations I attended it ; and never did Chartism stand so high as after that meeting . Then came the National Assembly , consisting of delegates not elected by the people because the people were not allowed time

      for reflection . And that Assembly , awed by the galleries—a Jarge portion of the audience consisting of detectives and spies sent by the government—spent three mortal weeks in abusing me because I would not be a party to destroy the triumph we had gained , and which might have been turned to good account if sufficient time was given to organise the mind of the country for a fair representation of the Chartist body ; and I must do Bronterre O'Brien the justice to say , that be enforced the doctrine over and over again in the Convention , ofthe necessity of having a full and acknowledged representation of the whole people .

      The fabrications and falsehoods of many delegates to that Assembly have since come to light , and , with an assumption of power which was not deputied to it , it discharged the old Executive , ; against which there was not a shadow of complaint , and it nominated a new body to fill that office . Thus I show you that it is in our own ranks that those dissensions take place upon which our enemies rely for their strength . For three weeks the Press teemed with the

      strongest denunciation of me , and yet , seeing the necessity of union , I never once complained until the country began to see through the mist . And now I unhesitatingl y declare that the base and shameful falsehoods told by numerous members of that Assembly , as to tbe state of preparedness and resolution of tbeir several districts , was treason and treachery of tbe rankest kind . They were tbe Peter Buzzys of Chartism , and it was he who led Frost and his associates into the snare , for no other purpose in the world than to traffic in the credulity of his constituents .

      Now , my friends , I have shown you the means resorted to upon various occasions to destroy Chartism ; and I have proved to you , unequivocally , that those means are dissension and disunion , created in our ranks . I am sure there is not a man in England , who reflects for a moment , that must not be aware of the situation in which the National Assembly placed roe in the House of Commons . It was known tbat they abused me ; butstiU , to serve the purposes of faction , my name was associated with every one of their speeches ; and you may judge that it required no little nerve to hold my ground without ( as I was invited to do ) repudiating their acts .

      No one suffered more than I did from the folly of some , the ignorance of others , and the treachery of many ; but yet I was perfectly aware that in times of excitement , in times of bad trade , and in times of hope , that much allowance should be made for men who were advocating an outlawed principle . During the present session five most unconstitutional acts have been passed , and I not only voted agamst , but spoke against every one of them , until , so triumphant had tyranny become , that , upon the last occasion , I was left " alone in my glory , ' not having a seconder !

      Well , as I have often told you , the acts of tyranny invariably recoil against the tyrant , and , however disheartening the present crisis may be to Chartism , and little as is the hope I entertain from the middle-class Government , yet in my soul and in my conscience I believe tbat such a reaction will come a ? will make might yield to right , despotism to justice , and unnatural speculation to remunerative labour . It is no easy task , believe me , for an | _alien in a strange land , standing alone in _] the House of Commons , tinged with the violence of Chartism ( as Mr John O'Connell

      has stated ) , not opposed , but abused and belied , by the whole Press of the empire ; hated by the aristocracy—dreaded by the middle class —feared by the trafiicking class—the lookedfor prey by tbe jury class—and compelled to contend against the folly of his own associates —it is not easy , I say , for a man under such circumstances to hold his ground . Mitchel was suspected until be was victimised ; he was obliged to purchase martyrdom to establish Ms sincerity : and who does not remember 1839 , when the complaint against me was that I was not in prison ? although I was the first man convicted in 1839 .

      There bave been great and just complaints of the mode of packing juries in Ireland ; but the administrators of the law in this country are spared from such a charge , as the whole of the jury class is constituted of persons possessing _thosejexclusive powers , for a participa tion in which the working classes are contending , and which constitutes their crime . Voters only can be on a jury ; and we have it upon record admitted by the Government , admitted by Mr _Tuffnell , the whipper-in , who possesses the patronage , and not denied by any , tbat patronage , even to the appointment of postmasters , is placed at tbe disposal of members of Parliament who support the Whig

      Government . How true the adage , " that one may steal a horse , while another durst not look over the wall . " It is a high offence against tbe purity and immaculate virtue of a candidate to give a voter a glass of ale ; but it is honour , consistency , and justice , to give a profligate supporter of tbe Government patronage in return for his vote . **

      I have now run over our history for the hist ten years , and will any ,, _jSan point me out a single fallacy in what I have stated ? And the moral Jthat I would draw from ray narrative is , that the disunion ofthe many constituteB the sole strength of the few , and that the working classes are the sole originators of every grievance of which they complain . They talk ef then : devotion to their cause , while they allow the families of their victimised associates to

      starve . They talk of concentration and union , while their elected servants are allowed to go without their weekl y salaries . They talk of suffering and privation , while tbe . amount spent upon beastliness , drunkenness , and dissipation , upon two nights in the week—Saturday and Monday—if applied to the prosecution of their cause , would very soon make them the masters instead of the slaves of their oppressors ; nay , one per cent ., a hundredth part ofthe money spent in this beastliness , if applied to Chartist purposes—thatis to social and

      M Mt Friends, The He Session Of Parliame...

      political purposes , to the purchase of land , and tbe attainment of tbe Charter—would very speedily make the English people the most independent people upon the face of the earth , while the adoption of the princip le of physical force but arms their enemies with a justification for oppression , and is a mere substitute for their own indifference . The Press bases its assertion that the Chartists are but a rabble , upon the fact , that of all associations in the world , it professes to be the largest , while , in my conscience , I believe

      it is so ; but at the same time , a money club , a benefit society , or burial society , in an out of the way village , in a remote part of the kingdom , will subscribe more money for the attainment of its object than tbe whole Chartist body put together . Now , my friends , I have reviewed the past ; and as nothing is more indispensable than a perfect understanding as to the future , it is my duty to tell you that while no power on earth shall ever induce me to abandon the Chartist

      cause , or to advocate any less principle as a substitute , that I will not allow my judgment to be led captive by tbe opinion of others ; and that while I never will too censoriously scan the acts or words of starving men , I never will tolerate the . conduct of any who , not actuated by the same feelings of remorse , would deceive the people by invitations to rely upon a strength they do not possess . I will ask you

      one simple question—what do you think the Whigs and the middle classes would have given to have me in safe custody during the recess , while the QUADRUPEDS were marshalling the working classes as a means of enforcing a reduction of taxation , from which the labourers would not derive a farthing per cent . ? And whether will the Chartists consider me ot more value to their cause at libertv or in

      custody ? What chance should I hare before a constitutional judge , a middle class jury , and detective witnesses , if the charge against me was that I was a Chartist ? I think upon reflection that all will say they would have missed me ; while , after calm deliberation and thought , I tell you that you may elect a substitute , but never again will I be driven from my course . " Coming events cast their shadow before , " and as that rampant tyranny , now flushed with its unconstitutional triumph , cannot mucb longer govern hy the sword , I shall watch the opportunity , and take advantage of passing events , to _' strengthen the power of the working classes as to the means of securing their rights through the enactment of the People ' s Charter .

      I remain , your faithful friend and representative , Feargos O'Connor

      " And National Tradesv Journal. ; —-——^ ...

      AND NATIONAL _TRADESV JOURNAL . — - _——^ mm _** _- _*^———~ _^—"'¦ " " — — ——— - ....

      Vol-Xi. No 568- London, Saturday, Septef...

      VOL-XI . No 568- LONDON , SATURDAY , SEPTEfBEK 9 . 1848 . _„ _JgJgSSJy _,,

      To The Land Members. Mt Friends, ! ;As I...

      TO THE LAND MEMBERS . Mt Friends , ! ; As I told | you inthe _' outset , I have not yet done with the Land Committee , nor with the Land Plan ; hut before I make a few comments upon your position as members , allow me to call yo * _ir attention to a most striking and startling fact , and I beg of yoa not to read it carelessly , and dismiss it promptly . It is this—We live in times of the most fantastic

      speculation , when no project is too monstrous or whimsical for the gullibility of John Bull . Those speculations are not confined to Britain and her possessions—not to Europe , Asia , or America , but embrace the world—all that is from earth to heaven of discovered regions ; tbey are not confined to land and water , but they penetrate , or promise to penetrate , into the " bowels of the earth , and the speculators are not repulsed by the cold of the fri gid , or tbe heat of tbe torrid zone .

      Railways , steam navigation , mines , minerals , quarries , fisheries , emigration schemes , poor , protecting societies , benefit societies , burial societies , building societies , loan societies , coal clubs , bathing and washing societies , and God knows what else—have been established , recommended , and puffed ; and I ask you to point out to me one single society , in this age of society speculation , that has been abused , not by the whole , but by any portion of the Press ; and I ask you to point me out three newspapers in England , whether metropolitan or provincial , that have not expended columns

      of vituperation , slander , and falsehood , upon the National Land Company . Now , as it is an admitted fact that those several societies and companies have been established for the purpose of making profit for the promoters , and as they have not been abused , is it not self-evident that the Land Company , being established for the benefit of the poor , is the cause of tbe opposition of the wealthy ? If I had established this Company in connexion with a set of _profitmongers , receiving six and seven per cent , for their money , and bestowing large salaries upon directors ,

      committeemen , engineers , land tasters , surveyors , master builders , and solicitors—then the trap would have been baited by _thePress ; I should have been eulogised as a benefactor , and the scheme as a national godsend . Or suppose that Prince Albert , or some philanthropic nobleman , had devoted bis time exclusively to the erection of cottages , the making of roads , the culture of the land , and the happy location of the poor—would not the Press teem with laudations of tbe humane and Christian Prince ? and would not Royal tickets be issued by special favour to visit the locations of the bountiful patron ?

      But as I have done it , ' the unchristian dogs shut their eyes in passing when they hear that they are the Chartist houses , built by that destructive infidel firebrand , Feargus O'Connor . The Government acknowledges , the Press reiterates , and all confirm the fact , that want of employment is the principal , nay , the only cause of discontent , dissatisfaction , and disloyalty ; and when I seek to employ them at remunerative and productive labour , and at good wages , I am a heathen , a deceiver , and a juggler . All admit that in the present state of cultivation of the land of England , Englishmen must he " dependent upon the foreigner

      for their food , while none can deny that the want of employment and low wages is a consequence of the cupidity of employers , who traffic in the pride and the destitution of the poor . Well , Jbut let me _, not be misunderstood as applying these failings to a class while I asscribe them to a system ; far although I struggle for millions , yet if those who are now destitute were to-morrow placed in a situation to become masters and speculators in labour , they weuld be just as heartless—just as avariciousand would equally speculate in the destitution of the poor ; and as it is not my practice to praise you for qualities which you do not possess , allow me now to shew you yourselves in the

      mirror . The National Land Company was established fer your benefit and not for mine ; it promises you contentment , happiness , and a home ; it promises me annoyance , vexation , and expense ; and y et , from the moment the committee was appointed to investigate the affairs of tbe Company , as if by magic , your contributions fell off altogether , although the Company waB established mainly upon confidence , and although tbe committee reported tbat that confidence had not been betrayed . But you hare not yet beard one half of the delinquencies of the Chairman of that committee ; for although the Accountant was appointed to examine the books ofthe Bank as well as the books of the

      To The Land Members. Mt Friends, ! ;As I...

      Directors of the Land Company ; and although he complimented both the manager and the head clerk upon the critical accuracy and perfect manner in which the books were kept ; and although he made the most flattering report of the Bank to the Chairman of the committee ; and although the Chairman , who gets 2 , 000 / . a-year from the Government , and who spent seven mortal days in _drawing up his report ; and although the investigation into tbe Bank constituted the main object ofthe inquiry , yet did tbat Chairman abstain from a single

      comment upon the Bank , while he wholly withheld the report of the Accountant upon its management . But as upon no question—and especially upon a question of money—am I a man to be played with , either b y a lickspittle Chairman , the Government , or the Press , I will now ' _. call your attention to that portion of tbe Report which characterises the accounts of theCompany as imperfect .

      I have before stated the impossibility of keeping a mere debtor and creditor account ; but 1 asserti without fear of contradiction—snd every Finance Committee that has examined the accounts of the Company , will bear me out in the assertion—that it would be impossible to keep more satisfactory accounts than have been kept from ' tbe commencement . Every farthing received has been acknowledged in the " Northern Star , " md every farthing expended is entered ; and vouched for in the weekly labour books , or by receipts for all other expenditure which is not ofthe nature of labour—while , if I had kept the accounts as bankers or merchants keep theirs , the original documents from which those accounts were

      furnished must have been overhauled , in order to prove the accuracy of the general ledger . Now I am not prepared to admit any , the slightest , imperfection in the accounts of the National Land Company , while I am prepared to assert and prove that tbe hasty manner in which I was compelled to furnish a balance sheet for the committee , was hundreds of pounds out of my pocket . But always keep your attention fastened on one GREAT PACT , that tbe Chairman , from the commencement , sought to make the Bank the mainspring of

      the Company , and withheld the Accountant ' s report upon the perfect manner in which the Bank accounts are kept . Always bear in mind that when I admit any imperfection in the mode of keeping accounts , that imperfection arises from the impossibility of keeping them in the same Manner in which a merchant ' s or banker ' s accounts are kept , and which may be presentable in a perfect state at any moment , while the accounts of the National Land Company are taken from volumes of labour books , andspread over a period of two years and four months . While the directions of the

      committee to the Accountant were to make out a critical balance sheet , not of the amount expended upon each estate , but a critical analysis under the head of different items ; such aswhat the cottages cost ; what the roads cost ; and what agricultural operations cost . In answer to which I showed distinctly—firstly : the absurdity of such a distinction ; and , secondly ; the impossibility of making it , and for this reason—that horse power being a main item of tbe _expenditure , _rofcihjb he applied to the three different _operattarts in portions of each day : for instance , drawing stone , lime , and

      sand one portion of the day ; drawing road stone another portion ofthe day ; _andjploughing , harrowing , or drawing out manure another portion of the day . . Now , ' these are some of the imperfections that struck a regular Accountant accustomed to investigate merchants ' and bankers' accounts j and , indeed _, | so critical , or rather so absurd and pattial , and , as he hoped , so damning a report did the Chairman require , that he had the folly and the ignorance to insist that because 6 , 000 ? . in Exchequer Bills were in the hands of the broker , instead of in the hands of the manager , that therefore that amount was a loan from the Bank to the

      Land Company , juBt the _' _same as if a merchant , with two breeches ; pockets , was to make one his debtor and tbeotner his creditor ; while , the fact is , that all the money should have been in the hands of the broker , and none in the hands of the manager ; but the object of this Whig tool was to prove that the Land Company was bankrupt , and drawing upon the funds of the Bank , while the accounts showed—and as I have repeated a thousand times—that not one single fraction ' had been withdrawn from the Bank . And then the Accountant reports tbat I should have taken receipts for the aid money . Now what a folly that would be—the aid money is paid upon taking possession .

      Well , now I come to another , and a not less important , branch ofthe subject—namely , the unanimous determination of the several branches thatthe Company _^ shall not be wound np . Here , aa in all other matters in which I have had connexion with the working classes , I find their resolution most magnanimous , but their practice most pusillanimous . For several months , the receipts have not averaged above 30 / . a-week , from which deduct 8 ? . for Directors' salaries , the salaries of clerks , stationery , postage , parcels , rent , rates , and taxes , and I should be much obliged to those who exclaim

      " Never wind up , " if they would inform me how I am to pay 500 / . a week oat of the residue of 30 Z . a week , after deducting 26 / . for weekly expenditure . Now , there is an old saying-, that Solomon was a wise man , and Samson was a strong man , but that neither of them could pay money if they hadn ' t it ; and when I tell you that I am resolved that the security in the Bank shall not be diminished to an extent which will not enable me to meet the demandsjof every depositor , the . members of the

      Lend Company ! must see the necessity of increased vigour to save the most glorious Institution that any country could ever boast of . Let the people supply the means , and I will carry on the project , grid battle , and defeat all opposition ; but _whU _& theytalk firmly and resolutely of not winding up the Company , they ; must have \ _some consideration about WINDING UP THE > MAN , as their apathy would very speedil y wind me up ; and then , notwithstanding the juggler , the Company would very speedil y be wound up too .

      As I have shown _^ _you before that twopence , threepence , and fourpence paid weekl y by the two , three and four acre members , would supply a fund of nearly 1 , 000 / . a week ; and if you are not prepared to pay that amount , you are not prepared to redeem yourselves from slavery . There is [ another feature in which I must exhibit thia Company , —it is this : —that the capital of the Company , if paid up , would amount to 290 , 000 / ., while the amount actually paid ia little more than 90 , 000 / ., or less than one-third . Now , how do you think it possible thai , I can _eo on

      under these circumstances ! No man in his senses can conceive such a thing , while much of the apathy arises 4 « _mothe belief of every member of the Company ' that I would rather starve than be -conquered by its enemies . Henceforth I will take care tbat not a single rule is violated , and ithose who are located , will understand the tOrms upon which they enter on their _locations , and it must be distinctly _understood ' that not a single favour beyond what the rules guarantee wiil be henceforth extended , and under those rules all may be happy ; and if they are not , it will be tbeir own fault , And when I bear of men getting 30 / ., 40 / ., and m . fortheir 21 . 12 s . ; 40 / ., 50 / .,

      To The Land Members. Mt Friends, ! ;As I...

      and 60 / . for their 3 / . 18 s . ; and 60 / . 70 / ., and 80 / . for their hi . 4 s „ I will consent to bear the charge of having _juggled tbose persons . I feel that it would break my heart if I saw the most distant prospect of winding up the National Land Company , and of destroying a project which has never yet been maturely considered by the working classes , while , at the same time , I feel the impossibility of individual energy becoming a substitute for the apathy and indifference of 80 , 000 people . Let me now draw your attention to a most

      important fact ; the Land Company was established upon tbe broadest principle of cooperation—in fact a huge Benefit Society ; and if those who joined had paid up their shares within a reasonable time , tbe process of location would have gone on with tenfold rapidity . It was a Company established upon good faith , and what I now contend is , that if the locations were disposed of by raffle , the chances of two , three , or four acres , a house , and aid money , would have been respectively worth , and would have sold for , more than the amount of

      share money . Aa 1 was prepared to devote every hour of my time , and every farthing of my money to the carrying out of the project , I had a reasonable right to presume that the members would act upon the same good faith . But I will now prove to you , beyond dispute , that _neitherjeombinadon , confederacy , nor co . operation exists amoDgst your order j and , that , instead of the ruling maxim being , " Each for all and all for each , " the governing maxim is , " Every one for himself , and the devil take the hindmost . ''

      You ask , how I prove this . I doit thus ; if there was combination , confederacy , and cooperation , every man located would draw as lightly as possible upon the funds , while the fact is , that of the 250 located , although many could dispense with the aid money , not a single man has declined taking it , although he pays five per cent , for it . Observe—that I am not now finding fault nith any individual , but I am showing you that selfishness is the mainspring of human actionj and , in point of fact , there should have been a Committee of Observation , to inquire into the situation of every man to be located , and no member who could do without it should in justice have accepted it _.

      I mention those striking facts , in order to impress upon the minds of all the absolute necessity of bestirring themselves , and when the hired _profit-mongering Press has the insolence and vulgar audacity to talk of Mr O'Connor " making profit" ofthe Land Company , let me tell you that the most fortunate thing that ever happened to that Company , and to every society of which I have been a member ,

      is , that I am not a paid servant ; not that I object to servants being paid , and well paid for their labour , but because I hold it to be an irrefutable truth that the paid chief of any undertaking is a slave , and a serf in tbe hands of those who pay him ; he is obliged to prostitute his own judgment to their caprice , and to choose between the adoption of error and fallacy , and the loss of pay , and hence becomes their slave .

      Now it must be indelibly impressed upon your memory , that the committee appointed to investigate the affairs ofthe Land Company was presided over by a Government Official , receiving 2 , 000 ? . a year of . your money , and that two questions were submitted to the consideration of that committee , namely , the question of finance , and the question of the practicability of the Scheme ; and that for a month the whole bearing of the examination of witnesses by the Chairman , went to establish the fact that the Bank was the foundation , the be-all and the end-all , of the Company ;

      that , in fact , it was the very mainspring ofthe financial department , the question of accounts being a mere question of figures , and that of the Bank a question of principle—in fact , the basis of the whole superstructure . The Accountant was directed to see tbe Exchequer Bills and the money with his own eyes ; he saw both , he made an elaborate report of the whole account of the Bank , from its establishment down to the morning upon which he reported , and what will the clients of this

      impartial Whig Chairman say—those poor people whose interests he was so anxious to protectwhat _, I ask you , will they say when they learn that he suppressed the Accountant ' s report of the Bank altogether , never once mentioning it , never telling the committee that he bad received it , and never reporting it to the House of Commons ? Now was not he an honourable , upright , and impartial _judged anxious to administer justice and to protect the rights of the poor ?

      As to the question of practicability , Mr Finlayson , the great actuary of the Government , stated distinctly that he could not see and would not say THAT THE PLAN WAS IMPRACTICABLE , if it was protected bylaw ; and I now tell you that it is my determination so to frame the plan , upon the basis of the propositions that I have submitted to you , as to have it enrolled under the Benefit Societies Act . And it is my intention , if it is your wish , to carry out the plan with the most perfect good faith , but you must ever bear in mind that upon you and you alone rests the possibility . I will not slave for those who are not prepared to work for themselves . I will not become a

      pauper for men who are wholl y indifferent as to their own well-being . And when some of my enthusiastic friends would have wished to make the " Northern Star" the vehicle for the fromulgation of their doctrines , and for which alone would be held responsible , I beg to remind them that the 80 , 000 heads of families who have placed their confidence , their all , and their hope in my keeping , would have felt that I had betrayed the _^ my trust , if some fine mornipg they learned that' the Government padlocks were upon the doors of the National Land Company s Ofiice , and the Bank , and the Northern Star , " and that Government agents were in possession ol all the estates of the National Land Company ,- . as the confiscated property of the convicted felon .

      And what would have been my feelings if I had allowed the folly of others to place me , and you through me , in such a situation ? and yet the attempt was made by a person in my own employment , and by one who has since become an informer , I have told you that social change , and the hope of its realisation , is the best and surest foundation fora political change ; and I will venture to assert that the best and most sincere

      Chartists in England will be found amongst the members ofthe National Land Company . And you must be aware of the delight with which my conviction and the confiscation of your property would inspire the Whig Government and their middle class supporters , as the intent was , and the result would be , to break vou up , arid disorganise you , by destroying all confidence in those who undertook the management of your affairs .

      I am happy to find that , with scarcely an exception , the propositions for the future management of the Company hare been accepted by its members . Put them into practical operation give me the means of going on , and I wiil be the last to lack energy in the prosecution of my labours . The Press told you that I would go to America with your money , but if I do go , I will leave you over 6 , 0001 . of my own , with debt and expenses behind me , and I will not'take the land and houses , horses and im-

      To The Land Members. Mt Friends, ! ;As I...

      plements upon my back , as thefrieght would more than balance their value . I remain , Your faithful friend and unpaid bailiff ,, Feargus O'Cohkou .

      P . S . As I still continue to receive lettera adverse to the proposition for raising the price of shares , those who write them could not have read the announcement in the following week ' s " Star , " as in that I stated that we had abandoned tbe intention of raising the price of shares , and they remain precisely as they were before . But what I require is the payment of tbe weekly contributions , and the payment in convenient amounts of the shares not yet paid up ; F . O'C . ; i

      ¦ /9j

      ¦ / 9 j

      ... - - _ __. W -W-M-^M ^M^^Mmm^^^^M —M....

      ... - - _ __ . _w _-w-m- _^ m _^ m _^^ mmm _^^^^ m —m . _w - * ¦ —¦—¦— _-- —¦ m- — - - CUFFAY AND OTHERS . TO THE _WORrFno CLASSES

      My Friends , What right have you to complain of the ty . ranny of the law , when you are not prepared to supply those accused of violating it with the means of defence ? Cuffay—as honest a man as ever breathed the breath of life , and as sincere a man as ever advocated the cause—together with thirty others , ate to he tried on Tuesday week _^ at the Old Bailey , as felons , under tbe new Act enacted for the ihe purpose of strengthening the hands of a weak Government by the suppression of public opinion .

      Have the recent trials in Ireland , and thc trial the conviction , and transportation _ofErost _, Williams and Jones , so familiarised your minds with ihes scenes of horror as to make you indifferent to tlie fat of those thirty-one men . fhe English law presume every man to be innocent until he is found guilty and these are intended to be made the first victims at this side of the water , to the Whig Gagging Bill . I am not so imbued with conventional absurdity as to be ashamed to visit these men in their prison . I did visit Cuffay yesterday ( Wednesday ) , and I

      pledged my word that , whether you neglected your duty or not , I would not forsake him in his honr of trouble . I never should cease reproaching myself if those thirty . one men , or any of them , were convicted upon the evidence of the villain Powell , upoft whose oath twelve honest men would not hang a dog ; and , therefore , I sent for Mr Roberts to come and see the prisoners , to conduct their defence , and to retain the most eminent counsel in England to fight this first battle with this new and unconstitutional measure .

      It is a remarkable fact , and one which should be known , that although Cuffay is one of the oldest Chartists in Loudon , he never beard tbe name of more than one of those who are arrested with him , and who are to take their trials for the same offence . Now , when I tell you that I bave bad one bill of £ 316 sent by one solicitor fer the defence o five prisoners , and another bill for upwards of £ 170 for the defence of Vernon alone , you will say whether or no the whole expense for the defence of those thirty-one men to be tried for a transportable offence , is to fall upon my shoulders . Perhaps Douglas Jerrold , as Aladdin , and a professor of moral force Chartism , will give you bis mite , upoa application to him . And here let me state , in passing , that the editor of tbe " Northern Star" had prepared an article under the head .

      ALADDIN ' S LAMP , —• a slasher—in reply to Aladdin ' s dim light , which glimmered in Douglas Jerrold ' _s Newspaper last week , but for which article I was aorry to learn that space could not be spared till next week . I trust that as the time is short , the most will be made of it ; and that . Cuffay , and those who are to be tried with him , will not be sacrificed to the apathy of tbose wbo profess to love justice " , anti I would ask all who make beasts of themselves upon Saturday night , whether the money spend in brutality and dissipation , would not be better applied in defence of those men . It is all nonsense and humbug to talk about , the frequent appeals made for such purposes , for I tell you that if a thousand pounds a day was required , it could be furnished in

      pence without detriment to a single donor ; and to show you the difference between English and Irish spirit , I have no hesitation in saying that if a single appeal was made for such a purpose to the Irish people , who are the poorest people in the world , £ 10 , 000 , if required , wonld be subscribed in a single day . Now , do let me hope tbat we are not to become a mockery and a laughing stock , by allowiig the Chartists to be sacrificed to Whig tyranny , or our own puling modesty , evinced in the fear of being associated with the blood-thirsty Chartists , if we seek to secure tbem a fair trial . I was not ashamed to visit Cuffay in his prison , and shake him by the hand , and I am not ashamed to publish it to the world , for I adopt Lord Grey ' s motto , and 'STAND BY MY ORDER , * and especially when they are the victims of oppression .

      I know nothing of the thirty other men . I never heard of one of their names before . But I do know enough of Cuffay to pledge my faith that he would rather commit _self-destruction than be a party to recommend or tolerate cruelty , plunder , or assassination . It is always the custom of affrighted leaders to abandon those of their party when tbey ate charged by the Press and society with grave and serious offences . Such never has been my practice , aud such I trust never will . I tell you , in conclusion , that Cuffay will be sacrificed if you are apathetic , and that you , and not the law , will be his oppressor , as with your assistance he may triumph over an unconstitutional Act of Parliament . I remain , yonr faithful friend , - Feargus O'Connor .

      The Close Op The Session. We Beg To Call...

      THE CLOSE OP THE SESSION . We beg to call tbe particular attention of our readers to the following notices of motion given by Mr Feakgus O'Connor , upon the last day of the assembling of Parliament , and we offer them as a contradiction to tbe assertion that the only Chartist Member in the House is incapable of propounding solid measures of Reform , as , io our opinion , without the slightest tinge of politics , tbe motions of tbe Hon . Member for Nottingham embrace the most comprehensive sacial Reforms , and confer credit upon those who elected him : —

      * To move for leave to bring in a bill to appropriate a sufficient amount of land to eaoh union workhouse iu Great Britain and Ireland , to employ tho able bodied unwilling idlers , and thereby enable them to sustain themselves and their familial by tbeir own labour , instead of making them degraded paupers ; and , further , that all pro _* it from , the labour of _pewona so employed after the support of selves and families , shall be equally distributed amongst the inmates of suoh unions . ' To move a resolution tbat no speaker proposing any motion to the Honse of Commons , shall be allowed to occupy more than forty minutes in proposing said motion , , asd twenty minutes in reply ; and that no speaker in _discmsion of aaid motion shall be allowed to _ocoupy mora than halt aa hone . This rule _ti be enf oroed upon all questions excepting those of Finance , ' originated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer . ' ' To move for the appointment of a Select Com ' mittee . to inquire into the several branches from

      which the revenue of the country ia raised , for tbe purpose of _asoerUiaiag the expense of each depart * ment , and to consider _whether or bo a large reduction may not be made in tbe several offices in connexion with those several departments without any danger of injuring their efficiency . ' ' To move for _laave to bring in a bill to take away the power of distress from the Irish landlords in all coses where the tenants have not leases of ninety-nine years ; and in cases where tenants now bold under Ieas 8 [ at exorbitant high nuts , the renta henceforth shall bs regulated by a commission appointed by the Court of Chanoery , and that an equitable jurisdiction shall be given to the Courts of Quitter Session , to enable the _Asiistant Barrister to adjndioate in all _suita between landlord and tenant , and from whose judgment the landlord shall hare no appeal ; to con * _solid & te the several Stamp Acta now in foree in Ire ' land , and to establish cheap and convenient Courts of Registration . ' ¦

      • To oall the attention of the bouse to the present made of appointing Select Committees , and to make such alterations as will insure the impartiality of those tribunals . ' To move that no person holding any office under the Grown or _troverrment , or receiving pay , pension , or salary , shall be eligible to be _elected at a member of parliament , except _offioials attached to the several _governiaen _> , departments . ' ¦ T" move for the appointment ol & Select Com * mUVee to inquire into the whole question of Free Trade ; with a view of ascertaining , u far as procti * cable , the ultimata effect that tbfttmeasnreis likely to have upon the interests of the several classes , '

      Oldham.—On Sunday, September 10th, A Gen...

      Oldham . —On Sunday , September 10 th , a general meeting of this branch of the _Natiopsl , Land Company , will be held in the _schaolromTof the Working-man ' s Hall , at two o ' clockJBn the afternoon , when all enroled members arejequested to attend , and those in arrears of _ljnes to pay them up . Other subjects will be brp jrght forffaid for discussion . —A meeting will tak / plaeein the above roomi at six o ' clock in the ' eiwung .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 9, 1848, page unpag, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns4_09091848/page/1/