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    Imperial parliament

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    HOUSE OF COMMONS, Mossat, Mat 26. l^TsS ...

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    Imperial Parliament

    Imperial _parliament

    House Of Commons, Mossat, Mat 26. L^Tss ...

    HOUSE OF COMMONS , _Mossat , Mat 26 . l _^ TsS _^ _Xr _^ _ng Railway Bills _^^ S _^ _fmoVed that the hous e , at its rising , adionrn to Wednesday next . Mr . J . Coiun thought it would be as well to adjourn to Thursday , as Wednesday was the Derby-day fa laugh ) , and a great many hon . members were anxious to he present at Epsom . It was pretty certain that a house would not be made on Wednesday ; and he would therefore move , as an amendment , that the house , at its rising , adjourn to Thursday

    Captain Pecheh seconded the amendment . Sir J . _Ghaham hoped thehon . member for Athlone ( Mr . Collett ) would not press his motion , which was , he believed , quite unexampled in the annals of that house . If thehon . gentleman did press his amendment , he hoped that no hon . member would vote with him . Mr . _Con-err understood that many hon . gentlemen on the other side were desirous of attending the Derby ; and unless it was seriously the intention of the Government to make a house on Wednesday it would be absurd to adjourn to that day . Sir J . Walsh rose to put a question io the noble lord the member for London . It appeared , from thc noble lord ' s notice , that he intended to bring under the notice of the house as many as five distinct subjects . Now , what he wished to know was , whether the noble lord intended to have them put from the chair altogether or separately ?

    Lord J . Russell _suggested that the hon . baronet had better wait till he heard his statement . Mr . Jons _Coueii hoped he should receive some assurance from the _Governnienttbat a house would be made on Wednesday , otherwise he should feel it to be lis duty to persevere in the amendment that he had moved . The question was then put , and it was decided , without a division , that thc house , at its-rising , do adjourn to Wednesday . Mr . S . Crawford presented a petition , signed by upwards of 1 , 000 persons at Liverpool , on thc suliject of the resolutions of the noble lord the member for London , stating thatsomc of them were objectionable as bavin" - no bearing- npon thc petitions which

    had been signed by millions of the people , and presented to that house ; and stating also , that no adequate relief would lie afforded unless bythe means of extensive alterations in the existing laws . Thc hon . member also presented petitions from Edinburgh , Kettering , and other places to the same effect . Mr . Kekkaxd presented a petition from the Framework-knitters' delegates of the counties of Nottingham , Derby , and Leicester , assembled in Nottingham on the 23 th day of April , 1845 , complaining that their labour is reduced in value by over-producing machine power ; that they are suffering the greatest destitution , and that , as a measure of justice , they pray for the calm consideration of thc house on this important subject , or the results to society might in

    a short period be dreadful . They also prayed for certain alterations in the Field Gardens _BHh " which would enable tliem to live without the continual fear ofbeing forced into a union workhouse or starved to death . The hon . member also presented three petitions _, from factory workers in the employ of Mr . Richard Smethurst , in the parish of Chorlev , in favour ofa Ten flours' Bill and a petition froni the sawyers of Itochdale , praying for a tax on steam sawmills . Tiie hon . member next presented a petition signed by 3 , 32 S silk handloom weavers of Middleton and the townships and villages adjacent thereto , in ihe county of Lancaster , stating that they were subjected to indescribable suffering and distress in consequence ofthe want of a proper law to protect their labour—that they conceive the causes to be chiefly

    "low wages , unequal abatements , want of employment , home competition , and the introduction and increase of unrestricted machincr _**"—that some masters abate their wages from 5 to 50 per cent ., to wluch they are compelled to submit , or they would entirely lose their employment . The petitioners Erayed for some legislative enactment to protect tlieir ibourfrom the unjust encroachments of their unprincipled masteis , and stated tliat this might be effected by establishing boards of trade composed of _mastera and workmen . Also a petition to the same effect , agreed to at a public meeting of silk handloom weavers of the town of . Middleton ,, and signed fay the chairman . The orders ofthe day were then gone through , and appointed for different days .

    STATE Or THE COUXinY . Lord J . Russell . —Sir , 1 rise to bring forward the motion of which I have given notice , the subject of which I cannot but regard as of the highest possible Importance . I confess that I should have despaired of ocinpablcto produce any useful effect from thc course lam now taking , were it notthat the question which I am about to discuss liaving already occupied much of thepublic attention for several years past , I am enabled to look for some assistance on the part of this house towards elucidating the question , and which will likewise afford us some guide in coming to a determination upon the subject . For my own part , I "feel it necessary to premise , that I do not mean by bringing the question before the house to

    assert that I am competent to deal fully with so great a subject ; bnt I do say that , with , reference to the greater part of the evils complained of , the Government has not brought forward any proposition during the present session to alleviate them , nor has anv hon . member sought to remedy the defects in the people ' s condition by introducing any measure independent of the Government-, whilst at the same time Tarious different opinions prevail ont of doors with respect to the _i-teps which ought to be taken by the Legislature to improve the situation of the labouring classes . Now , I -do consider it to be a matter of the highest importance that this whole subject should "be brought before the house , not only with a view to adopting some ulterior measures , but also in order

    that we may learn from thc opinions of those public men who possess weight in this house the views which they take of the -various plans wliich have been proposed from time to time in order to benefit and permanently to elevate the condition of the poorer classes . For I must observe , that whilst I am ready to admit some of the -views which have been propounded with respect to the steps necessary to be taken to better the state of the "labouring part of the community are sound and whole-Eomc _. _otherphinswhieliliaveheenpvoposc'lfortliesame purpose arc founded on erroneous views of the legislative power , andof thc mode of exerting that power for flic benefit ofthe people , wluch views , if indulged in , -might eome before the house in a shape in wliich we

    could neither give them a negative with any satisfaction , noran affirmative with " any safety . And , first , I must beg to say a few words with respect to the form in which I have brought forward this motion . Had I been of opinion that by bringing forward each separate proposition singly before the house the result would "have been to originate ameasure adequate to deal with the subject , 1 should have taken that course . But , according to thc views which are entained by her Majesty ' s Government with respect to legislation , it appears that all measures which are destined to obtain the sanction of Parliament must originate with thc Government . The right hon . baronet and his colleagues have taken suck decided steps te ilisronrage measures from beine _brought in

    by other hou . members than those in immediate connection with the Government , and both in and out of ofiice tliey have so repeatedl y stated that they consider the Government , and the Government alone , to fee respoisiblefovihe condition of the country , that I confess I should have looked upon any endeavour on my own part io bring in a measure founded upon any one of the propositions contained in my motion as altogether futile and abortive . The only course therefore that was left for me to pursue was that which I ha re taken , namely , to propose a general resolution to the house , embodying my views of the steps which oueht to be adopted , leaving it entirely to the Government to bring in measures founded on my views , if thev thought proper to do so , or , if thev

    did not think fit to follow that course , placing them under thc necessity of stating to thc house the general views of policy they think th ? -- country ought to follow . Sir , in every view the resolutions which I bring "before the house are closely connected together . I am of _opinion that a Government wliich at the present time wishes to propose measures useful to the _country and tending to improve the condition of the people , _sboald consider all the subjects whieh are mentioned in these resolutions . An hon . baronet addressed to me a question to-night , as if he considered that they were totally separate and distinct question . ** . Sir , I entirely differ from that view . My opinion is , generally , that you should endeavour to free trade from restrictions , that you should

    endeavour to relieve _industry from those trammels which have been placed upon it by legislation ; but that in so _doinsr _, owing te the legislation of past times , and owing to th ? present state of the country , it will be necessarv to adoptothermeasuresaecoinpanying those measures for the relief of industry ; and , at the same time , it is my opinion that the general subject of education and instruction ought to form part of the deliberations ofthe Government , and of the measures to be brought before this house —( hear , hear ); and if any gentleman tells mc that those subjects which seem least connected with those I have mentioned in tliese resolutions are separate and distinct , I beg to tell hhn why I differ from him iu that view . I think

    you cannot expect that any measures you may propose for thc general education of the people will lie effective unless you improve their physical condition _, ( llear , hear . ) * I do not think that men who are _struggling to obtain the subsistence nceessarv to support hfe will _!* able or willing to make those _excrtwns winch arc aecessar . to give education to their cniWren . therefore , generaUy _speakips , I should say , cathm \ f'Tx lt \ _l Vjcasurcs fw th « irapwement of edut" _imorW « Veu - _$ _¦** ¦ - vou _& mld _endeavour Sir _? in ? ooki _£ e _A ! c _™ ¥ _™ g of the people . _notVbh _to"f ovc _^^^ ? of _thc Be ° P * ° m _ostmcmbSofSift ?? -n l UiU 5 t - _"fimffi" to « _^ _aS _* Sbt ? lh , Tt to the wages - creai , _porton ol the people of thls countiy

    House Of Commons, Mossat, Mat 26. L^Tss ...

    subsist . Itis well known , that in many counties in En"land—in many of the agricultural counties in En _g land—the wages are not more than Is . 6 d . or 8 s . a-week . That has beenstated repeatedly ; and when I have asked gentlemen connected with those counties whether the fact were so , and whether such was the rate of wages , they have answered that undoubtedly such was the fact , and such the condition of the labourers in those counties . Now , Sir , if thathe the fact , 1 ueei not say what privations it entails , what toil it occasions , and whatinsuiScient means it affords of providing for the comfort of the labourers ; nor need I go into any of the details which show that the dwellings ofthe labourers in many of those counties are totallinsufficientthat famflies ate crowded

    y ; together without regard to morals or decency—that many-members ofa family are obliged to sleep in the same room—and that neither health nor comfort is consulted in the arrangements which have become necessary to them in order to obtain even the ¦ coom for which they can afford to pay reni But , Sir , there are general considerations which it appears to me we ought to consider , and whicli involve a retrospect for a very considerable period of time . I am now going , therefore , to trace in some degree the alterations which have taken p lace in a long course of years , going back to the period of the last century before the revolutionary war . At that time we had a debt of some £ 250 , 000 , 000 ; we had between £ 14 . 000 , 000 and £ 15 , 000 , 000 for thc interest of our

    debt and expenditure ; wc had a poor-ratcamountmg to £ 2 , 500 , 000 , and thc practice of paying the allowance of labourers out of the poor-rate was then unknown to this country . Now , in the course of the war which began in 1703 various changes took placechanges , muchforthe worse as concerns the situation ofthe people—changes , thc effects of which I think we are still suffering under , and which from time to time have been brought under the consideration of this house . In the first place , we had an immense increase of our debt , making a proportionate increase of taxation . That increase of our debt was madeinthe mostextravagantraanner . ( Hear . ) Many of the loans contracted were contracted in such a manner that more than six per cent , was paid for interest , and that not reducible , but remaining to

    future times , because the sums were borrowed in the three per cents ., and I find that in 1797 , £ 200 in the _thi-ee per cents ., with other advantages , were given to lenders of £ 100 . So it appears , at the end of Mr . M'CuUock ' s late work on taxation , that the sum of £ 400 , 000 , 000 , which was borrowed during the war , entailed upon us an interest on the debt of more than £ 21 , 000 , 000 , thus obliging us to pay more than five per cent , as interest of that debt . Now , when in the course ofthe beginmng ofthe last century debts were contracted in war , the interest which was necessary was engaged to be paid at the time , and afterwards that interest was reduced ; so that Sir R . Walpo ? e , during the long peace that began in 1713 , was able to reduce thc interest of the debt by about one-half of the total amount which it was at the end of the war .

    That has not been possible with any Minister of this country since , considering the mode in which the debt of thc last war was conducted . Atthe same time , we have , therefore , in considering a taxation of fifty millions a-year , always to reflect that the greater part of that taxation is rendered necessary by obligations of thc public faith , and that it is out of our power to alter it . The whole amount to which wc can alter our expenditure , between the amplest aud most narrow expenditurcfor peace establishments , amounts to about three millions . At the same time , ih speaking of taxation , I tbink it should not be left out of sight that we have been able from time to time to abolish many of those taxes which were laid upon thc necessaries of life—thc taxes upon leather ,

    upon salt , and upon candles havo been entirely abolished . If any onc will look at the complaints of the weight of taxation in the last century , he will see that those were the taxes which were particularly complained of , and were pointed out as the taxes which wcre the most injurious to the interests of the country . Still , however , we have in one way or other , whether by direct or by indirect taxation , to bear that great amount for the interest of our debt , an obligation from whieh we cannot escape , and from which , except in the way of the proposal made by the first Minister of thc Cr own this year , viz ., by a commutation of those taxes which press more heavily , in preference to those which press less heavily , on the industry and resources of the countiy , the

    house has no escape . Sir , there is another subject on which a very great alteration was made during the war ; I allude to the subject of the currency , to that which the right hon . baronet last year called "the fatal measure of 1797 . " The tendency of that measure was greatly to degrade the labourer —( hear , hear ); the tendency of it was to diminish thc value of the wages of Ms labour . Those wages never increased in proportion to the change which took place in the value of money —( hear , hear ); at the same time that depreciation of thc general currency of thc eountry led to effects whicha depreciation always has produced , it led to an extravagant mode of living , to a sudden enjoyment of high profits , and to a neglect of fragrality , prudence , and forethought , wliich

    many , both in agriculture and in trade , practise in ordinary times * , and in that way it produced a lasting evil upon the countiy . Sir , I do not say , either , in this respect , that we can make any great change whicli will be beneficial to the labourer . I believe that thc measures proposed by the right hon . gentleman at thc head of her Majesty ' s Government in 1819 , and thc bill wliich hc proposed last year , were founded on sound principles , and without discussing ( which , indeed , is unnecessary at this moment ) their particular adaptation to the times at which they were brought forward , I believe it would be a great misfortune if thc house should endeavour to depart materially from the principles sanctioned by those measures . At the same time , I think we must always

    recollect that those measures in themselves produced their evils , that they had disadvantages accompanying them , that tliey produced what a contraction of the currency following themeasure of 1819 was sure to produce , great evils at the time , and that they have contributed , amongst other things , to the injury of the industrious classes , at least , for a considerable time . But now , Sir , I come to another subject , on which I think that Parliament may legislate ; on which I think it may legislate mtli benefit , to overturn , as wc have overturned with respect to the currency , thc erroneous legislation ofthe war , —I allude tothepolicy of restrictions _andmonopoly . ( llear , hear . ) K any onc speaks of that policy , ot tiie policy of monopoly and restrictions , or , as it is called by those

    who lavourit , et " protection to native industry , " lie speaks ef it as an ancient establishment , as a matter which has become interwoven with the laws of the eountry ; and , therefore , extremely difficult to touch or deal with . But , if we go further , and look at what has actually been the case , wc shall find that the chief monopolies and restrictions which now exist are monopolies and restrictions introduced by -ministers who are still living , by persons who are still in Parliament , or by persons who , though not in tkedirection of public affairs , still remain among us ; and whom , therefore , we may consider as quite of our own time . Now , the old system of restrictions and monopoly was called , particularly in the time of Adam Smith , "themercantile system : " and Mr .

    Smith , in speaking of thc restrictions introduced by the Corn Laws , says , he believes that those restrictions in favour of particular trades were introduced by persons who were used to the narrow spirit of corporations—that from corporations it became the practice of traders ; and , seeing that it was adopted in the legislation ofthe countiy , thc countiy gentlemen , whose nature was generally generous ana alien from such partial restrictions , were induced to adopt the policy , which waa of little value to them , but which was supposed to be beneficial , because it had been so contended for by manufacturers and merchants . Now , Mr . Smith lias related what was no doubt conformable to the experience ofhis time , butthe experience of our time brings us to a _different state of

    things . With a vast export of manufactureswith an export amounting , perhaps , to £ 50 , 000 , 000 , our manufacturers have perceived , that if they can sell in all the markets of the world , it can be of no advantage or use to them to have restrictions laid upon the import of such manufactures into this country . They have adopted , therefore , generally , with few exceptions , the theories which Adam Smith and his followers and almost all political economists have adopted , that is , that restrictions are mischievous , and injure the labouring classes , above all classes of the community . ( Hear , hear . ) [ The noble lord hero entered into considerable detail , and contended that our manufacturers were correct in the views which they now entertained by

    taking a retrospect of the histoiy of the restrictions formerlyimposed on timber and wool . He gave that history as a specimen of the mischief created by the high duties imposed during the war , and of the emptiness of the apprehensions entertained of thc evils likely to accrue from the remission of those duties . He contended that history also showed that under protective duties the labourer was less able to educate his children , to live in comfort , and to become satisfied with his condition . Nevertheless , there was still a party of great weight in the Legislature , whieh inshted that without protection certain branches of industry could not be maintained . To such persons he said , " Let us either protect all branches of industry , whether manufacturing or agricultural , or else let us abandon the system of protection as vicious and unsound . " That system

    was , moreover , one on which our statesmen had already made great alterations . In 1842 the Government had proposed great changes in our Customs duties . Many wcre alarmed at the extent to which the reductions were then carried . Many personsfor instance , rope-cutters , cork-cutters , and bootmakers—had waited upon him as member for the City of London , and had represented to him the extreme panic which they felt , because their protection was to be reduced . It was neither just nor equitable to introduce changes producing alarm among men earning 25 s ., 20 s ., 12 s ., or Ss . a-week , unless you introduced similar changes into the protection given to the commodities produced by Peers of Parliament and the other influential members of the landed aristocracy . It was not fail * to say that from the former you would take protection ; but that you would not take it from the latter , because they had the means

    House Of Commons, Mossat, Mat 26. L^Tss ...

    of acting upon the legislature . Events had shown that there was veiy little reason for the alarm felt in 1842 by the manufacturers ; and the reductions then made were very large . If , then , it wero right at that time to abandon our high rate of Customs duties , and to _brin" the greater part of them within moderate compass , ne thought that wc ought to take measures to bring all such duties within the same compass . The tariff of 1843 left a protecting duty of 20 per cent , on all articles . That was an extravagant duty , and lie considered that it would be better for us to abandon it altogether . He then adverted to the question of the Corn Laws , and gave an historical account of thc rise and progress of thoso laws from the commencement of the French revolutionary

    war down to thc present time . Experience showed that our system was founded in error , and produced the very evil against which it was intended to guard . Thc graduated scale had turned out to be a complete Mure , and was equally injurious to tlio producer and consumer . It was contrary to all true commercial principles , and it was perfectly ruinous to the interests of the farmer . It tended also to check all improvements in agriculture , and to render the cultivator of the soil careless as to the system of cultivation which he pursued . He then said , that his third resolution , which affirmed that "the present Corn Law tended to check improvement in _agriculture , produced uncertainty in all farming speculations _, and held out to the owners and occupiers of

    land prospects of special advantages , which it failed to secure , " was fully proved to be correct by the complaints of the agricultural interest during , the present session ; for it appeared that now , when they had a protection of 40 per cent , on the ordinary food ofthe people , tlicy werc still iu a state of distress and difficulty . Now that protection forced the artisan to give an increased price for his food , and so diminished his means to provide himself with other necessaries . It prevented him , besides , from sending his manufactures abroad , and from thus increasing , by the sale of them , the general prosperity and revenue of the country . It had been said , that if the Corn La , ws were to be repealed , wages would be reduced . Ihe argument on that point was by no means conclusive ;

    but if wages should be reduced by the repeal ol tne Com Laws , there would at any rate be a greater demand for labour , and therefore so far the labourer would be a gainer . Besides , the Parliamentary returns proved beyond all doubt that the labourer was always a loser by a high , and a gainer by a low price ofcorn . lie contended that the introduction of foreign corn to any considerable extent into this country would lead to such an increase in our manufactures , that , though at first the price ofcorn might be very low , there wonld still be a steady average price of corn in the long run wliich would be quite sufficient for the remuneration of the farmer . If then the Corn Laws werc thus generally injurious , what system ought the house to adopt in its stead ?

    He then enumerated the various propositions which had been made to the house on that subject , and observed that his object was rather to propose to thc Government that it should not leave the Corn Laws in their present state , than to make any proposition of liis own . lie certainly would not now propose the scheme which he had proposed in 1811 , and yet lie would propose a fixed duty . He would not propose , as in 1 S 41 , a fixed duty of Ss ., but if he wcre called upon to name the amount of his fixed duty , he would say that it should be a 4 s ., 5 s ., ov Cs . duty . In reference to the whole question of duties on com , as contrasted with their immediate total repeal , the noble lord said : ]—If I were asked whether I think that it is desirable to have any duty on corn at all , I

    should say , as an abstract question , that it is certainly not desirable to have any duty , and that corn is one of the woi _* st articles you could tax ( hear , hear ); but in making changes in commercial policy , I know the evil produced by sudden alterations . ( Hear , hear . ) But it is said that if tliis is an evil , why not at once abolish it ? Why , the same argument might be used with respect to a person who liad been for many years , until he reached sixty or seventy years of age , in thc habit of indulging in stimulating diet and intoxicating drinks . No one could say that that is a wholesome mode of living ; and everybody would say that if that person had abstained from intemperance he would have been a much stronger man ; but I believe , that a skilful

    physician would hardly advise an immediate return , even to wholesome diet , in the case of a _peraon who had been long indulging in such injurious habits . That there may hereafter come a time when thc state of the population , the manufactures , and tho commerce of tliis country , may require a total abrogation of all duty on com , I will not deny—but , I should say , having regard to existing circumstances , that what would give the greatest relief , and inflict the smallest amount of evil , would be the change which 1 propose . ( Hear , hear . ) This , therefore , brings mc to the resolution— "That this house will take thc said laws into consideration , with a view to such cautious and deliberate arrangements as may be most beneficial to all classes of her Maicstv ' s _'

    _subjeets . " In these terms Ido but agree with the terms used by all authors on the subject , by Adam Smith , by Malthus , and by Ricardo , even when tliey proposed the greatest freedom to industry . ( Hear , hear . ) But now I conic to another subject , on which I must likewise call the attention of thehouse to the changes which were made during the revolutionary war—I mean the changes in thc Poor Laws . Before that war the system of making allowances and giving relief to labourers who wcre employed was , I believe , totally unknown ; but as that war wont on , and as the prices ofcorn rose to be very high , it was thought a better mode to give allowances to every labourer , according to liis family , rather than to increase tho wages . I believe that almost every onc is now

    convinced that sueh a proceeding is most injurious , and that its obvious tendency was to increase the number of labourers , without providing a corresponding demand for their labour . It increased the number of marriages and the number of labourers , and tended to injure the labourers by bringing into market more labour than could obtain a fair remuneration . In 1834 that system was altered . It has been said that the alteration has been injurious to the labourers ; but my belief is , that if the former system had gone on , the labourers of England would now have been in a most painful and miserable condition ( hear , hear)—that , with thc increase in their numbers , the amount of their wages would have diminished , and that tho allowance from the

    poor-rate—thc forced and compulsory charity ofthe poor-rate—would have been measured " in such a manner as to provide them only with the barest moans of existence . ( Hear , hear . ) The change , therefore , to whicli I alluded was introduced . There has been published at various times a suggestion made by somebody to the effect that the poor who received relief from the poor-rate should be made to habituate themselves to coarser diet , and should otherwise be worse kept than they had been . Of that suggestion I believe the right hon . gentleman opposite once said that he knew nothing . 1 am sure that I know nothing of it , and I do not believe that it ever came before those who had the Poor Laws under theu * consideration . What came under my consideration was the

    expectation that what was before given in the injurious shape of compulsory charity would in future be given in the wholesale shape of wages , and that the labourer , instead of merely receiving allowances every week from the parish hoard , and giving in return scarcely any labour , and that of little or no value , would have his condition altered , inasmuch as he would be giving wholesome labour for wages under the superintendence of an employer . ( Tho noble lord here read an extract from a report of Mr , _Tuihell , in which it appeared from a farmer ' s labour account in the Battle Union , that hc had expended move money in wages since the formation of the union than previous thereto during an equivalent period . ) This change arises from a desire to emplov more labour ,

    and it is an indisputable fact that the farmer docs not put thc amount saved into his pocket , but spends it in labour . This was the effect I especially looked to after the alteration of the Poor Laws . I looked to the effect which should measure the wages of the labourer by the proper demand for his labour—which should place him under an employer and wliich should change the sums he received from the vicious system of allowances from the poor-rates into the healthy system of regular wages from thc fanner . ( Hear . ) I submit , if this is the case — if this is tho effect of the Poor Law—that to represent that law as injurious to the labourer is thc greatest possible mischief ; and that no more beneficial mode of aiding the labourer could be found than thc

    change which has taken place . ( Hear , hear . ) Atthe same time , it is to be considered that the law which formerly prevailed must have left many injurious traces . It is now little more than ten years since the amended law came into operation . ' The children that had been born under the old ricio . _is administration , when allowances were made according to the number of children in a family , are now becoming young men , andarc looking for employment for their labour . Unfortunately they find , as must naturallv be expected , that the artificial increase made by the law in the number of labourers has not brought with it a corresponding increase in the demand for labour . Thus there were in many ofthe southern counties , under the improved administration ofthe Poor Laws , a number of labourers who do not , duringall the winter months , find employment from individual farmers _, iherefore , I say that itis not sufficient to have altered

    your Poor Laws ; it is not sufficient to stand steadily asthe present Government declare they will , by the principles of the new law ; but we must consider temporary and alleviating measures , by which wc ean remedy the disorders created by the former faulty administration of the Poor Laws . The right hon . gentleman the Home Secretary has undertaken to introduce a measure which is calculated , in some respects , for this purpose ; for , at least , last year , and I believe this year , he stated that it was a great hardship for labourers not to be able to transfer their labour from places where it was not wanted to other parts where they could command employment , and that the law of settlement operated injuriously in this respect . But the right hon . gentleman has iiot persisted ( or 1 should hardly haye proposed the resolution to which I am now coming ) in tbe proposal he made last year—viz ., that five years' industrious employment should give a settlement . Now , it seems

    House Of Commons, Mossat, Mat 26. L^Tss ...

    to me that that is a principle by which mainly an amendment can be made in the situation of the labourers thus grown up in agricultural parishes . The people in agricultural -parishes reckon , when they marry , that some of their sons and daughters may find employment in manufacturing towns ; but after they have gone there , and after ten or twelve years ' employment they haye added to tho wealth and importance of those towns , if there cornea a period of distress , the right hon . gentleman would propose that these persons " should oo sent back to the places of their birth . I confess that this does not appear to be either equitable or necessary , I tliink that there should be some enactment by wliich , after a certain neriod . these parties should obtain asettlcmentinthe

    places where they have been industriously employed , and to whoso wealth they have contributed . ( Hear , hear . ) The hon . member for Brecon , who cheers me , did introduce a law with this object , and proposed that a certain time—onc year , I believe—should give a settlement . I should rather hesitate in fixing on so short a period for the purpose of giving a settlement _, but I think something like the suggestion I am about to make might be carried into effect . The right hon , gentleman last year proposed that five years of industrious occupation should give a settlement . Supposing that to be so , then , with respect to lesser periods , such as three years , two years , or even one year , these might give a temporary settlement _. It , therefore , the parties whom I have supnosed to have gone from _agricultural parishes to

    manufacturing towns should only be in a state of temporary distress , owing to a sudden want of employment ' , and that they might after a time again find employment , it would be a great hardship to send them back ( and they might be artisans ) to tlic parishes where they wore born , and where the labour is unsuited to tliem , and where , in consequence , they become a burden and sink into the state of paupers . ( Hear , hear . ) The right lion , gentleman , I know , found great obstructions in his proposed alteration or the law . The towns in genera ) , 1 believe , objected to the increase ofthe poor-rates , which they thought would fall on them ; and it is for this purpose that in my resolutions I have combined with the proposal of the change to be made in the law in this respect , the

    proposal of a change to be made in the Corn Laws . I think that , if on the onc hand you enable the inhabitants of manufacturing towns and the mercantile interest to have a regular supply of the articles of food , it wonld be fair , on the other hand , that you should expect them to bear this burden , and , therefore , I propose the resolution"that the freedom of industry would be promoted by a careful revision of the law of parochial settlement whieh now p revails in England . " I now come to the next resolution : — "That'a systematic p lan of colonisation would partially relieve those districts of the country where the deficiency of employment has been most injurious to thc labourers in husbandry . " I have stated this resolution very cautiously , because I

    do not wish to imply that a very great scheme of colonisation should bo adopted by tliis country . The cost would be so large , I doubt whether any Government could propose it ; but at the same time it is to be considered , that in many agricultural districts , without any aid from the Government , but by voluntary subscriptions , tlio labourers have been assisted to emigrate , and this has done good both to the cmigrantsand to those whoremaincd behind . ( IIear , hear . ) Do not let it be supposed that I wish any compulsory emigration to enter into any scheme of which 1 should be thc author ; I should bo against any scheme of compulsory emigration . ( Hear , hear . ) But 1 have heard from Mr . Hodges , formerly member for Kent , and who was favourable to plans of emigration , that ,

    that fact being known , a person who was agent to an emigration company to Australia , and another who was agent te an emigration company to Canada , came to him , and made their propositions , and tliat many of his best labourers chose to emigrate to those colonies . The agents were somewhat surprised that he should part with his best labourers , but he said that he thought that it was for the benefit of all ; that it was true that they were his best labourers , but that they would do well as colonial labourers , and that hc should find that those labourers , who at the time were comparatively of little use , and whose labour was not required , would become useful and skilful labourers ; and that in this way they would all be benefitted . I asked him to inquire what had been

    the effects of emigration iu his parish and thc surrounding parishes , and he sent mc a paper showing that the parishes had benefitted to a "considerable degree , and that tho labouring emigrants had scarcely in any instance returned , but were perfectly satisfied in the colonies to which they had gone . I think , therefore , that it is making a bugbear of this emigration to represent it as injurious to the labourers . ( Hear , hear . ) When the position of the labourer is so much improved by the change , and when they go to a countiy where they find persons speaking tlieir own language and accustomed to similar habits , I must confess that it is to the benefit of all parties that from some districts emigration should take place ; but in auy emigration , _tavonved by the _GoveraHieni

    two things should be especially taken care of ; the one is , not to send parties out as emigrants who are unfit to bear the hard labour and the temporary privations which persons going to the colonics may have to endure . ( Hear . ) In the next place , I think that emigration , if the Government take any share in it , should not be that sort of indiscriminate emigration carried on by a number of persons meeting together for the purpose of going to some distant colony , who have never known eacli other before . ( Hear , hear . ) The emigration should consist of persons coming from certain districts , who know one another , and parties should be got to go with them who could take the command and lead them on in the foundation of those colonial establishments which it was intended tliey

    should form . In such a transaction both sides would bo gainers ; for the emigrants would be consumers of your manufactures , and would be producers of com and other articles of food , which they would send back in exchange for those manufactures . [ The noble lord next approached the subject of Education . —There had been , he said , of late years great improvements made in the education of the people ; but tho latest accounts which he had seen upon that subject wore contained in the last report of fhe British and Foreign School Society , and that , in alluding to the gaol returns for the last year , showed that the house had still iu this respect a great duty to perform , lie implored thc house , when itwas taking measures to remove the

    restrictions imposed on tho food and clothing of the poor , not to shut its eyes upon the awful state of ignorance in wliich a great mass of our population was buried . It ought never to be forgotten , that , while in this month of May pious men werc subscribing their funds to enable missionaries to preach the gospel in China and in other foreign parts , there wore numbers of persons in Sussex and other -counties of England totally ignorant of every duty which a Christian ought to perform . He could not entertain a doubt that tho house and thc Government would both be anxious to remedy thislamcntable deficiency . He knew that thoy should be met with tho objection—wo could not give the labouring population a religious education , on account of the multiplicity of sects which

    prevailed among them . But this we could do , we could make a grant for educational purposes to those who applied for it ; we could assist them in building schools , and in providing competent masters for those schools . It was thc duty of the house to improve the education of tho people ; and it could be done in the way wliich he had stated witliout any violation ofthe rights of conscience . He asserted that their grant for education was at present insufficient , and thought that Ministers might safely ask tho Parliament tiiis year for a grant of £ 150 , 000 for the support and maintenance of schools in England and in Wales . Tliese were the resolutions which he intended to propose , those were the outlines of the measure which he wished to have

    introduced for the amelioration of the condition of the eountry . Respecting the whole question , thus raised by him , the noble lord , in conclusion , said" ) : — Sir , I have now given very imperfectly an outline of those measures which I think ought to he introduced for the purpose of improving the condition of the people . I have at least the satisfaction of liaving brought them forward at a time when no feeling of passion can be mixed up with the discussion , when _iiiere has been such improvement in trade , sucli general political tranquillity and obedience to the law , that it cannot be said these propositions have been introduced to meet any cry or clamour , or that they are intended to promote any political or party object . ( Hear , hear . ) It appears to me that you ought to

    take advantage of sueh a period to propose those measures which yon think will be beneficial to tiie _sreat mass of the people . I have given , according to such light as I possess , a view of what 1 tliink should bo yonr course of policy . If you think you should _ad- *> : _* t at once an entire system of free trade , ov that , on the other hand , you should carry further the system of protection , tlic house ought to take such measures as it deems necessary . I think , in ? ny case , unless you arc fully persuaded that your present system is the most wholesome and the most conducive to the welfare of the people , you should not wait till a time of distress , till a time of clamouv shall aviso . I know not what measures you might in that ease adopt ; but , certainly , they would be tinctured with that heat and violence which such reasons arc sure to produce . And let me say to those who represent the agricultural interests in this house , ihat it would be for them to have

    most favourable any settlement of those questions in wliich agriculture is concerned , while there is not that great pressure which a time of distress is sure to occasion . If we go on till the time comes when , with an increasing population —a population increasing at the rate of from 200 , 000 to 2 . 50 , 000 every year-it is found that our supply of food is totally insufficient , when thc cry of hunger comes up to these walls , will it then be the time lor those who have maintained the necessity of a large protection—if they have any just regard for tlieir own legislative character—to concede thc demands which may then be made ? Would it not be far better that thev should provide beforehand lor , that evil time ? I think wc cannot expect that a system which , so far as regards ihe commercial and manufacturing classes , has wen condemned by the measures adopted by this house within

    House Of Commons, Mossat, Mat 26. L^Tss ...

    the last few years , should be maintained for the sake of the landed interest . Let the gentlemen on the other side , then , endeavour to frame some proposition upon whicli this house—and the legislation of this house—can rest . Let them take their share , with the rest of the country , in the burdens whicli may be imposed upon them . What objection ean there be to tiie consideration of the whole system of taxation , with a view to vender its pressure equal upon all interests in this country ? Who can object to it , even if the result should show that we _ongbi to relieve the agricultural interest from some of its burdens . But , whatever the result may be , I ask you to consider this question now , in a time of calmness and of peace ; and if you think fit to disregard altogether what else I have proposed , to adopt this first resolution , which I now place , sir , in your hands : — " That

    the present state of political tranquillity , and the recent revival of trade , afford to this house a favourable opportunity to consider of such measures as may tend permanently to improve the condition of the labouring classes . " Adopt that resolution , and add to it any further resolution you may think fit , according to your own views of what the interests of the country require . My firm belief is that our laws will not remain long in the state in which they now arc . I conceive that the condition of this country renders legislation necessary—not ( for that would be a most inconsiderate attempt ) to endeavour to provide directly for the well-being of all classes of the community , but to relieve the people as far as you can from all those evils and all those restraints wmeh your own legislation has imposed . ( Hear , hear . ) With this object then , sir , I oeg to move the first resolution . ( " Hear " and cheers . )

    The Speaker then put the question , when Mr . S . _CiuwFonn rose to propose the amendment of wliich he had given notice , and which was , he said , founded upou the petitions of the people . In 1842 , petitions bearing 3 , 324 , 000 signatures werc presented to that house , praying them to take into their consideration the propriety of extending to thc working classes some share of political power by the extension of the suffrage . In 1843 , numerous petitions to a similar effect werc laid before the house ; and , in the last year , ISii , petitions signed by more than 00 , 000 persons had been presented , praying thatamore equal system of representation might be adopted . His hon . friend , the member for Finsbury ( Mr . T . Duncombe ) , and himself had , on several occasions , submitted

    motions to the house , in accordance with the prayer of the petitioners , but they had been rejected by large majorities . Tiie people complained that they were taxed by this house , in which they were unrepresented ; and they asked that some means of protection might be afforded them by conceding them a share in the representation . He called upon the house to take this subject into their consideration , and he claimed on the part of thc people full , free , and fair representation . Thc right hon . baronet ( Sir R . Peel ) had recently made rapid strides in the proposal of measures advantageous to the great body ofthe people ; and though the right lion , gentleman had generally divided against him when hc brought this subject before the house , he did not despair that

    thc time would arrive when the right hon . baronet , seeing , upon mature consideration , the justice of the measure , would be among the first to support him . The noble lord , in commenting upon his fifth resolution , made some remarks on the principle of the New Poor Law , and he ( Mr . Crawford ) could not pass the subject over without one or two observations . The noble lord advocated the principle of that law , and denied that it was identified with a certain document oi'proposition which had been brought forward on a former occasion in that house . Now , whether that proposition was or was not ever adopted by thc Poor Law Commissioners , one thing appeared to his ( Mr . Crawford's ) mind , undeniable—that the harshest possible regulations were made by the commissioners

    with respect to the poor , and that if they had wished directly to carry out the terms of tho proposition to which he referred , they could not have succeeded more effectually . Tlieir regulations werc cruel in the extreme , and such as ought not to have been made with respect to any class of the community . The principle ofthe New Poor Law was nothing movenov less than by indirect means to abolish the poor man ' s right to relief ; in fact , by restrictions and provisions in the workhouse , to prevent the poor man from applying for relief , unless he was driven to the last stage of destitution . He was prepared to deny that thc effect of the Poor Law had keen to raise wageson the contrary , wages in the agricultural districts had fallen , and tliat fall was chiefly to be attributed

    to thc operation ofthe Poor Law , which had put such restrictions on the relief afforded tothe poor man , that he was willing to take any wages hc could possibly live on , ' rather than submit to the relief the poorhouse afforded him . ( Hear , hear . ) That was his view of thc New Poor Law , and he maintained that no sincere friend ofthe working classes could fail to wish that law amended . If the orders of thc Poor Law Commissioners had been carried out specifically , thc condition of the poor would he the most cruelly miserable that it possibly could hc . ( Hear . ) With respect to the question of emigration , he considered that extensive emigration was a great misfortune to tho country . At the same time , however , lie would not put any obstacle in tho way of voluntary

    emigration . What he would wish to do , was to keep the able-bodied labourers in the country by bettering their condition , and he was fully convinced that if thc resources of the country were carried out , and all restrictive Jaws removed—if , too , the country werc cultivated , ns it ought to be , the working hands of the country would not be sufficient for the purpose . There wcre 14 , 000 , 000 of acres still to be cultivated in this country , and thc number of labourers would fall very far short of thc demand if that land were to be put into a state of cultivation . ( Hear , hear . ) The great evil of this country was that thc poor man was driven off the land ; there was no land for the labour of his hands . The consequence was , that the manufacturing industry of thc country was overpowered by thc number of superfluous hands

    that were poured m upon it . ( Hear , hear . ) He did not wish further to trespass on tiie attention of the house . He had only addressed them on this occasion in the hope that they might be induced to take the claims and wishes of the people into their consideration more especially their claim to a share in the making of the laws , and in sending representatives to that house . The hon . gentleman concluded by moving , as an amendment to tho first resolution , that after the word " opportunity" in that resolution , these words be inserted , " to give immediate attention to the claims of the people , so repeatedly urged iu the petitions ofthe people fbr an extension of the Parliamentary suffrage , as well as "—after whicli the rest of the words of the resolution to follow ; and "tliat resolutions 4 , 5 , 0 , and 8 be omitted . " Mr . W . Williams seconded thc amendment .

    Sir James Graham observed , that he should have risen immediately after Lord John Russell , to move the previous question upon his first resolution , had it not been for the consideration that by so doing he should have been acting discourteously towards Mr . S . Crawford , who in that case would have been prevented from proposing the amendment which he had placed on the notice book , and which he had just submitted to the consideration of the house . The ordinary form ofthe motions submitted to thehouse gave tliem some notion previously of the subjects which they had to discuss ; but that of Lord John Russell had thrown the house into a maze ofconfusion , __ as to the topics which he intended to bring before it . If _anything were wanted to complete the

    confusion , it was the proposition ior the adoption of _universal suffrage , wliich had been introduced by Mr . S . Crawford . He denied that her Majesty ' s Government had ever discouraged legislation by private individuals for thc benefit of the industrious classes ; and as a proof of thc correctness of this position , referred to the co-operation of Ministers with Lord Ashley in advocating thc interests of the manufacturing population . He could not pretend to follow Lord J . Russell through all thc various details which he had introduced into his speech ; but he would endeavour to follow him through thc different resolutions wliich hc had proposed to the house The first was one which upon the whole he considered to be highly complimentary to the

    present Government , for it spoke of the present stale of political tranquillity , and of the recent revival of trade , whicli he maintained was _attributable to its commercial policy . The second passed a condemnation on protective duties _; and on that resolution he wished to remind the house that the object of Ministers in their recent commercial policy had not been the abolition of protecting , but tlic _substitution of them in the place of prohibitory duties . That policy was first introduced hy Mr . Huskisson who had declared his intention of following it up by a cautious and gradual diminution of protcctin _*** duties , to bo made in proportion to the increase of the population . That had been the guide of evcrv administration since Mr . Huskisson ' s deathand

    , more particularly of the present Government . He reminded thc house how much had been done in the last three years to relieve the indirect taxation ofthe country , winch pressed so heavily on thc industry of the working classes , and to impose in its stead direct taxation affecting the interests of thc more wealthy portion ot the community . Ministers had found on their accession to office 1 , 152 articles in the tariff , and had reduced them by their bills of 1 S 41 and of the present year to 579 , thereby removing from it more than half the articles whicli were charged with duty to the Customs , and relieving to that extent the fetters hitherto imposed upon our commerce . He then proceeded to refute the arguments which . Lord

    J . Ruascll had urged in favour of his third resolution condemnatory of thc present Corn Law . If Lord J . Russell really thought the law so prejudicial , lie ought not to Lave proposed a vague resolution like that which had just been read to the house , but that the house go at once into committee to consider the propriety of altering it . Formerly Lord John Russell had defended a fixed duty as a fiscal regulation . __ Now he abandoned that ground altogether , and said , that he would leave a fixed duty of Is . or os . as a _pvoteetwrn to agriculture After pointing out tho inconsistency of this doctrine with Lord Johns second resolution , he proceeded to state his conviction that a fixed duty of 4 s or os , on thc importation of foreign corn was a

    House Of Commons, Mossat, Mat 26. L^Tss ...

    mere delusion . If the price of corn were low , it would be no protection ; and if thc price were high the countiy would not bear it , and no Government would tliink of enforcing : it . _^ He did not say that E rotection was the cause of agricultural improvement ut he showed that coincident with protection there had been a great improvement in ouv agriculture and in the productiveness of our soil . It was satis ! factory to know that in the last four years the price of labour had increased , the price of the necessaries of life had diminished , and the entire condition of the working classes had become greatl y ameliorated . He showed that within the same period there had been a great increase in our trade , foreign and domestic , and a surprising improvement in thc

    manufacturing districts ; and interred therefrom that the commerce of thc country was now in a wholesome and healthy condition . He contrasted the condition of the manufacturing districts in 1841 and 1842 with their present condition and read several documents fbr the purpose of proving that in every department of industry earned on without them , there was a signal improvement . He referred to thc increase of railroads during the last four years as a proof of the < n _* eat increase m the capital of the country , and asserted that , as the whole of the capital subscribed for new railroads would be expended on the labour of onr artisans , there was a certainty that their prosperity would continue for some years . He likewise showed

    that coincident with the distress of the countrv there had been a large increase , and coincident with its prosperity a corresponding decrease , of crime . A report just presented by thc Poor Law Commissioners proved that m tho last year there had been a dimn nution of 20 per cent , in the amount of relief giveito the pauper population . That consideration led him to Lord John ' s fifth resolution , which related to thc Poor Laws . It had been alleged that in 1834 tho Government of Earl Grey had contemplated a measure by which a coarser diet should be forced upon the poor . He had previously given an assurance to the house that that allegation was not correct : and he was glad to hear Lord J . Russell that evening confirm it . He then described the bill whieh he had

    introduced into Parliament to make an alteration in the law of settlement , and to defend it from the attack of Lord John Russell . He next adverted to Lord John Russell ' s sixth resolution , and said , that he did not exactly comprehend what he meant bv " a systematic plan of colonisation . " Emigration must be directed at present either to the Canadian or to the Australian colonies . He showed that at Sydney there was at this moment a great excess of labour , and contended that under such circumstances great caution on the part ofthe Government was necessaiy m recommending persons to emigrate tor employment in distant colonies . With respect to emigration to Canada , he showed tliat Government had given it some aid by

    appointing agents in this country to give instructions to the emigrants before they sailed , ami other agents in Quebec , to afford them information as to their best mode of proceeding when they arrived tliere . lie next approached the resolution respecting the education of the working classes , on which Lord J . Russell had dwelt with so much anxiety . Ih concurred with him in thinking that all attempts to improve the education of the people must be preceded by attempts to improve their physical condition . lie showed that Government had not been inattentive to this part of its duty . In J 8 J 1 only - £ 30 , 000 had been voted for educational purposes , —in the present year thc grant proposed would be £ 70 , 000 . After describing thc assistance which Government had given to tl _\ e " r normal schools for the last two or three years , as a proof that Government was not

    indisposed to pay attention to this subject , hc entered into a description ofthe measures which Sir li . Peel had taken for . thc moral and religious improvement of the population of England and Wales by building churches and placing endowed ministers in them , in the most crowded parts ofthe manufacturing districts . In the last nineteen months ninety-seven new churches had either been built or wero building in those districts . He then recapitulated thc general results of his statement . lis thought that the account which he had given of the recent proceedings of the Government was indicative of anything but a neglect on their part of the interests of the working classes . Though thc speech of Lord J . Russell was not a party speech , yet the embodying of his resolutions into an address to the Crown would be considered to convey a censure on the Government . lie should therefore move thc previous question on his first resolution .

    Sir C . _BuRnsix in a few words defended the county of Sussex from the unjust aspersions which Lord John Russell had cast , no doubt very unintentionally , upon its inhabitants , lie spoke in high terms of tlic general morality and intelligence ot the peasantry oi Sussex . Mr . _Labououere observed , that it was quite evident , from thc tone of Sir J . Graham , that lie had not expected Lord John Russell to deliver a speech so utterly free from all party topics . Sir James had expected a severe attack on her Majesty ' s Ministers , and had therefore prepared in defence of their measures an elaborate speech , wliich had little or no relation to the question really before the house , lie hoped , however , that he might consider his speech as

    indicative of the course which the Government was determined to pursue on the questions to which it had adverted . Sir James Graham had made a flourishing display ofthe resources ofthe country ; but who could say that the prospect now so bright might not be speedil y overcast ? Even those railroad speculations which Sir J . Graham had mentioned as thesourecs of permanent industry , werc not without their disadvantage and their danger . Thc recoil of them might be mischievous , and it was . therefore , wise and patriotic in Lord J . Russell to call the attention of thc house at tliis time of calm to tliese subjects , and to place on record the course which , in his opinion , was expedient to be pursued . In most of the opinions which Lord J . Russell had expressed hc cordially concurred ; for everyday hc lived he saw additional reasons for believing that the only policy

    for England was the firm pursuit of a liberal commercial policy . He then called upon the Government to resume the consideration of the Corn Laws , to alter the existing duties on sugar , and not to expose thc country not only to the loss of its present trade with the Brazils , but also to the alienation of the feelings of the Brazilian population from it . Sir J . Tvbgm . observed , that the agricultural interest had supported the present Administration because they looked npon it as an agricultural Administration , Since their accession to office that Administration had forfeited the confidence of its supporters . He considered the house to be much indebted to Lord J . Russell for bringing forward these resolutions , but he could not vote for them , as they were not of a practical character , lie looked upon the present as nothing e _' sc but a Corn Law debate .

    < Altera brief and eloquent speech from Lord Pollington , who declared that hc would support a plan of colonisation as distinguished from emigration , and that he did not look with the same great degree of alarm as some of his friends on the eventual repeal of tho Corn Laws , Mr . _Villieus observed , that he had been listening all the evening for an answer to Lord John Russell on thc main question contained in his resolutions , and had heard none . Thc great question whicli Lord John Russell had raised was that of protection , lie concurred with everything which the noble lord had said on that subject , and waited with impatience to hear from her Majesty ' s Government some defence of that system , as some proof that what Lord Jolm Russell had proposed was practically nntrue . Sir J . Graham had described to them in the most glowing terms the eflect of free trade . He had told them

    , that since it was introduced the agricultural peasantry were well off , and that their wages had risen . He had told them that when tlio price of food was high , in 1841 , there was inconceivable distress ; and he had shown what were the consequences now , when the price of food was low Sir James Graham was an invaluable witness in thc cause of free trade . He ( Mr . Villiers ) was not going to defend Lord J . Russell ' s conclusion on onc subject , but he thanked him most cordially for bringing forward his resolutions . The noble lord had broken up the ground and prepared the way for him , whenever he should propose thc repeal of thc Corn Laws . Mr . Scott expressed himself strongl y in favour of giving protection to agriculture . On the motion of Mr . P . Howard , the debate was then adjourned till Wednesday . The other orders ofthe day were then disposed of , and tho house adjourned .

    Mrs . Wmenx—formerly thc "Miss Biffin , " well known to our readers as a most clever artist , though having no hands er amis—is now in a destitute condition at Liverpool . _Evexixo Exuibitiox at TnE Colosseum . —A private view ofthe Colosseum , as it is to be thrown open for the evening exhibition , tookplace on Saturday nig ht _, ihe glyplotheca or statuary-room was brilliantly illuminated from the candelabra arranged in an inner and outer circle , and presented a more beautiful appearance even than by day , the rich gilded ornaments coming out with more lustre , and yet blending with thc general chaste tone of thc scene . The only feature by whieh the evening exhibition differs from that by day is the view of London by night , painted

    oy Mr , rams . As a work of art , it is fully as extraovdinavy as that which already exists , and surpas ses it by the wonderful effects crowded together in it , reproducing every natural detail ofthe scene with thc utmost ingenuity , and rendering the delusion perfect . The haze environing the whole city , and darkly reflecting the ruddy light which streams from every street or place , is admirably represented , the clouds passing from time to time over the face ofthe moon , and interrupting thc rippling reflection in thc river , the stars twinkling apparently at immeasurable distances ; tho sounds of night music , and the striking of _cIocks _* _eontinually vary the scene , and render it difficult to believe that the whole is thc effect of art . Indc _«»* no description can possibly convey thc impression created by tho painting , which carries scenic _eflovv to thc highest point it is possible to attain ,

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 31, 1845, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_31051845/page/6/