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Northern Star (1837-1852), 7th March 1846, Edition 4 of 4, Page 6, FROST, "WILLIAMS , AND JONES. [Important...

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      The Northern Star. \ Mabch 7, 184c.

      THE NORTHERN STAR . _\ Mabch 7 , 184 C .

      "War " Tvith America." Address To The Wo...

      " WAR " _tVITH AMERICA . " ADDRESS TO THE WORKING CLASSES OF GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES .

      ISDEPENDEXCE OF THE 0 _IJE _30 _X . Atthe usual meeting of the Fraternal Democrats held on Sunday evening , in their place of meeting , Great Windmill-street , Henry Ross , iu the chair , the subject of the threatened war between Great Britain and the United States was brought under the consideration of the meetiug by G . Julian Harney . Several speeches were delivered , and it was Ultimately resolved to hold an adjourned meeting on Tuesday evening , then to consider ths propriety of adopting an address to the working onuses of Great Britain aud the United States .

      On Tuesday evening ( last ) a very numerous meeting took place , the room being densely crowde d wiih democrats belonging to most of the * " tiirooean States , " including ( besides English , ) French , haman , Scandinavian , Swiss , da , * ., & e . Henry ¦ Mom was again called" to thc chair , and four _secretaues to the meeting , British , . French , _eenwyjj Scandinavian , were appointed . . _«»• _Jf _^ _S ? having briefly explained the intended busmes _* of tue _HTjuuas Hush then rose , and proposed the adoption ofthe following ADDRESS OF THE _TRATERNAL DEMOCRATS ASSEMBLING IX 10 XDOX , TO THE _WOUK 1 SC CLASSES OF GIMAT BHITAIN ASD THE U > * IT £ D STATES . " All men are brethren 1 "

      _FatzxBS Axn Beothebs , —ivitn extreme sorrow we have witnessed of late the attempts made hy interested and ignorant parties , to foster enmity between the people of Britain and the United States ; an enmity which , if not subdued and eradicated , threatens , at no distant day , to involve the two nations in war . \ Ve claim the right to address you , on the ground , that although not a very numerous party—indeed , uot claiming to be a " party" at all—we belong to a variety of _natians , and are thus entitled to represent—at least hi dvjjree—the interests and sentiments of the working order of Europe . A few British mea belong to our assembly , hut the majority i 3 composed of natives of Prance , Germany , Switzerland , Scandinavia , and most o ; the other states of Europe . The working class is our class ; many of us by hirth , and the rest by adoption , belong to the working order . The interest of the sons of toil throughout the world is onr interest , and national dis & tcfiOBS we have repudiated , contented to regard each and aU as brethren , members of oue family—the

      human race . Those of us in this assembly who are not natives of Britain , have been driven to this country by political proscription , where we have found a refuge from the storms _whichdesolatethehomesofonrfathers . _Grsatnumbers of our brethren have sought and found a home in the United States . We , who are natives of continental Europe , mnst be grateful to both countries for the asylum each bus afforded us , and we shall best exhibit our gratitade by lifting up our voices on the side of the men of peace and progress , in aid of their efforts to preserve the two nations from a fratricidal and desolating war .

      Working men of Britain , we are resident _autoairst you , and therefore we offer in the first instance , a few words to yon . The question at _Usue between yonr government ana that of the United States is ( briefly explained ) this : — The territory in dispute covers a surface of 350 , 090 _sguaru miles , and is bonuded on the north by the British and Russian possessions , on the south by Mexico , on the east by the Rocky ilouutains , and on the west by the Pacific Ocean . This territory is called the Oregon , and was originally claimed by Spain ; subsequently that eonntry ( as is asserted by the British Government ) eeded to Britain fhe joint sovereignty , or occupation , of the territory , and at a later period transferred all her claims on the ceantrv to the American Union . The British

      Governmeut claim a portion of this territory , the United States claim the whole . The limits of this address will i not permit us to review the claims of the two governments : suffice it to say , that four several attempts have been made to settle the question by _negocistion , which attempts have resalted in nothing beyond mere temporary arrangements . The existing arrangement is the "joint occupation" of the territory , _subject to be set aside by e & her cC the _csntemling parties giving the other a year ' s notice to that effect . Such notice the American Congress have now under consideration , * and as the British Government < _vcans nuthiolined to yield to t _' a * demand ot' the United Statu , war is rendered imminent . If neither party will compromise , an appeal to brute An ce appears to be inevitable .

      Strongly deprecating and protesting against any such " appeal , " _ws ask yoa , working men ot" Britain , are you prepared to sanction a war ? What wili you proSt by a war ? What have you gained by past wars ? From the time of William the _Gorman to the time of William the Dutchman , the records of yonr country ' s jbisrory attest the fact , that " the history of kings is the martyrology of nations . " Without going any further hick" than tfc * commencement of your modern system of government , under the auspices of the Dutch priuce of " pious and immortal memory , (!) " to whom _yoit owe the foundation of your monster " debt , " aud the other blessings which haTe flowed from the rule of the fund-mongers , we must remind you that the war against Prance , which commenced in 16 SS , aud which was undertaken to gratifv

      the ambition of the newly-imported king by thwarting the ambition of Louis XIV ., lasted nine years , and cost , in taxes raised at the time , sixteen millions , and in loa n * twenty millions , being a total of thirty-six millions . Tne war ofthe Spanish succession followed ; it lasted eleven years , aud cost in taxes and loans sixty-two and a half millions . The Spanish war , which _commenced in 1739 , lasted nine years , and cost , in taxes and loans , fifty-four millions . Then came " the seven years war , " which had its origin in a dispute between England and France respecting American territory , which now neither country possesses . This war cost the English people , in taxes and loans , one hundred and twelve millions . In all tliese wars , jou , the British people , had no interest whatever , bnt in the wars we have next to direct your attention to _,,

      your true interests were-really identified with the principles an 1 m * . n yoa combated against . We speak of thc "American War " aad the "French Revolutionary War . " The war against Americau liberty , which resulted in the just humiliation of the British aristocracy , aud the glorious consummation of American independence—that war , which lasted tight years , cost you , tbe British people , iu taxes and loans , one hundred and thirty-six minions of money . The French _Rerolulionary War , or , wore properly _spealdiij , the war against The French Kepuhlic _, lasted nine years , and eon you , in taxes and loans , four hundred and sixty-four millions . Almost immediately _iollowedthewar against Napoleon , which lasted twelve years , and cost thi British people , in taxes and loans the

      enormous sum of one billion , one hundred and iifty-niiie millions . AVe say nothing ofthe "little wars" sincel 815 , nor of the enormous cost of your army , navy , and other forces since that date . In the course of oa « hundred and twenty-seven years ( from 1 C 83 to 1815 ) , more than half that time was spent in war . The taxes were increased from two millions to their present amount , ( about ) fiftytwo minions ! In 1587 , the year before your " glorious revolution (!) " tbe _"National Debt" was unknown ; now , in spite of tbe almost countless millions you have paid as principal and interest , you stagger under tbe load of eight _hundred millions of debt , the payment of tha _yearly interest on which swallows up more than half the fifty-two millions of tax « s .

      Is it necessary to repeat the question , " What have yon gained by war V Prom the financial we now proceed to the murder account—the estimated number of British alone , who were slain or p .-rlsbed . In the war which began in 1 _BSS were ... 1 S 0 _. C 00 Ditto 1702 „ ... 2-30 , 000 Ditto ... ... 1733 , „ ... 210 , 000 Ditto ... ... 175 S „ ... 239 , 000 Ditto war against Americal 775 „ ... 200 , 000 Ditto war against France 1703 „ ... 700 , 000

      Total in one hundred and twenty-seven years 1 , 820 , 000 These facts and figures , understand , estimate only your loss and sufferings—die taxation andslaughtcr which you , the British people , hare borne ; we say nothing Of the enormous wealth dissipated , aud wholesale slaughter , which all the nations ot Europe , and the people ofthe United States , have suffered in these wars . We confine ourselves to yonr losses and sufferings , for our business is with you—our object is to dissuade you from war , by showing you the folly of reuewing tbe madness of former times .

      We address yon , the working classes , specially , beanse on yon has fallen aU the cost , and the greater share of ! h » mantel * oeeasicned by these wars . We say all the cost , because the taxes paid by the rich and the non-productive classes are all wrung from your labour . All that the idl-rs of society possess , they have plundered from jou . _Consequently , although they seem to share the burdens uf the State , you i caUy pay aU , and have besides to support these idlers in their luxurious existence . As to the murdir of war , you have always the largest share of it , without auy of the lyiug " glory . " Turn your eyes at tii s moment to the banks of tlie Sutlej , where your " order , "" mowed down in masses , "are gazetted us so many thousands " rank and file" killed and _wouadctl . For only the aristocratic officers is reserved the " glory " of being ' recorded by name in the annals of national homicide . True , the poor soldiers have the " glorious " privilege of dying onthe " bed of honour . " Ambition ' s honoured

      fools—Yes honour 3 decks the tuif that claus their clay ! Vain sophistry , in them behold the tools , The broken tool * , that tyrants east away ¦" We have s ' uuwn you , British _working-tceu , that your fathers had no iwerest in the war _^ _bW * enumerated , unless win-re their interest was ou the side of their socalled " enemies . " ' _Ije _^^ _rjdw . s how you , that as regards tins threatened war with" America , you have no interest in «' The Oregon territory . " The empire ot Britain is already immense . On that _emt . ire , we are told , "the sua never sets ; " for "the _thartofyourcolomt'S isa chart of the world iu outline ; you sweep the glob ? , and toueli every store . " Surely , this might sraltfj even

      * Losnox, Tnriisiur .—Since The Above Ad...

      * _Losnox , _Tnriisiur . —Since the above address was adopted , news has reached Loudon from America that the resolutions for the abrogation ofthe Convention of 1827 have passed the House of Representatives , hv a majority of 103 to 51 votes , and tiirre is m _dts-l _* * tbat they hav _i si ; _uk en adopted bv ihe _St-nati .

      * Losnox, Tnriisiur .—Since The Above Ad...

      a Roman lust for conquest . But what benefit are these colonies to you ! Like tiie native land of your fathers , the land of the British colonies is mo . iopoh « d by aristocrats and speculators . Thcrcis _ntfoot of land , ether m BrUainor the colonies , that yo , i , thc _ivorkmg-dasscs caHC _^ _, _»« . The « olonies » re usefu l to your masters , be- _; _caTse those colonies add to their wealth , power , and , _SniScence , . hut to you thoy arc barren acquisitions , or ; add tat to vour burdens . Should the British government _acquit the Oregon , its _acquisitio .. * _- « 1 bom-Jit only vour mast-re . Thex will take the land—tliey will fill all the higher situatious , civil and military , of the new colony —your share will Ik the _slaughter ofthe combat , and the eost of whining and retaining the couqucst . I T , ie p rivileged classes only can benefit by the acquisition of the Oregon-, if there must be fighting , let than _tight their own haitles . j ° The

      \ Ve now turn to our Aniericun brethren . speeches in the American- CoBgvess , the addresses of popular orators , and the editorial appeals of the press , satisfy us that a large party exist in the States hostile to everything British—unfortunately seldom making any distinction between the British people and the British aristocracy . Much of ibis hostile feeling is the natural result of the yet-remembered struggle in which your fathers had to onnibat for liberty and life as a people . Much is also to ba excused on tho ground that a mistaken idea exists in the States , that the British people of all classes are influenced by ambition ant thc desire to prevent the growth aud spread of the republican institutions of America . _Thismay be true of the privileged classes of Britain , butit is not true of the working class , who arc as little cursed with the folly of national ambition as any peoplo on the face of the earth , aud who , so far from being jealous of the republican institutions of the New World , earnestly desire the establishment of like institutions in the Old .

      The nationality-nonsense which appears to so largely influence political discussion in America , is rapidly disap . peariug in this couutry , and wo are convinced that the British working men would much rather fight / or republican institutions than _ajaiiut them . We need not here recapitulate tlie costandhorrorsof war ; it will be sufficient toremind you that the war of 1812 caused an enormous increase of your public expenditure , which the custom duties failing to meet , recourse was had to heavy direct and indirect taxation . The English Excise Laws were engrafted upon the States , and domiciliary visits were directed " at all reasonable times . " Besides which , though the war lasted only two years and eight months , the United States government was compelled to borrow enormous sums , and incur an amount of debt which it look twenty years to pay off . Supposing you win , take

      and keep the whole of the Oregon , its acquisition will be but a harreu compensation for the loss of life and wealth which even a two or three years' war would cause . Like the working class of Britain , jou , the working men of America , will have to bear the cost of the war ; you will suffer most of the slaughter ; you will have but little of the " glory" ofthe contest , and reap no more of the profit of the victory , if you achieve it . If you engage iu this contest your folly will be without excuse . Do you desire au extensive national territory ? You have it already ; your republic is even now of almost illimitable extent . You own the sovereignty of land which , to even moderately cultivate , would require your present population to be increased ten-fold , and to call forth the full

      resources of which , your population should be enlarged at least a haudred-fol < l—yet you clamour for more land ! Suppose you take the Oregon , who will be its masters ? Sot you , the working men . Like the working men of Europe , the great mass of you are landless in your own laud . The old states , the states of more recent creation , and your newly-acquired _territories , are , for thc most part , in the hands of landlords and jobbers , to the exclusion of the great body of the people—the same system will be established in the Oregon should it be " annexed " to the Union . Working men of America , would it not be well to insist upon having landfor yourselves , rather than fighting to add to the enormous possessions of landlords and speculators ? _.

      Working men of America , we have warned you that the present eost and suffering of war will mainly be borne by you ; but this is not all , nor the worst . Increase of territory will bring with it a permanent increase of your navy and " standing army , " an increase of naval aud military officers , aa iucrease of _tac-gatherers , and other locusts , who , having a disrelish for honest labour , will strive to permanently quarter themselves upon you—first by prolonging the war , and afterwards by voting the continuance of " war establishments" in time of peace , to retain your force-won _possessions . The result cannot fail to be the corruption of public morals , and the ultimate destruction of your Republican institutions .

      There is one argument wliich the advocates of war address to the cupidity of the two nations—namely , " Whichever nation shall command the ports of tlie Pacific , will ultimately command the trade with China . " Suppose so ; let the men who profit by " trade , " and make fortunes by "trade , " let them struggle for commercial supremacy if they trill ; but the victims of trade have no _go « d reason for lighting for the ports of the Pacific , or any other ports . While in Britain manufacturers and merchants have gained princely fortunes , _enaMiiu , 'tlu-m t _*» out-rival tlie old territorial aristocracy , the working men , whose labour and skill have been so successfully employed by the " traders , " have been reduced to the lowest state of social existence . _Dsprived of their labour by the operation of machinery , or earning but a miserable subsistence , their wives and children immolated to the

      "Juggernaut of steam , " they have become poorer and poorer , as their masters have become richer and richer . Britain boasts the most wonderful " trade" the world has ever yet witnessed—her commerce brings to her ports tbe 1 'icheS ofthe world , but these riches are not shared by the toiling classes ; work and want , the Poor Law prison , and the pauper ' s funen * I , are their sole rewards . We have good reason to believe that a similar state of things already exists in the United States . In the commercial and manufacturing portions of the Union , the tyranny of capital is absolute , and the " slavery of wages" not less galling than in Britain . The existence of trades' union .- * , thc statements of public journals , and the facts narrated in private correspondence , leave no doubt as to the

      increase of destitution , thc social slavery ofthe workers in all the large manufacturing and commereial cities , and the advance to absolute power of the holders of land and capital . The progress of commerce has served but to extend and consolidate the tyranny of the rich and the slavery of tlie poor . What matters it , then , to the workiug-men of either couutry who commands the Chinese trade ! When thsworking-men of Europe and America bave tlie sense to insist upon a just distribution ofthe products of their industry , and a fair exchange of their superfluities , commercial ports will he of equal value , and open to all nations ; no one nation will have the monopoly of them , and wars , for their acquisition , will be but a tale ofthe past _.

      Admitting , for the sake of argument , the right of Britain , or America , or both , to lay claim to the Oregon , a careful examination of thej claims set up by each party lead ) us to the conviction , tliat theclaim of one country is about as good as that of the other . An equal division of the terr _ijgljlgould ( under this view ) be , therefore , an _equitabfmfflBtment ; and this , we believe , the British _goveriimerittlwUliag to assent to . Beyond this—always admitting the claims of the two governments—thore is but one resource , that of referring the matter to arbitration . Tliis the British government _faw proposed , and the American govern ' ment has rejected .

      Intelligence has reached London this day ( March 3 rd ) , that all arbitration whatever in the question cf tiie right to tht Orcjonterritory _hafbeen refused by _tftej-oeennfient of tits United Stales . By the Americau journals received from New York , we learn tliat on the 27 th of December , 1815 , the British Minister proposed to the American Secretary of State , that negotiation haring failed , the question of a just partition of tiie territory should he left to the arbitration of a third and disinterested party . This the American President rejected . On the 10 th of January , IS 46 , the British Ministerproposed to the American

      Secretary , that if the United State .- have an objection to kings , to submit the question to thc arbitration of amixed convention , with an umpire ; or to a body of distinguished civilians . He proposed to meet the viev , s ofthe United States by submitting the question of title , and in case it be found that neither party has a title to the whole , then to submit the question of equitable partition . To tins last proposition , the American Secretary returned answer , ou the 4 th of February , that— " To no powiT , Itoioever intelligent Or rtspuiable , nor to any bo > ly of citizens , could the United States consent to refer a claim of a character like that she possesses to the Oregon territory . "

      Working men ef America , dots this mean wae % Does it mean that your Republican government , which should set an example of justice , moderation , and peace to the rest of the world , is determined to light up the flames , and " let loose the dogs of war _«• ' AVe are no admirers of the institutions of Britain ; on the contrary , our sympathies are entirely with the institutions of America , but we say it with a sorrow we witt not dissemble , tfcat tha obstinacy of your government , if persevered in , will do more to stay tho march of Republicanism in Europe , than all the persecution which aristocrats can wage or kings decree . Working men of Britain and America , one course is yet open to both countries , by adopting which neither the interests nor thu "honour" of either could be compromised , while its adoption would be a positive benefit to mankind .

      If , for tlie sake of argument , we have admitted ths claims ofthe two governments , we have no hesitation in asserting , that i-. i pure right and justice neither COUntrv has the slightest claim to the territory . The supposition that any particular government can acquire a right over an unclaimed part of the earth , merely from the circumstance of its having _discovered that there h such a part in existence , is an outrage ou erery principle of justice . Such countries are free by nature , and should be left free . The actual settlers on an ; cultivators of the soil , these aw the rightful sovereigns of the soil , and should be at

      perfect liberty to choose their own form of government , and their own institutions . The Uritish fiir-huHters and American squatters are the present occupants . The country is large enough to form an independent state , or indeed several states ; and when thc population is sufc firiently numerous , institutions « ill doubtless be formed iu accordance with the wants of the people , and the enlightened principles ofthe age . To prevent future contentions , Britain aud the United States should agree that whatever institutions or laws the new state might adopt , should , as regards Britain and tlie United States , be tlie same fur both aud independent of both .

      Such appears to us to be the best means of settling this " vexed question . " Neither Britain nor the United States have any need of the Oregon , they hate both more land than they cau cultirate , or thau either of them properly govern . Well will it be for the human race when

      * Losnox, Tnriisiur .—Since The Above Ad...

      these- territorial disputes will be known no more . 'Ihat will be when thc land shall be no longer 'monopolised by governments , classes , and _iiidiuidtiali ; _Iwt made the common property of all , the common fund for the sustenance of all earth ' s children . Working men of Britain and Ameriea , if you approve of the view we have taken of this question , ba up mid doing , and act forthwith to preservu the pence of the world . Gather inyourpublic assemblies , meinorialiseyour Parliament and Congress , create and guide an enlightened public opiniou to this end , and influence your respective governments to act justly , honourably , nnd for the welfare , instead of the misery , of the human race .

      Working men ot Britain , your interests ave altogether on the side of peace . War would distract public attention from your grievances , would add to your _buvduns , might probably afford a pretext for your government curtailing your scanty liberties , under the pretence of " providing for the public safety , " aud would indefinitely postpone your political emancipation . Exclusive institutions , bad laws , and a vicious social system , are your only real " enemies , " aud against these only you should raise the shout of war . Working men of America , you are , or should be , the pioneers of freedom ; such was the mission bequeathed to

      you by _Washingroa ami his great brother patriots That mi < sion you will best fulfil by perfecting your institutions—by abolishing the _slavory of white and blockwages and thc whip—hy driving from your legislatures the landlords , usurers , lawyers , soldiers , and other Idlers and swindlers ; by making the veritable people , the wealth-producers , really " sovereign , " and thus establishing a real , instead of a nominal , Kepublic War will uot aid , but will prevent you accomplishing these reforms . Achieve these reforms , and everywhere the people will demand your institutions , and your triumph will be complete .

      A war between the two nations would revive the barbarous national prejudices aud hatreds , whieh happily are now fast perishing before the light of knowledge and the advance of national intercommunion tion . Our desire is to promote tlie fraternity , free < Join , and happiness of nations _. In this sp irit we have addressed you ; iu this spirit we salute you as brethren . Henry _Koss ( native of Britain ] , Chairman . TU 05 U 8 Weubeb ( native of Britain ) , \ CaulSciiAmii ( r . ativeofGerman } - ) , { . secretaries . Jean A . Miciielot ( native of France ) , C , ¦ Peter Holm _(/ . ativeof _Scandiaavia ) . / London , March 3 , 181 G . Cam . ScHArrEit seconded tlie adoption of thc address , and addressed the meeting in English aiid German . After brief addresses from other speakers , the question was put , and tlie address unanimously adopted . It whs then ordered to be published , signed as above . The following resolutions were then unanimously adopted : —

      _1 . ThattheBritishand American journals be requested to give publicity to the address adopted by this meeting , 2 . That tkis meeting appeals to the working men of Britain to immediately assemble in public meetings to protest against the threatened war with ' America ; and to take into consideration the propriety of advising the British government to assent to , and propose the tndependence of the Oregon territory . G . Julias Harsky gave notice tliat at the next _regular meetiug on Sunday evening , March 15 th , he would call the attention of the assembly to tiie war iu India .

      Tlie chairman then vacated the chair , and tlie proceedings terminated .

      The Chartist Exiles. Ihe Exiles' Restora...

      THE CHARTIST EXILES . IHE EXILES' RESTORATION COMMITTEE , TO T . B . MACAULEY , ESQ ,., M . P . Sir , —Having been constituted a committee for promoting the return to thoir native iand of John _i'rost , Zephaniah Williams , and William Jones , we _htld it to be a duty which we owo to the exiles , and to thc community at large , to address a few words to you at the present time . The motives which impel us to _pursue this coarse are , in the first place , devotion to the cause of these expatriated persons , and in the second , a desire to prevent , as far us possible , the minds of others from being imbued or warped with

      those heartfeis notions of political expediency which appear to be the most striking characteristic of your implacable nature . The immediate circumstance wliich _inJuees us thus _pnUiefy to address you , is tiie appearance in some of the newspapers of two letters to which your nam * is attached . We havo read these letters with deep attention , and our impression is , that they neither sustain your celebrity as a classical writer , nor redound to your character as a philanthropist or a politician . The one referring fo iJio exiles evinces an obduracy of heart , a vindictiveness of mind , an implacability of spirit , which would harmonise better with the character of some

      semibarbanan despot than with that of an enlightened member of the British legislature . The other is a miserable , an insulting attempt to prop the tottering fabric of class injustice ; to make the people believe that you know their in teres : ** better than themselves , * that they are benefitted by being voteless , and that it is perfectly consonant with reason aud justice that they should be liable to compulsory enrolment in the militia , and thus become instruments in the hands of their oppressors for upholding the very system that robs , degrades , and enslaves them . In this letter , sir , you feebly urge doctrines which arc waning fast —doctrines , atthe crroneousness aud absurdity of which the intelligence of the nineteenth century laughs ; doctrines which render thoir supporters objects of the contempt of all reasonable men , while just as inipetentiy you make a Quixotic attempt to assail those great principles of political science which havo nature for their basis and _philosophy for thoir

      exponent In one of tliese elegant epistles , you assign your reasons for refusing your support to Mr . Buncombe ' s motion for the presentation of an address from the Ilouse of Commons to the Queen , praying the award of the Royal clemency to Frost , Williams , and Jones . This letter is thc harshest thing of the sort it lias been our lot to peruse for some time past . It really appears to us , judging from its tenor , that if you had the power you wouid revoke the commuted sentence , and witli exquisite pleasure carry the horrific , the brutal , tho sanguinary original into execution ! But , thank God ! such dispositions as yours are the fewest in number .

      You , sir , characterise these men as " great criminals . " We shall not go into the subject of their criminality now ; it is too well understood to _bu necessary . Everybody knows what they did , when they did it , where they did it , _niid how tjiey did it . Neither shall wc dogmatise as to the motives which impelled to that course of conduct , resulting in such disastrous consequences . Wo will , however , hazard the presumption that they wcre the purest—the noblest that can stimulate human action . Wc are not , sir , justifying the conduct of Frost , Williams , aud Jones , neither shall we unqualifiedly deprecate it . Much , sir , might be said , if not in defence , at least in palliation of it . The world has an arbitrary rule by which it judges rebellions : according to it ,

      their success is their justification—their failure is their condemnation . The principal actors , in the one ease , are great heroeB ; in the other , great criminals . But the impartial thinker should take into his estimate the motives to action , irrespective of the _conueqaenoes . We do not believe that the conduct oi Frost , "Williams , and Jones , waa the effect of a ruthless or depraved disposition . The excellent character as good citizens , go ? d fathers , and good husbands , maintained by these men , forbid the harbouring of any such thought . That their conduct was rash and imprudent in the extreme , we readily admit ; but we cannot discover in it that glaring criminality whioh you tell us is so obvious to your mental optics . Their criminality appears to us to

      be akin to that of Washington , of Tell , ol _Wallaae , of Hampden , of Emmett , ol Fitzgerald ; names which virtue has hitherto pronounced with veneration—names which fame has inscribed upon the scroll of immortality ; memories wliich , ages hence , will bo enveloped in the bright halo , a world ' s reverence , when that of a Macauley will only bo mentioned in connection with political tergiversation , Whig jobbery , or schemes for upholding a griudiug , oppressive , and anti-Christian system of class mis-rule . You say that the law has not yet been satisfied as respects Frost , Williams , and Jones . This , sir , when put in more understandable phraseology , is simply that vengeful natures , like tnat df Thomas Babington Macauley , is not yet satisfied . Instances , however

      racur to OHr minds wherein the _lawwan satisfied with a few months' expatriation for greater criineB than thoso alleged against Frost , Williams , and Jones much greater , to use ono of your own similes , than the crime of robbing a , hen-roost . The Canadian rebellion must be fresh in your recollection ; a disastrous event brought about by the injustice of that expiring , that execrable faction of wliich you are so worthy a m « mher . That revolt was crushed ; many were killed and wounded ; a great number wore made prisoners ; the majesty of tho law gloated its royal eyes over the strangulation of twenty-nine of them ; while _sovoral were sentenced to transportation for life . Tlieir cause was eloquently pleaded at the bar of the House of Common * , by Mr . Roebuck ; the Royal clemency was exercised , their sentences were revoked , and they were restored to those homes made desolate , and to those hearts made

      disconsolate by their absence . Thus , you perceive , there are _weighty precedents in favour of the release of these " great criminals , " whose punishment you tell us , with seeming regret , is less timu that of poor lads for picking pockets . All wc ask is even-handed justice ; all we implore is the same mercy for the Welshman which has beeu extended to the Canadian . Wc would advise you to alter your opinions , or to keep them from the _aevbre _oye of public scrutiny . They will not stand tho ordeal of investigation . Your opinions upon fhe subjects ofthe franchise and thc militia are too _despicable for controversy . You _il _^ re not enunciate tlioin before audiences of the enlightened inhabitants of Edinburgh . At the last general election you received a most significant hint ofthe _abhorrence in wliich they hold your principles , iu the tact that when the show of hands was taken , your Chartist opponent , Mr . Lowery , had a majority of fourto one over you . Depend upon it , th : * \ _ulr

      The Chartist Exiles. Ihe Exiles' Restora...

      refusal to do a simple act of justice will not be forgotten , when you again solicit the favour oi the inhabitants of Edinburgh . Change your notions , good sir , ify ° u would have the respect of theipeoplo ; cherish thera , if you prefer the favour of faction . Your opinions are lar in the rear of . the . spirit ot the age ; tho public niiiul has long passed'thai point in pro . ress , when crafty logicians could palm tho _ortliodoxv of vour views upon it . The i ' riends ofthe exiles entertain strong hopes of success in their present efforts . ' -These hopes are not depressed by your menaced opposition . They arc founded upon the intense feeling abroad favourable to their release ; upou the integrity of character preserved up to tho time ot the calamitous outbreak ; uuon tlie fact , that tlie highest law authorities ,

      including six of the fifteen judges , have most solemnly declared thoir trial illegal ! and , upon \ he fact , that during the six gloomy years of their captivity the conduct of these great criminals has been irreproachable . VVo say , emphatically , tliat if tliese men are not worthy to be made the recipients of the Royal clemency , that the prerogative of mercy had better at once be declared a nullity . The friends of tlie exiles appeal with confidence to the benevolent , and humane —they appeal to those who squaro their conduct by tlie golden rule of justice , to do as they would be done bv—they appeal to all , through whose hearts flows tiic limpid current of philanthropy , to lend them a helping act in the cause of humanity and justice . 1 have the honour to be , Sir , on the part of the committee , yours very respectfully , Thomas Martin _Wukklur , Secretary .

      TIIE EXILES' RESTORATION COMMITTEE TO THE ELECTORS _AJN'D _IyON-ELE'JTORS OF EDINBURGH . Gentlemen , —We trust that apologies will not be required for the liberty we have taken in thus publicly addressing you . __ We feel urged to the pursuit of this course by a high sense ol" duty . We have , gentlemen , undertaken the management of a cause which we aw * resolved to guard with the most scrupulous vigilance . And whenever , or wherever , that cause is assailed , we consider it imperative upon us to rush to its vindication , The _causo alluded to ia the restoration to their native laud of tlie exile patriots , Messrs . Frost , Williams , and Jones . Gentlemen , we hare . to prefer a complaint against your

      representative , T . B . Macauley , Esq ., lor an attempt to obstruct the accomplishment of tlie object which we have in view . Two letters of his havo recently appeared in one of your local papers , and , judging from the tenor of one of them , Mr . Duneonibo ' s motion on Tuesday evening , in favour of the exiles , will be met with his _determined opposition . One part of the policy of the Restoration Committee has been to illicit the expression of tho greatest amount of sympathy in behalf' of those friends of the rights of labour . Our object in this address is to give effect to that policy ; our purpose is to ascertain whether the views of the enlightened inhabitants of Edinburgh , in regard to the liberation of Frost , Williams , and Jones , are in unison with those put forth by T . B . Macauley , Esq .

      Gentlemen , tliese individuals , although according to the highest authorities illegally convicted , have now suffered six years of gloomy bondage , and your representative says the law is not yet satisfied , because tlieir punishment is less than that of poor lads for ' picking pockets ! The wives and families of these men have endured six years of torturing anguish , produced by the absence of their nearest and dearest friends . They are about to appeal to the humanity o f the British Parliament , aud your representative tells them to banish hope from their hearts —that tlieir sufferings are interminable ! We ask whether the principles of such conduct are compatible with that clement disposition , which forms thc brightest adornment in the human character ? We cherish strong hopes that Mr . Macauley will very soon discover that there are but few hearts in Edinburgh to throb icsponsiveto the promulgation of his heartless principles .

      Gentlemen , your representative holds opinions , upon other important subjects , which wc deem totally at variance with j ustice . You will see , by the letters already alluded to , that he is favourable to the compulsory enrolment of the militia . He has the effrontery to tell the young men of Edinburgh , that it is for their benefit lo be forced to pursue the throat-cutting trade for Ys . a-week t He appears to be tyrant enough to force youth into the army , aud , as a consequence , age into the bastile , and hypocrite enough , to tell the people that his impelling motive

      is zeal for the public good ! He would fine you ten pounds for refusing military service , or scud you to the treadmill for three months , nil the time assuring you that he was the friend of your interests ! He would , to our monster war establishment of 250 , 000 men , add 40 , 000 more _,. _ because his imagination is haunted with the spectre ofa "hostile armament' ' in the Forth ! He would considerably augment the fifteen millions sterling , annually abstracted by taxation from labour , to uphold tho army aud navy , yet takes to himself credit for being an economising reformer !

      Non-electors of Edinburgh , you are most grossly insulted by your pseudo representative . In one of these letters ho gives his " best consideration" to the subject of the franchise , lie gravely assures you that he refused the people the suffrage on the same « l _* 0 Uild that ho would refuse a razor to a wan who wanted to cut his own throat ! Mark the insulting arrogance of this Whig pensioner— "Irefused tkm tiie franchise . " Who , or what , we ask , is this presumptuous upstart , that dares to say to the people of Britain , " 1 refuse you the franchise ? " Whence derives he authority to use such daring language ? Who is he that attempts to deny his fellow creature those rights which he has equal capacities to exercise—those privileges , not of man ' s , but ol * God ' s institution ? The haughty , despotic mortal , capable of all this , is T . B . Macauley , Esq ., Whig M . P . lor

      the iiity ot Ediuburgh ! He is afraid , he says , that the possession of the franchise by the people would change them from peaceful , moral subjects , into ruthless confiscators of public property ! And hence , to prevent so direful a consummation , he withholds from them the suffrage . Gentlemen , this crafty Whig refuses it for reasons the very reverse of those which lie assigns He withholds it not , as he says , to prevent spoliation of property , but that the spoliation of your labour by landlords , fimdlords , and profitfords , may proceed without interruption . To use a simile of his own , he is fearful that tho ra : _oref thc franchise ,. in the hands of an intelligent people , would be used in lopping off such excrescences from the nation ' s burden as his Indian pension , or in exterminating those voracious monstrosities whose destructive fangs are ever stuck in the vitals of industrv .

      Gentlemen , we conceive that thc avowal of these heartless principles by your representative , imposes upon you the necessity of declaring your real sentiments . Your silence at present , will identify you with these odious views entertained by Mr . Macauley . He is opposed to the release of Frost , Williams , and Jones . If , gentlemen , you think otherwise ; if you deem them worthy of restoration , we call upon you , in the name of humanity , to proclaim your philanthropic aspiration to the world . If you consider the compulsory enrolment of the militia tyrannous and oppressive , now , while government is concocting its new militia laws , is the time for you to speak out in uiimistakeable language . If you think the principle of universal enfranchisement to be just and truthful , then let the world know that there is no similaritv between the politics of Thomas Babington Macauley and those of the inhabitants of the important town wliich he so foully represents . Thomas Mabtih Wheeler , Secretary .

      Exiles' Restoration Oommiixke, Friday Ev...

      Exiles' Restoration Oommiixke _, Friday Evening . —Mv . Godwin in the chair . Mr . Stallwood reported from Finsbury respecting the getting up of a public meeting for the exiles , iu that borough . Mr . Moore also reported the movements made by the members of the National Association iri favour of the return of tho exiles . Mi * . Chirk reported the result of an interview witli Mr . Duncombe . Mr . Milne reported a favourable result of the deputation to the carpenters . Mr . Milne also reported favourably from thc tailors of the Blue Posts . Mr . Luke gave in a favourable report from the broad-silk weavers , the City shoemakers , the cabinet-makers , and the farriers . On the motion of Mr . Clark , it was resolved , — "Thata tea party , concert , and ball , should be

      got up , at tha Par then rum-rooms , on Friday , March 24 th , in aid of tho funds of tho Committee j" and Messrs . Wheeler , Stallwood , Souter , Milne , and Whitmore , were appointed to make the necessary arrangements . Mr . Dunn reported from thc City locality , and Mr . Simpson from Camberwell . On the motion of Messrs . Clark and Stallwood , it was resolved— " That an address should be got up to the electors and non-electors of Edinburgh , calling upon them to dojustice to Babington Macauley , for his cowardly attack upon the Wolsh patriots ; and also , that copies of the address be sent to the various metropolitan and provincial papers likely to insert it . " The meeting then adjourned . —On Smulav afternoon the Committee again assembled , Mr . Milno in the chair . Messrs . Clark , Doyle , and M'Grath , reported the result of their labours , and read favourable replies from several M . P . ' _s . Messrs . M'Grath and Mills gave in a favourable report from tho skein-silk dyers .

      Mr . King reported from the broad-silk weavers . Mr . Thorne was added to the committee , having-been deputed from a party of friends meeting at the llall of Science , _Goswell-streel . Messrs . White and Hun . _, ley were also added to the committee . On the motion of Mr . Clark , it was resolved— " That tho secretary send to Newport , Wales , to induco them to get up a petition , signed by the town couneil ; also one by tho inhabitants . " It was also resolved" That the secretary of this coamiittec should write to the secretary at Manchester , requesting him to endeavour to get the trades of that town to petition in favour of the object . " On themotion of Messrs . M'Grath and Rogers , it was resolved— " That the Executive should be appointed as a deputation to the various editors of newspapers in London , requesting their assistance in this humane undertaking . " On the motion of Messrs . Simpson and Clark , it was resolved— " That the various members of the committee , with such help as they can yroeure , should wait with a petition on Ihe ministers of religion , iu their

      Exiles' Restoration Oommiixke, Friday Ev...

      districts . " It was then resolved— " i \ t the secretary should issue collecting-books to the _Vimmittee , to raise subscriptions in favour of the \ bject . " Deputations were then appointed to the _fivedivisiens of the shoemakers , to _. the farriers , _cabinet-nukers , typefounders , silk hatters , plasterers , stoneniisons , tlie United Trades , and to Mr . Duncombe . Themeeting then adjourned until Wednesday evening . \ The committee again met at tho Farthenintt , St . Martin ' s-lane , on Wednesday evening , March the 4 th , Mr . John Arnott in the chair . The _deputations to members of Parliament , the public _prea _, the Finsbury and other meetings , and thc address committee reported . The reports were deemed satisfactory and received . Thc committee were delighted with thc very cheering prospect of success likely to attend their humble efforts . After according & vote of thanks to the chairman , they adjourned until Sunday afternoon ( three o ' cloek ) , at Turnagain-lane .

      MEETING IN SOUTHWARK . A numerously attended public meeting was held at the South London Chartist llall , Blaekfriarsroiul , on Monday evening , March the 2 nd , on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones . Mr . Faircliild was unanimously called to thc chair , and said , the purpose for _wJiidh they had , that night , met was purely philaiitluopic , and no man could more desire the restoration of the much-injured men than he did . He thought their longer coniimiance in a felons' land would be a disgrace to a civilised nation . ( Cheers . ) Mr . T . Clark , in an able , energetic speech , which elicited tho loudest applause , moved the first resolution , similar to thc resolutions adopted at all meetings held for this purpose . Mr . Bell , in an able

      and argumentative speech , seconded the resolution , which was carried unanimously . Mr . Doyle , in a speech of much eloquence , moved the adoption of a petition , embodying the foregoing resolution , which was seconded and carried unanimously . Mr . Thomas Cooper , with his usual ability , moved the adoption ofa petition on behalf of William Sherrat Ellis , wliich was seconded by Mr . Alfred ilunnibcll , late of Stafford , and an acquaintance of William Ellis . The petition was unanimously adopted . Mr . John _Gathavd said , he was intrusted with the following most important resolution : — " That thi 8 meeting have read with extreme disgust , the base and inhuman letter of Babington Macauley , M . P ., relative to the unfortunate yet noble-minded Welsh

      martyrs , and hereby express their cicep conviction , that any human being who can hold and utter such , worse than brutal sentiments , is totally unfit tu represent any enlightened constituency . " Mr . Gathard read the letter above referred to , and sal down by moving the resolution . Mr . Philip M'Grath said , he felt great pleasure in seconding so forcibly written a resolution , and he had every reason to believe it would be unanimously adopted . ( Hear , hear . ) He believed such au hatred of inhumanity existed in the breast of Englishmen , that mus ' i induce them to execrate such sentiments as those enunciated by Thomas Babington Macauley . ( Loud Cheers . ) The case of Frost , Williams , and Jonos , was well known , _, md understood by them , and hence

      they were all favourable to the return of those men ; therefore ; he would confine himself to the dissection of the letters of Babington Macauley , who was reckoned among the clever of the Whig Malthusians , and hence it was necessary that tlie people should understand him . Mr . M'Grath then read the letter relative to the late national petition , and said the man who could put to paper such falsehoods was a wilful slanderer . ( Vociferous cheering . ) We do not cail for national bankruptcy , nor for the destruction of property . ( Hear , hear , ) Wc , in that petition , simply asked lor the just right of all , namely , that every man of sane mind , non-convicted of crime , and of twenty-one years of age , should have a voice in the making of those laws he is called on to

      obey . ( Loud cheers . ) We still contend for this , and are still determined to continue thc struggle until success crown our _ettlris , despite all the base calumnies of glib philosophers . ( Great cheering . ) Again , we asked in that petition that the religious rights of all should be respected , that every man should be allowed to worship God in accordance with the dictates of his own conscience and which , he believed was strictly in accordance with philosophy , reason , justice , and common sense . ( Loud cheers . ) Mi _\ Macauley lmd charged the Chartists with having a desire to confiscate tlie soil . So far from this being true , we declared that it had already been confiscated . We did more , we pointed out the robbers , among whom numbered Babington Macauley , and we demanded that those robbers should restore

      the stolen property to its rightful owners . ( Vociferous cheering . ) Babington Macauley said , he " refused the franchise to the workiug classes by thc same rule as he would refuse a razor to a man who would ask him for it for the purpose of cutting _hu own throat . " He refused!—who gave hiui the franchise to bestow or withhold as he pleased ( Loud cheers . ) lie knew some , of whom Mr . Macauley was of the number , that said the franchise was a trust ;; but he ( Mr . M'Grath , ) wished to know who had invested tliem witli the trust ? ( Great cheering . ) There was another subject deeply interesting to them , on wliich Mr . Macauley had passed some flippant and impertinent remarks—he meant the embodiment of thc militia ;

      and which he trusted , notwithstanding _ti-ie sublet ; of Mr . Sidney Herbert , they would be prepared t ' . _resist to a man . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . T . B . Macauley contended that the state had a right to call on an to serve in the militia . Now , he ( Mr . M'Grath ) contended the government had no such right ; and their right was _confined to those who had the franchise . ( Great cheering . ) He had not in thc course of his life read or heard anything half so bruial as tin letter of this _sapiunt legislator . Even the great bulk of the middle cusses were in favour of the restoration of those " great criminals . " As a proof of this , a i ' _vvowlirf his had wa ' itod on the shopkeepers , callinj . at every house in Great Windmill-street , and _onli met with one refusal to si gn a petition in their behalf . ( Loud cheers . ) In what did their criminality

      consist ? In their patriotism , in tlieir love of country , in their humanity , in their burning desire for the welfare of humanity , and their aspirations for thc establishment of a universal brotherhood . ( Great cheering . ) In those ennobling sentiments thai _W'AYiatd the breast of a HuaseW , a Howard , a Sydney , a Pym , or a Hampden , that glowed iu the hearu of an Emniett , a Fitzgerald , or immortalised tht names of a Skirving , Gerald , Margarot , and Palmer . ( Vociferous cheering . ) He was surprised that a being professing to be the representative of the Modern Athens , of tho Scotch metiopolis , should venture to pour forth such brutal and inhuman sentiments , seeing that scarce ten persons in all Scotland

      could be found to agree with him ; so great was the veneration for patriotic martyrs aud heroes , that tht Scotch grave-yards aboutidcd with monuments to those twiu-brothers of the Welsh martyrs , Skirving , Gerald , and Palmer . ( Loud cheers . ) Notwithstanding the malignant slanders hurled at the head > of the suffering exiles hy their Whig persecutors , he could congratulate the meeting on the near approach of the day of triumph ; and theu every man among them , when hailing the return of Frost , Williams , and Jones , might lay his hand on his heart , anil say , " This is indeed part of my work . " ( Tremendous cheering . ) The resolution was put , and carried amid great applause . A vote of thanks was given to the chairman , who briefly responded , and the meeting dissolved .

      Hammersmith . —At a public meeting held at the Dun Cow , Brook-green-lano , on Tuesday evening , Mareh 3 rd , Mr . Cook in the chair , it was unanimously resolved— " That Colonel T . Wood , one of the members for the county of Middlesex , present the petition on behalf of Frost , Williams , and Jones , for this district . " " That Mr . G . II . Cook bo subsecretary , and Mr . J . Newell sub-treasurer . " " That tho best thanks of this meeting be tendered to Mr . J . Harris , late editor of the 'English _ChartistiCircular , ' for services rendered to this locality . " " Thai steps be taken with a view to holding public meetings once per month , in thc spacious Temperance Hall , Bridge-road , for the furtherance of the Chartist cause . " " That the petition sheets now out for signature he returned to Mr . Stallwood , on or before Sunday night , March 8 th . " A vote of thanks was given to the chairman , and the meeting dissolved .

      MEETING AT PAISLEY . A pubiie meeting of the inhabitants of _Paislev , on behalf of the Welsh patriots , was hold in the Chartist Church , Canal-street , on the evening of Monday . Councillor Campbell was called to the chair , and in a very able and appropriate addrc » s opened the business of the meeting . Duncan Robertson prop < ised the first resolution , which , having heen seconded by Mr . James Fleming , was put and carried unanimously . Mr . Robert Cochran then proposed the petition prepared by the committee , whicli was

      seconded by Mr . William Campbell , who made a powerful appeal to the sympathies of the meeting on behalf of the exiles . Tiie petition was unanim _ouslv agreed to . It was then agreed that the petition be _forwardod immediately to Mr . Duncombe , and that tho four M . P _' b . connected with the county viz Messrs . Ilastie , Stewart , _Bouverie , and Baine be severally written to , and requested to support the motion of Mi * . Duucombo . A vote of thanks was curried by acclamation to Councillor Campbell Mr Campbell having replied , the meeting separated *

      _Lromsgrove —A meeting of the Chartists waa held at tlie Horn and Trumpet , Bramsgrave , on lhursday , when the petition sheets for the restoration of Frost , Williams , and Jones , were _brought in containing two thousand four hundred si gnatures ' which wore forwarded to Mr . Duncombe for nresental hon . Uie county members for the eastern division ot _Worccsten-hire have beeu written to to support ' feceS ' 0 t th ° Petiti 0 _"' m & _»»'• "SSL B _4 _HSSLET .-UTTBR IO LoRD MottPETU - Mv 27 t i SCCrCtai ' _' *? Frost _' RestoS' Committee , I have received your letter from heciiih _£ v _2 | _rtM the liberty of _taflh _. you Uu & X _jftift

      Exiles' Restoration Oommiixke, Friday Ev...

      what you state them to be . It was because their noble and philanthropic souls recoiled at the shedding of blood , that caused them to be in the unhappy con . dition they arc now in . My Lord , let us just test your dislike to shedding blood by your actions . The system tliat you _bolster up sends thousands annually to a premature grave ; how many , at this very moment , arc languishing with hunger , while your lordship and those of your kidney are wallowing in licentious indulgence ? And , my Lord , where was your dislike to the shedding of human blood , when you voted for that atrocious , _blond-thirsty , and inhuman Poor Law , which accuvsed law has caused thousands of human beings to commit suicide as the onlv means of escaping its brutal barbarity ? My

      Lowl , it may seem right enough fov persons in your station oi life to philosophise and calculate how many filthy crumbs will keep body and soul together , if those whose fate it may be to become thc victims of your worse thau _Algerine Whig Poor Law ( poor enough , God ksows ); but , for my part , I would sincerely thank _Almighty God to swallow up the universe with an earthquake , rather than such an unnatural state as at present exists should continue auy longer . My Lord , I should like you to demonstrate your superiority over me , to prove your right to be a lordly drone , aud my right , ur rather wrong , to be your abject slave , deprived of everything that can make life at all desirable . Yet such is the relation my class stands in to your clans , if you think

      that you , and the whole unlcelijig crew , whose flinty hearts cannot only let them _refuse to lend a helping hand , but yield their demon-like assistance to continue the bondage of the glorious and ever-beloved John Frost and his brave _associates , can reconcile ihe people to such brutal conduct , either by your deceitful smiles or your savage frowns , you will find yourselves miserably deceived ; as I can promise you , in the name of the oppressed millions of this country , there shall be no peace for the wicked till our land is adorned with the presence of the illustrious and hallowed John Frost and his co-sufferers . This you vt ill find thc case if ever you take another electioneering tour through the West Riding of Yorkshire .

      The very name of John Frost is considered by the productive and useful portion of the community to be synonymous with everything that is excellent aid virtuous ; while , I assure you , the name of Morpeth conveys a very different impression . I remain constantly , no very great admirer of your lordship ; yet I would not injure you , 1 would only prevent your doing mischief . —John Wabd , Secretary to the Frost Restoration Committee . Barnsley , Feb . 2 G , .: 1846 . To Lord Viscount Morpeth . Sheffield . — The petition in behalf of Frost , Williams , Jones , and Ellis , has been forwarded to Mr . DuncomLc , containing 13 , 000 signatures . The borough and county members have been written to , and the following are the answers from two of them : —

      London , Feb . 23 , 181 G . Sir , —1 have heen favoured with your letter , requesting my attenlou to the petition from _Bheffield entrusted to Mr . Duncombe . I have every wish to attend to all the wishes of my constituents ; but , in this _eastr , 1 make no promise of support . I have the honour to be , Sir , Your humble servant , _Mohpeth . IB , Suffolk-street , Feb . 24 , 184 G . Sik _, —I have received your note of the 21 st , and will endeavour to be in my place upon 21 r . Duncombe bringing the subject it refers to betore the house . 1 need not tell you , that the interference of a popular body , like the House of Commons , with the prerogative of the Crown in matters which affect the administration of public justice , bus always been looked at with great jealousyaud is liable to very serious objections .

      , At the same time , tiiere are sometimes cases ivhich justify it . Whether thc prescntis one in which public justice may be considered satisfied , I must hear a little more of the intermediate conduct of thc parlies before 1 presume to decide . 1 shall be glad , however , you way depend upon it , in this , as in all eases , to make punishment as lenient as is consistent with the safety of the community ; and , as you ask for nothing in your _nate but a fair consideration ofthe statement , I cau assure you , that I shall approach the subject with a strong desire to find a justification for giving my support to this petition . Yours obediently , Mr . George Curtis . J . _FARKEB .

      Frost, "Williams , And Jones. [Important...

      FROST , "WILLIAMS , AND JONES . [ Important article from the Morning _Axlvertiier Wedneiday . ] Our readers must have observed , from the frequency with which petitions have of late been presented to Parliament for a remission of the sentence of transportation for life , which Frost , Williams , and Jones are now undergoing , that the public mind has recently been much occupied with the destiny of tb (? se unfortunate men . The feeling is strong and general , chat a free and full pardon ought to be extended to them , and that this pardon should be granted without further delav .

      It is gratifying to find that , amid the profound and universal sympathy whicli is felt for the state convicts in New South Wales , no disposition has been anywhere betrayed to attempt to palliate the offence for which they are suffering . The grounds en which it is sought to obtain the remission ofthe remainder of the sentence passed on the unhappy men , aro two in number . The first is , that the majesty of the law has already been sufficiently vindicated . They have uow endured the horrors of transportation for six years ; and _considering the hardships of their lot , that term of punishment must b * ve amply satisfied the claims of justice . As they are men of intelligence , and had moved in a better sphere of life than the generality of convicts , they have suffered a * much during their six years of transportation as others would do in three times that period .

      The mercy ot the Sovereign may , therefore , be solicited with peculiar propriety on behalf of I ' rost , Williams , and Jones . There is not , we believe , a single individual in the country who would not be rejoiced to sec the clemency of the Crown extended to them . It would add greatly and deservedly to the popularity of the Sovereign , and would be regarded as a gracious act on the part of the government . But there is another reason wiiy _^ the friends of humanity may , with a peculiar propriety , approach the Queen on behalf of tliese individual * . S _' _erious doubts are entertained by several of the Judges and most distinguished legal gentlemen in the country , as to the validit y of the proceedings at their trial .

      It is the decided opinion of the legal authorities to whom we refer , that , inasmuch as the list of the witnesses to be brought agaiust the prisoners on the trial wns not delivered until five days after the delivery of the copy of the indictment and the list of * the jurors , the whole _proceedings were vitiated . The law , according to Sir Frederick Pollock , now the Lord Chief Baron , requires that the list of witnesses , _theJist of jurors , and the cop . v of the indictment , _should all be delivered to the prisoners at one and the same time . It was proved on the trial that a copy of the list of witnesses was not delivered uutil five days after the delivery of the list of jurors and of a copy of the indictment .

      Lord Brougham is of the same opinion as Sir Frederick Pollock . The non-delivery of the list of witnesses at thc proper time , his Lordship _holita to bo fatal to the-whole proceedings . "It applied , " says his Lordship , in a speech in the House of Lords in 1810 , on the subject , "to everyone of the witnesses , A stronger case for absolute acquittal I have never known in the whole course of my professional experience . I consider , looking at the circumstances of the case , that the unfortunate individuals are entitled to a total release—an extension of mercy it cannot be called , because I consider that a total release is a legal right and justice . " There is no mistaking language like this . Is is as plain , unequivocal , decided , _energetic , as language can be .

      That the Judge who presided on the occasion , felt that there was much fores in the objection referred , to , was clearly shewn by the fact that he reserved tho point for the consideration of the fifteen Judges i of England . But a still stronger proof of the validity of the objection urged in favour ofthe prisoners , is j to be fouud in the fact , that nine out ofthe fifteen i Judges declared that the non-delivery of the list of f witnesses with the other two documents * would havo i been fatal to the entire proceedings , had thcobjec- - tion beeu takeu m time . Nine out of the fifteen u hold that it hail not been taken in time . The other r six Judges held that it was not onl y a fatal objection , i _, but that it had been taken in time . Here there is a large minority of the fifteen Judges is of England , solemnly declaring , after the deepest it deliberation , and thc most ample discussion of the _ie merits of the point at issue , that the trial , con- iviction , and p , anishment of these unhappy individuals Is were iUeg , » l .

      It was at the time the source of surprise in West- itminster llall , that , under all the circumsUuic e * , the lie men should ever have been sent out of the couutry * y It surely then would be but doing a gracious act st now that they have suffered six years of _trausporta- tation , to remit the remainder of their sentence , and Jid restore them to their country and their friends . The myriads who have petitioned for the release ofi of lj rpst , Williams , and Jones , are not only justified in in doing so for the reasons to which we have rel ' erred _. ed , but they have a case in point to as _ut _* _ecedcntiit

      urge a . :. Ihe Canadian rebels havo received the mercy otHhcthc _* sovereign . They have been pardoned . Somo of theimeiui have returned irom the penal colonies to their _owuiwui country and friends , and others are filling _vesponsibkibksitu-itioiisUii the British Colonial Government ll ll ' afiorded us at the time great gratification to find thnthn * . iho Royal clemency was extended to the Cauadiaidian rebels ; but it cither of tho two classes ofconvictvicti ; had a preferable claim , to the mercv of the _Sovereigmigni it was , tor thereasoBS already stated , Frost , _Willismsamss and Jones .

      At all events , we m * o suro there will be a unanhanii mous concurrence of opinion with us wlren we _sas sat that'it would not only bo ungracious , but _absolujelujel cruel , and monstrously unjust , to exact from th th Welsh convicts a further torra _^ of the terrible punislinisll incut they ave enduring , after ' _hax _' _tg st ended tW til clemency ofthe _Crownto the- _Cansui-an 54 job ,

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 7, 1846, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns4_07031846/page/6/