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Northern Star (1837-1852), 27th November 1841, Edition 3 of 6, Page 7, TO THE CHARTISTS OF SOUTHAMPTON. Brother...

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      0b>-Bral Address Of The Executive Counci...

      0 B > -BRAL ADDRESS OF THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL TO THE PEOPLE , AND THE MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL CHARTER . _ASSOCIATION " . Bbother Chabtists , —Having assembled in _London , aecarding to our published resolution , it becomes ow ' dnty , at the conclusion of our sitting , to address ou on the state of our Association and the prospects _pgfore us . We bave considered it necessary , for the _jgMoas assigned elsewhere , to discontinue the _Exeg _ajjTe Journal . We have issued an address to our brethren in _ScsUand , entreating them to remain united _vgb . bs in our exertions to gain that cause which _inyolraa ti a fkte of both nations ; and we have instructed job , our constituent * as to the future measures to be _Adop ted for the increase and benefit of the National _Charter _Association . We cannot separate without pesa _& ag a general address to the whole people

      Xhs Association , of which we form the Executive _rjonmiii-ee , was projected byjthe people , who defined our _gre ets to be the obtaining of a full and faithful _reprejgjtatian cf the entire people of the United _Kusgdom , } _b strict accordance with the _princ'plea , spirit , and _jgssiEg ot the People ' s Charter . In striving to obtain such a jut and glorious end , we are enjoined to use none but peaceable and _constitcti onal means . How are we to succeed ? We must have numbers ; because without numbers , ve never can become formidable . We must have _gzion ; because , without that , we never can be feared ; _jcd we must have energetic co-operation amongst tbe peeple _' a _ehasen leaders , because , without mutual _confidence , we never eaa be suecessfui

      Bering oar experience , as an Executive , we have every reason to be satisfied with the rapid increase of the Associat ion , the decreasing apathy of the people , _jcd the widening spirit of inoruiry which gives _vigour go tbe movement in all parts of the country . Bnt we onnot even , amidst our success , withdraw onr attentioa from those factious squabbles which have been equally disgraceful aad injurious to our sacred cause . It is easy , nay pleasant , for us to meet and give battle to our public opponents , and find weapons destructive enoag b . in reason and argument , but when we receive tke _isost serious injury from our own professed _hrotaas , remonstrance and patience are exercised in vain , an d no other course is so open or so effectual as a direct _jp- _^ sl from the Executive to the people who have _eWcttdus .

      We now make such appeal , and call upon you to Barer from every corner of the land , whether we are jo tolerate any longer the vain , the idiotic , and _misehievcr _ai party spirit which will , if unchecked , sear the _hJr prospect before us , and blast for years the tender _yoasom of a nation _^ Jhopes Working men , forbid it _Mothers , if ye respect the cause of industry , if yo feel its wrongs and demand its rights , forsake the cause of _inea , and cling to that of tiie Charter alone . You _sicoe have the power to restore unanimity , and enforce obedience . The t ime baa now arrived when hesitation ai 70 m part may be fatal , when division on your pari will assuredly call down the vengeance of a p crerfcl and _accursed faction on the scattered and _^ _rresstin _; mass ; _l Ranember that division is ever the _forerunnei of persecution , and he who sows it in our ranks _soay u well sound a trumpet for the Government to

      Remember , toe , that when the day of denunciation mires , it is no _logger safe for independence or honesty toraaain as ths prey of the designing and the _malioecs . _y * y , if once encouraged , like all other evil kibitz , it gathers strength with its virulence , and it * appetite for fresh victims keeps pace with its ferocirj . Crash this spirit , feQow labourers , or it wQl crush Tear cause . Put it daws with s strong and active bed , or a reign of terror wQl arise when it will be

      » longer possible to serve you earnestly withont being SBspeeted , or pause in serving you without being dewsneed . It has indeed arrived , and simultaneous _GtsmEriations have occurred in Scotland and England . Even one of cur own body has been accused , and , as ths evidence proved , he was falsely accused . The same _rwslt has taken place in other cases ; is fact , bnt one _Hsslt has ensued . From what malignant spirit has all fids mischief originated ? Jealousy . That accursed one , which has existed , is in active being , and will reread to distract and destroy ua

      Ton must seize it boldly wherever it arises , and like a poisoncus nettle , when crushed the hardest it will _yotmd the least The evil does not rest in loealitiss ; every squabble fads its way to the public press , there to delight tbe enemy , and disgust over friends . We are firmly of opinion , that whatever may be the intention of parties , the end of tieir senabbles would HSireffly be ths aestrae _^ en of our public men , and ol _ocr public interest , and whilst we would support neither , _nsless their actions corresponded with their professions , they have a right to the protection of the per pie , so long as they serve them .

      To conclude our remarks regarding the obstacle wilfnflj cast in our way , we may allude to the insane _discaaoss upon moral and physical force , legality and _fltegality , education crotchets , _acd criticisms and de-EEEdations upon the supposed treachery of the past sad the present leaders , all of which expose our cause to the deserved ridicule snd _contempt of our delighted _oppDnects . Brothers , we are firmly convinced that we need only to _sppsil to the goad sense and reason of the working men , and if they do not resolutely , at all hizaras , exterminate these rain and reckless fends , we _offer you no earthly hope of success ever crowning the lonscaKhmtd efforts which have been made to emancipate the scfedng and desponding millions .

      CCS _PTTBilC _OFPOSESTS . _TVe contemplate this part of onr address with far less _uaietj and much m » re firmnesa The principal enemy _ec tha most powerful is the present Government , from » hose mercy or justice we expect nothing ; but from viose infatuate * policy we anticipate much . It must _keranenibered that the last _GoveniEient had a strong _krdesey to pr . Uct and benefit the present electoral diss at the _xpence of the non-electors—merely using 2 _ss _ndddle class as willing oppressors of the working

      tis- B _^ : _ttc have a government now who wiil neither _iJEpa'i _";; wiih tor _rejpect the sufferings of either El-cl » c ? working men ; therefore it is we purine our tt 2 = _via : li ; g c _.-urse and _ruil the _Charter to the ma 3 t We _E 17 rationally expect a vast _accassioa of _istrfcngtb _n-e- _frsm the middle cias 3 , who , if tbey do not join us fees : _jrirdj-le wiil co so from _compnlsion . Tie middle £ 3 ? carrot _ciirj their measures without pubiieopinion , _a _^ _ifye are wise and determined , they _ought n _^ v .. r _tilsTei : unl £ r » _jfc-.-y do justice to you as well as _tctm-Kh-s .

      ii mutual service is required , then _mutual benefit _K & _it t j hi secured and certain .

      THE COB > LAW _EEPEALEHS & _£ _spin _jsu 10 aid them in their struggle . They _hiYc _taitnjftE _^ c on their side ; you have no :. They _proe _^ - _jen a benefit WLy do they deny yen the poim to _ktep h : The ( _Xm La * 3 were caused by class legislation . What _* ai aboiiii the cause ' : UrJvcrsii Suffr _^ , e * ~ _hlcliv-ii ! _Oits _aj goui _-s-bieb may 3 _jw from _repeal _cqaai ' v _BEiTtrsil , and if i ? is cot so it will be _vrortklsss to you , _atsciuh beneficial to your r * _iasters . If th = _Iz ' . ier id _^ a is _correct , the cn ' y qc ? stio _^ you tire to _diicuss is , " TV better the abolition cf the _GWS _li _-E- s or tie _CLirter wiil bs most _bex .-- _£ _cial t & in ?™ ,. . ' *' » then , on thst question ; discuss it with them _* t . y , and let _arguineE ; and reason _; _revail over every _t'PJ _^ _aiUcn . in the justice of cur cause _consists cur _fresgth , and if cur principles be truth itself , we need 80 _Cii-fcr auxQiaj y than the reasoning faculty of man .

      I « t us be fair ari _corsisttm towards them , and _eTa - _vdi sj . e ? dily _shtw whether the G-jf' -rnment may cr _ruynr , ; foroe _thtni into cur ranks , ahould such 811 _tvet take plies , we _Tiviil at _Itait L _^ _ts the Tories _^ £ _iQ ) _j _^ tn the Hii _.-. _as Corpus Act is

      _fcus-Pad-d . t , -- _^ _* ligLt opposition has been experienced from the _^ _" _^^ _-s- "Wt do net acniire tLe prudence of the C 0 £ r * _s pursusd by either _oppr-aen _*? ; but we trust that ¦ _jSSn _est wiil prevail _ov _. r _factions opposition in every < _^ _usd ° u _>» iiich _icay tike place , SEi _> S TO BE _T 5 ED . T , - _wly _j _K _^ est way of aoi _ _LciL _^ the cause is by adding j , _" _^ f -- —bers cf the - _^ _icciati-ju ; and every _lecturer _« _j _JT ~ _^ _iie it par : if Lis iiu . . _" _u _> _register names arid v ~ \ c : ear _^ 3- at tbe conclusion of each lecture . - _^ tt » irs always give _courcge to the timid and create C _^ v _ _anjCLgit _uur _fei-e-niies , and where thousands _* _: ivined the association , it becomes impossible for g _^ 7 local t j rants to meet the victims of the patriotic ' ¦ p . . I , — ' - — _—r that onr _peicefnl _declariUons ensure us j _^_ _= _Persecution _dirtattd by fear , and ia too many _^ _Cis . _iinued by a hatred to principlea

      onr Me _-Bc- uid _rceuiamend the General _Ckjuncil to direct _^ _f _par-ieciir attention to the organisation of the _j -nc : j , and the -. pp ointment of fit and qualified is - ' f _^ f ' ° Eisonld' m every instance be ballotted for , _s- Uey were _officers of the association . _ifeegatca _fchonia be appointed by pnblic meetings , ' _Jtpr-iaat , places in a I > istrict Council before which _*^ Easiness relative to that district should be decided .

      THE TBADES . Those important bodies of men should he _sronsed tc ense of duty to themselves , and wherever it is _prac"whs a Trades' Chartist Association ihould be formed . h _" ® _'wonimend tbe Chartist Association to be _dis-«^ fr om the Trade ' s Union . * e place great-dependence on the faith of a body of _Szj . , _^ iutereats are _identical as their pursuits are _ai-ir _* ' _^^ _maH _" kn own to his neighbour , and 7 r _* 5 hbour ' _i interest is the same as tbat of his felr * ' _^ aca bodies of men car . no ; be led far astray , and _5 ~? Reform Bin strnsgie was one to p _^ ace the _raid-^ _5 _* ss in power , so ours _mry be said to be one which _!?~ *« ratethe _tredes to their proper position , and SI ? " * a weapon of ofience and defence far more _en-~~ ffi lUiail the limited acpedient of unenfranchised ¦ _Bwnistg . be im

      _^ should pressed on these important bodies J ™* no trade can t _* eTer long protected or well _retiZtf _** _^ ' _UBlens the members of each body are poli-

      0b>-Bral Address Of The Executive Counci...

      Social benefits seldom remain long untouched , unless there is some political power to arrest the plunderer in his danger , and the law of the rich in Ita usurpation . The trades have long timed at the guardianship of tbeir separate rights . Tbey bave blocked up and barricaded the gate by wbich the master invaded them , with many excellent expedients ; but tbey have sever yet attempted to do the same to the political gate through wbich the Government entered to tax their treasered earnings as repeatedly as they have accumulated . Unions are bnt temporary securities against the avarice of masters , but offer no protection for tbe oppressive enactments of aa irresponsible horde of rulers . It must have become apparent to all the trades , that something more than a mere Union lor the protection of wages is wanted , because at tbe beat they only shackle the band of the master , whilst they leave unchecked and free the arm of the tax gatherer .

      Tbe trades have hitherto been mere creators of funds for the benefit of rulers ; and whilst they suspiciously watched tbe weekly payments of the master they paid no attention to the weekly theft of the tax gatherer . The _question for the trades is one easy of comprehension . _Whether would it be better to have two protections or one—social power without political , or both combined ? The suffrage would strengthen Instead of weakening the Unions , because the want of it on their parts , and the possession of it on tbe part of tbeir masters , give rise to tho laws of combination , correspondence , and conspiracy , all directed against men who simply demanded a jast wage for their labour .

      The master class have discovered that with the law and law ' s punishments on their Bide , they cannot triumph over their slave class ; and do the trades suppose that the chains of the law will not be drawn tighter , and re-forged stronger ? If they believe the contrary , they will discover their mistake when robbed of the power to remedy or resist . Let one general appeal be Triads to them , and their amrmativB answer would shake the Government to its centre , and supply tbe absence of a middle class , a thousand times more powerful than ours . _VTe have now conveyed to you our united opinion and advice . Brethren , let it be well considered ; and , if correct , let these , our instructions , be immediately adopted .

      "We are the servants of ths Association , and we expect the people to treat us as such ; but , as the servants of the Association , we feel It to be our duty at all times to speak freely , to act firmly , and to fall back npon the people when our own power is insufficient to effect these objects which are necessary for the welfare of onr constituents , and the success of our cause . We await your decision . Tour faithful Representatives , B . K . Philp . _MosGAjr Williams John Campbell , James Leach . _~ P . M . 31 _'DouaI . i .

      To Hameb Stansfeld, Esq. " All Classes O...

      TO _HAMEB _STANSFELD , ESQ . " All classes of men , under the present limited in . fiuence of Christianity , will prey upon all other classes , just as much as they son and dare ; tor , the frailty of human nature tells me , that were the manufacturer or the warking classes in their ( the aristocracy ' s ) places , they would , alas ! go and do likewise ' * Hameb Stansfeld Sie , —I have chosen the above extract from your lecture on " Monopoly and Machinery" as a motto to this letter to you ; for to my mind , it contains a full and complete answer to the whole of the question you have stated , and an argument against which there is no appeal , in favour of the necessity , as well as the rigbt , of " every man who is to bo called upon to obey a law , or to be subject to the influence of such law , to have a voice in the making of tbat law _.

      I am not aware that there is the least dispute ab out tbe utility of machinery . I never conversed with any one , to whom the subject was explained , who ever quarrelled with machinery , as machinery , but with the _distribution ol its products ; with the " party working - underhand , and _cbiainirig all , and even more than all , the advantages which machinery has rendered . " The questien therefore resolves itself to this : how are we to prevent " the power working underhand from obtaining more than all the advantages froin machinery " ? Tnere is such a _laxness in your use of the word monopoly , that one feels _almost at a loss as to what yon would particularly apply it But from the whole , 1

      come to the conclusion that yen mean by the word monopoly—the corn laws . If such be your meaning _, and if you really expect that their abolition would be tbe panacea for all oar evils , you are certainly the most mistaken of men . What , expect that the abolition of a single law wonld give us , " if not indemnity for the past , " at least " security for the future , " after your acknowledgment in the motto , "that all classes will prey upon each other just _rj much as they can and dare 1 " What is to prevent the aristocracy preying upon us as much in future as they con ? Nothing but this dare ; and that 'dare is , with their present power , only the _fpar cf our not being able to continue to labour .

      Suppose that the com laws were abolished to- morrow , and suppose that that abolition had a tendency to produce all yon dream or say . _Suppaee that it caused ub to have tho command oi the markets of the world ; Euppose that it Gaused Englishmen to have the supreme happiness of labouring sixteen hours every day without intermission ; suppose that it had a _tendency to cause us to have prosperity for ages , as I once heard you say it would ; suppose all this ; what will there be to prevent " the party working underhand from obtaining even more than all the advantages" which would accme from the measure ? Have you not admitted in the words or my motto , " that all classes will prey upon each other just as much as tbey dare ? " Come , Mr . _Stansfeld , do tell us what is to prevent their preying upon us in future ?

      I ask , again , whit is to prevent " tbe power working underhand" from obtaining even more than rll the advantages" ? What is to prevent their taxing or laying a rent -for tax appears to be an harmless thing with you ) upon all mines or minerals within the bowels of the earth , _equivalent to their loss by the repeal of the com _Liws ? What is to prevent their making the full value of their estates out of the new taxes ? Can no new _commissions be created ? no new churches , or colleges , or governorships , no retiring upon splendid

      pensions as a _reward fer past services , to mate way for _li'jTV _t _^ f irrmts to serve their country ? Is there no way left for coming at even more than all the advantages _ytu'would derive from the _mtasure ? Is there no contraction of the currency to make you give them double the _qosntity you give them now for the taxes ? Aye , that , _tbsre is , and a thousand-and one ways besides , to _ecaVle that " class of men wbo have the power of miking laws to prey upon all other classes just as much as tbey dare" , and to reap " ev . n n . ore tL . » . n _ull tbe : _vdyan-12 . 2 .- " ' of ail your skill and labour into tbe bargain .

      Then again , what is it bnt tte monopoly of making the _ii ' . vs which _hava caused ail the other _mo-opolies ¦ A which you _complain ? In f-ct , tbey are but i . fTshor . ts fruui the master monopoly ; _und until that master monopoly be destroyed , bo ' . h ro _^ t and branch , theie ; _rrer can he any security for the peace and happiness oi this country . _Besides , Sir , are you not inconsistent upon your _ovrn principles , twit you do not endeavour with ali your might to _destroy the master moncpjly , _afu-r yim admission " that all classes will prey -upon all o ' . ner classes just as mnch as they can and cire . " What , after this , can you expect to be the fate w : chia country , _witcou : evtry man

      who is subject to a law , or its tendency , huve a voice in the _Tnaying oi that law ? Either you wish the people to be ¦ ' preyed '' upon , or you do not . if you wish them to be preyed upon , you will take no s ' . eps to destroy the _power of the prey era . If you wish them net to be " preyed " upon , after your admission " tbat all classes will prey upon tii ctber classes just as much as they can and dale , " you wiil from this time , make every effjTt in your povrer to prevent any class from preying upon the other by endeavouring to cause every _msn to have a voice in the _mniing of the laws he is called open to tbey . Tke _diiemn . a is unavoidable . Tate your choice , and from this day we shall know what to expect from

      But you will ask "how is Universal Suffrage to be _chained ? " I wiii _answer the qutstion , by asking you ; ow you propose to obtain the repeal of the corn laws ? Ton will answer , by an union of the middle and working , eh _^ es , and by thtir making a Seng pull and a strong pull and a pull altogether , as they say at sea . W . _uat hopes haTe you that such a union , and such a pu . il as you describe , would have the desired effect ?; Because , you wiil say , the Reform BUI of 1831 , was ! carried by such an union ; and because the aristocracy , j besotted as they are , durst not resist the firmly _expressed ) wili of a whole people , for fear of consequences followirg which wonld deprive them of all power . Just so . j And wonld not such a union , and such a pull , obtain

      the suffrage ? Durst they despise the expressed will ' of a wLoie people when they demanded the justice of ! the suffrage , any more than when they demanded the ; repeal of the eom laws ? Not they . Then , if you be _f sincere , come forward at once and seek to obtain that j which wiil destroy all present monopolies , ana prevent all-future ones . If you and your class decline tbis , you \ only more fully convince the world that yen wish to be [ or that *• class ol men which preys upon all ctheT classes jus ; as much asthey can and dare ; " and that yonr only j aim is to be that " party working underneath and j obtaining all , and even more than ail , the advantages j which would result from the measure . " 1 Hoping that you will choose the nobler part , j I remain , yours respectfully , : _Jajiks Pehkt . ! MUlbridge , Nov . 17 , 1841 . j

      To Tbe Editor Of The R03theb.V Stab. Sir...

      TO TBE EDITOR OF THE R 03 THEB . _V STAB . SIR , —if you will have the kindness to insert tbe following in your widely circulated and valuable ' journal , you will much oylige Tour humble but suffering Servant , _, GEOEGB B _/ . ACK , I of Nottingham . . A few weeks ago , an article appeared in tbe Star , 1 headed , " Save ns from our friends . " Sir , in writing this , you might intend it for my good , and the good of i the cause generally . You veiy likely did not intend to j injure my character ; but so it is . I will not say j

      To Tbe Editor Of The R03theb.V Stab. Sir...

      "Save me from my friends ; " but this I will say , O , that we were all united as friends ! I have my friends ; I have my foes . So has every man that is taking an active part in this movement . Sir , I find it as I thought I should . Some look upon me with suspicion , some call me spy or traitor ; others wish mo to appeal to my friends that know me ; and I hope you will allow me that privilege . A word or two to those who take me to be a deceitful or treacherous person—as there are some who are not backward at making use of their influence to destroy me . I tell you that you bave already done me a

      serious injury ; and I tell yeu candidly I had rather any person would take away my life than my character . AUow me to say I would not have made the sacrifices I have made , if i had intended to deceive my country . My friends at Nottingham will remember that it was on account of my principles that I was turned out of the Baptist church ; aad amongst tbat body of people I had a great number of friends , whom I loved as I loved my life . But I appeal to those who have known the most of ma whether I have made it appear evident that the principles embodied in the People ' s Charter have been more dear to me than life itself .

      If had intended to turn traitor , why not at the second Convention 7 If I intended to sail the cau 3 e , myself , and family , why not to the Whigs at the lato elections ? If altogether a selfish person , why did I go to London at all ? It was not because I was the most competent person in Nottingham ; 'but because there was danger , and nobody else would go . Did I not lose the ten frames ? or , in other words , were they hot taken from me ? Before I had been at London one week , the work was taken from these frames ; and who will contradict me when I say those frames were bringing me in seven shillings per week , besides what I could earn myself ? Was I not thrown out of work on account of my principles , and many a time not naving more than one meal a-day , my wife and family starving ?

      Thanks to those kind friends who lent me their assistance to raise a few stockings and gloves , & c . & c ; and many thanks to the kind friends who have thought well to encourage me , by purchasing goods of me . And now I have been going about the country between sixteen and seventeen months—in which time I have gone overabout six thousand miles—often one hundred and fifty in five days . I will leave it for others to judge whether I have been a sufferer in tiie cause or not . Can I Siy " Britons never shall be slaves ? " I see no other prospect than a very scanty living ; or , in other words , a dragging out of a miserable existence , and my children after me . All the hope I have is in the People's Charter becoming the law of the land ; and must I , shall I , have I turned traitor ? Those who think no better of me than this I heartily wish I could bring them to sit a little while with the disconsolate

      and often hopeless Mrs . Jones , and from thence to Mrs . Williams and children ; and from thence to Mrs . Frost and family ; and from thence to those poor widows whose husbands lost their lives at Newport These were to have been pensioned off ; but , instead of this , I often find them starving for want , both mothers and children . Had you a little of the company of these sufferers , if you be people of any feeling , I think you could not turn traitors , whatever you think of me . Every man may have his price , and I have mine ; and 1 heartily wish I coald get my price for eveiy principle within my breast With the Charter , and a Republican Government , every poor man in Great Britain and Ireland should have his five-acre cottage , and something to stock it with O to be united as friends ! I remain , Your humble but injured Servant , Geobge Black .

      P . S . —I now appeal to those Associations where I am best known . —Have you any cause to say you have ever heard ma utter a sentence intending to injure the cause ? Speak of me as you have found me . I now from the following _plnces demand justice , and crave no favour : —Nottingham , Arnold , Calverton , _Bastord , _Sutton-in-Asbfield , Merthyr Tydvil , Pontypool , Newport , and Cardiff Merthyr Tydvil , Nov . 14 , 1841 .

      To Mr. Charles Walker, Secretary Of The ...

      TO MR . CHARLES WALKER , SECRETARY OF THE ROCHDALE REFORM ASSOCIATION . Dear Sir , —When I was elected the Representative of Kochdale—I took that trust upon me—subject to the engagement contained in my address—viz : " annually to submit my Parlamentary conduct to the test of the decision of my Constituents . " In conformity with that declaration , I now take leave to submit to them , throngh you , a short detail of the most pro : uinent points of public policy , with reference to which I had occasion to act during the late short Session . In my address I told you— " that I would not go to Parliament to support the objects of any Party , or Ministry , or any Leader—but to sustain , to the best of my judgment , by my honest votes , the combined interests of all Ciasses of the Community . "

      I shall refer to the first occasion on which I felt myself called on practically to demonstrate my sincerity in that principle of action . Neither the Speech from the Throne , nor the Address in reply , as moved by the late Ministry , contained a single allusion to any umendment of the Reform Act , or any _txtonslon of the Bights of tbe People . In thy debate which took place on the Address , the _subject was studiously abstained from by those Speakers in connection with the late Ministry , although alluded to

      by some of the more Radical Members . I did expect that some of those Honourable Members who expressed these opinions , would have given notice ef au amendment to test the different parties on their disposition to consider the extension of Popular Rights . I delayed taking any step myself , in that expectation , till after the debate had been protracted to the fourth night . Finding that no intention of that nature was intimated , I tben gave notice , that I would move , on the bringing up the Report of the Address , an amendment in the following words : —

      _"Thst we _furthar respectfully represent t o your Majesty , that , in our opinion , tbe distress which your Majesty deplores , is mainly attributable to the circumstance's of your whole peopie not being fully and _fainy represented in this House , and that we feel it will be our duty to consider the means of bo extending and regulating the suffrage , and _adopting Mich _improvements in the system cf _voting , as vrili confer on the working classes that just wdi ; at in the _representative _boiiy which is Eecessary to Ef cure a due consideration of tbeir interests , ar . d wbich tfcoir present _patitnt _endurance of suffering gives ttiem _th-3 _sirougesl titie to claim . "

      1 moved this amendment agrepably to my notice . Thirtynine members , besides the tellers , ( making altogether forty one , ) divided in favour of it . But you are atrare that th _« motion was objected to by some of the Liberal members , who lefttheHouse and did not vote , _although tbey expressed _themseives favourable to the _principles oi tbe amendment ; I , _therefore , think it right to aiiu . lt ) to the reasons aeshjDed by them for this course . The _objections may be collects A from the speeches of the ' Hon . Members for _Sheffield and Eath ( Mr . Ward and Mr . Roebuck ) , the former member said , tbat " _hecon'ri nut but _regard it .-is an insult offered to tha popuinr interests in this House to briLg forward a _question of this magnitude at a moment when _tnere ib no Minister breser _. t—at a moment too , when , in f ; ict , tbero is

      no Ministry m _existence . iSovr , it _appeared to me , tbat I _would be violating tho declaration in niy _address , which 1 hue qnoitd , if I had abstained from _bringirforward this question for the reasons stated by the Hon . Member . I do not conceive that it is ths duty of ! tha representatives of the people to waive the _dtclara- ' lion of their rights , because the Minister in office did not think fit to attend , or because one Minister was ! about to make his exit , and another to assume his i post . I elo not conceive that those repre- ) _sentatives of the people who advocate the ' extension of popular rights , are to avow siu humble 1 _buobei-v . ency to tne ministerial tactics , or to put those : right * : n abeyance , unless aided by the countenance of _> _niiiiivterial authority . The _honouran ' . u member fur

      _Bi . h ( Mr . Roebuck ) said that it -was disrespectful to the majority represented by the Right Hon . _Raronet _iSir Robert Peel ; , and that it was not giving bin ; 11 fair trial , it was to me a very new doeuir . _a to learn 1 that sv . _i-h deference as this was to be paid to a _wv ! j jnty ; snd -with reference to the fair trial claimed for ' the Ii ; t _; ht Hon . Baronet , I am as willing to give him ! that fair tr : al as the honourable niu-mber for Bath ;; but , I wou ; d ask , was it not acting with , the g :- < _atest ' _pssible fairness to call upon the House to _tiselr-ie its ) opinion en this question before the Right Hon . Baronet ; assumed tffice ? Was it not the best mode of instruct- ' ing the minister ? Waa it not the best mode of : ' guiding the sovereign in the _selectien of ministers , j that the House of Commons should dec _l are to the ! sovereign their _opinions on great constitutional qr . _astions ? A powerful _niinoritv had divided n . sninst ihe _i

      Conservative amendment to the Address—a minority which , if disposed to net for tbe People ' s K' _-. _'ht . _'j . must ultimately extort more or lets concession from any ministry . I ask , waa it not rrcper to test the princip _es of tbat minority ? To _ascertain v .-nether they were impelled by an honest z _/ v . l for _thoaa rights , or actuated by tho Jess dignified object cf retaining place and _fc-o wcr for a party . Was it not right tbat the people should understand _^ _h-. ther those members ot the late ministry , who would be now looked up to as leaders of the new opposition , persevered or did not persevere , in the declaration of the finality of the Reform Act ? 1 adm t it might not be convenient for the purposes of party that tbis test should be applied . But I submit to my _constitu-n-. s , that in the course I adopted , 1 acted strictly a . dfaithfully in conformity with my declarations to them _.

      Another objection _raist > 1 to my proceeaing on this occasion , by the Hon & ura _';> le Member for Sheffield , waa , that " no five men in ihe House had been consulted . " 1 do not understand my duty ao a Member of Parliament if I am to be preclui-ed from acting on my own responsibility ! If 1 am to b-i compelled to place myself under the control of auy clique of Members , whether larger or _emalier . ' If a Member , _acting on hia own responsibility . makes a motion _deserving of _support , iB his proposition to be qu ished because be had not consulted certain individuals ? Why ahould it not be opposed or approved on its merits ? I admit that if an organisation were _tffectw among tbe Liberal representatives for the support of popular questions , it might be useful , and indeed _necessary , that individual Members should sub-

      To Mr. Charles Walker, Secretary Of The ...

      mit tethe general arrangement , as far as might be possible without dereliction of principle : but , I think individual Members ought not to be bound by the regulations or opinions of any section of Members / farther than their own judgment determines to be right I have stated these points for the consideration of my _constltaSBts , because I consider It Is desirable that the representative , arid the _^ constituent body he represents , should have a common feeling on the coarse of conduct to be pursued on other occasions of a similar nature , wbich it is very probable may eften occur . The next Important question , was the Amendment on the motion of Supply , moved by Mr . Fieldento

      , the effect , that it was the duty of the House to esquire into the distresses of ( h a people , and the remedies , before any supply should be made . On this amendment , I felt it to be my duty to divide with the Honourable Member for Oldham , and baving done sO on this occasion , I conceived it was only consistent with the spirit of that resolution to press her Majesty ' s Government again , on the necessity of immediate enquiry , and therefore on the next Motion of Supply , having stated examples of the distressed condition of Kochdale , I again divided the House against Voting the Supplies , till the condition of tbe country shonld be Investigated .

      In opposing the supplies , I . had no wish or intention to exhibits factious oppositiont . her Majesty ' s Government j but I am of opinion that the wholesome practice should be asserted , of looking to tho condition of the people , and the means of paying taxes , before the items of expenditure should be determined on . The means of tbe country should be first ascertained , and then the expenditure shonld be made , as far as possible , to correspond with these means . There are many grants which might properly be voted under a prosperous revenue , which mi ght be withheld or reduced in adversity ; and , therefore , I consider that the estimates should not be voted as a matter of form , but that tbey should be discussed with due consideration to the pe ' wers of the country to discharge _tliem .

      The last question which I desire to refer to , is the Poor Law Continuance B 11 L Mr . Fielden gave notice , at an early period , that at some stags of this Bill he would divide the House against it in toto . In this I concurred with'him ; but being perfectly satisfied that our opposition would be unsuccessful , I thought the next bust coursa would be to endeavour to reduce those powers of tha _Commissioners which were moat productive of practical evil . My constituents are aware of the amendments which I moved , in both of which I was defeated , and I divided with Mr . Fielden against the Bill on the third reading . I need not dwell on this subject , as my opinions on the Poor Law have been stated on so many previous occasions .

      The Corn Law question was not brought forward in a substantive form during the late Session of Parliament—a course of proceeding which , I must , say , I regret Sir Robert Peel was pressed on various occasions to declare his intentions on that question;—but I am of opinion , tho fairest and most effectual mode of eliciting bis opinions , as well as those of tbe House of Commons generally , would bave been to have brought them to the teat of a distinct proposition , and a division on tbat proposition : —but an objection was raised to this course—it was said , the anti-Corn Law party are divided—the one portion for a fixed duty , the other for total repeal , and an exhibition of weakness would he the result;—on the bther hand , I think it might be fairly argued , if these two sections cannot agree , is it

      reasonable or fair to press the Minister ? The aiguraent , I think , is unanswerable . In my opinion the question never can be advanced till a decided course of action be taken—protection or no protection—monopoly or no monopoly . The anti-Corn Law League are bound to the principle of tota extinction—I , ask then , can they have any moral weight with the country if they shrink from the bold advocacy of that principle in Parliament ? Can they create that confidence which is the only source of success , if they consent to permit that principle to be put in abeyance , in order to acquire a fallacious appearance of strength , by a union with the fixedduty men ? It appears to me that the supporters of an eight shilling fixed-duty , have no pretensions to rank with bread tax repealers : —they are really and substantially monopolists as well as their opponents ;

      thty differ chiefly about the moBt expedient mode of securing that monopoly . It _Js a delusion upon the country to frame evasive motions for the purpose of catching such useless votes . It Is better for the people to understand what real support the anti-corn monopoly principle can muster in the House , and then the moral power of the nation will be more speedily and effectually roused to increase it Such are my opinions on this subject But it may be asked , why I did not act upon them in the late session , by moving _myxelf on this question ? I answer , because I considered it restvd more properly in other hands—1 mean tho & o of Hon . Members more directly connected with tbe anti-Con Law League ; and I , therefore , felt I should net be justified in taking on myself the responsibility of any step which had not their concurrence j this was a case in which , as I conceive , on individual member was

      properly called on to defer to the opinions of oth . r members , especially gentlemen representing the views of so influential a body as the anti-Corn Law League . it is right I should state to you tbat I disagree from many Members in the allegation , that questions affecting the rights of the people Bhould not bo pushed to tho test of a division , unless a large minority could be _rallied : —I consider that if the question bo one which ia in itself proper to be raised , it will suffer less by a small division than by waiving the question , or by tiebating it without dividing . Under existing circumstances , questions affecting the advancement of popular liberty can only be carried by the excitement of a moral power out of doors;—and I hold that thia moral power

      cannot be raised by any Parliamentary proceedings , unless the leaders in Parliament prove their own Sincerity by having the moral couraee to face a great opposing majority . When the people see a few mem hers struggling under adverse circumstances for their rights , attention is drawn to them , their propositions are diecussed out of doors , and , if worthy ' of _support , au enthusiasm is excited in their favour . I think that the practice of what may be termed flash motions , has been carried to a great and injurious extent in former Parliaments . After hours spent in speeches , we have often found th j result , " Motion t > y leave withdrawn . " 1 think this ; _-nict ' ca tends to bring the Parliament into contempt with the country , and lead * to no useful result .

      There is one other _subject to which I wish to draw the attention of my constituents , not strictly _forming a portion of my parliamentary conduct in tho late session , but : it _tli'i & _i ! iic time intimately _connected with it . In my _agrees , I state as follows : " With refereiuo to Ireland , I claim for that _pjrtton cf the United Kingdom , equal rights , privileges , a : d franchises with Britnin , and 1 ' . _iti-sire to inc : > rpor : _ito the interests oi tbj two Countries by the communication of mutui _advautas--s , _through tic means of just ami impartial y > rinciple 3 of united legislation . " There wero no

      _measures introduced ir . the last session which had _particular reference to reoarnto _Iii _^ h Legislation ; but sii : _ce the recess o- _Parliament , I have deemed it _rLLt to _publ' _-ih my _opinions on tho present system of a _^ itaMon earned en by Mr . 0 Conneil , in Ire-Ian-1 , _'• ith tha prof jssed object of repealing the Union . As I think it pro . er 'H' _evwry jure of my public _conduct shr . uH _b _^ m ' -. . o known to my constituents , I er . _eloso i _.-i .-jwi . li espies of the letters I published on that j-ul jt _it— v v _' ch . _bting placed in your hands , any of my _Ci' : i _^ it « _-nt-3 who _ilusire it , may have an opnoituni _' . y of _r-ferring to . ¦

      It - -, niv nw . ution _, previous to tho _nv-xt session of Par ; ia :. ' / . ' 7 i :, to _appear personally btforo tho . ve whom I have the _honour ' . 0 represent , na ; aely , th ;) constituency f the Borough of Rochua ' _o , —and then to inform myself more fully of their wants and their _wishes , and to _lewive such observations •« thty uKiy thin ) : tic to :: ; a ' .-e , upon the _coiuruuniciuou which I now _iako leave to address to them . I ant , dear Sir , Your sincere friend , Wm . SHA . KM _& K Crawford . _C-awfordsburn _, Bangor , Ireland , Nov . 13 'h , 1811 .

      To The Chartists Of Southampton. Brother...

      TO THE CHARTISTS OF SOUTHAMPTON . Brother . Chartists , —A National Petition has been drawn up , and approved of by the . Executive , _r-. ncl they have also decided , that in order , that that Petition should be duly respected an its presentation in Parliament , it should be backed by a General Convention of the industrious classes . Thia , then , being decided on , it is incumbent on you , as well as every _Chaitist throughout the British empiiv , to be active and industrious , in _getting as many signatures to it as possible .

      Will yeu . then , Chartists of Southampton , remain apathetically indiffurent to the call of your fellow countrymen , a : d cowardly shrink from performing your share of duty in the effort of a glorious _redemption of your class from political _slavery ? I tnow many of you are ( and I cannot but sympathise with you ) shackled by ths despotism of your masters , or in other respects trammelled by domestic tyranny . Yet for ail this if you are inclined to do that which the distressed state of your country requires you should do , you tan do it , and in a manner without iujuriDg _either yourselves or families . No rational man would expect you to do that But where there is a will there Is a way In ev _^ ry case . So there is in this . Because if you cannot assist , by any other _meana , you can in a pecuniary way . By such you can secure from other quarters that aid which you require , without endangering yourselves .

      Yet , notwithstanding this persecution which you uffer , can yoa independently lift your heads aloof , and ot feel the indignity of your situation ? Can you _upip . ely lie down under such vile oppression , and not lake an effort to release yourselves ? No , rather laim the ri ghts of freemen , and stand in the image of cur Maker f earlessly advocating the truth , and under very circumstance determined to maintain it , than tain your souls with such foul degradation bysubmiting ) it Having lately come from Bath to Southampton , I am 'ithou _. a doubt a stranger to many of you , and known Qt to a fsw . It might be thought presumptuous inui « 1 thus addressing you . Nevertheless , I cannot be lactive , aud _buffer the cause to remain in the state 'hich I unhappily find it in this place .

      I therefore _appeal to you to arouse and do your duty _, he _tinia is come when every solitary Chartist must be ; his post , not quarrelling about the superiority of this

      To The Chartists Of Southampton. Brother...

      or that plan , but unitedly struggling to obtain their rights . The plan as laid down by the Executive is a good one . Pursue it with energy and spirit ; it must ultimately succeed . , , In the first place , you must obtain a place to meet in , for it is only by meeting and public discussions that you can create that unity of sentiment so desirable to a just and firm union . This I hope will be done shortly , and that we may have in this place as many signatures to the National Petition as any place , in _proportion to its inhabitants . i Sincerely hoping you will attend to this , I remain , your * , S . BAETLETT .

      To Feargus O'Connor, Esq " My Lords And ...

      TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR , ESQ " My Lords and Gentlemen , believe me , that no human being , has a more thorough contempt for a mere politician , than I have , whether he be Whig , Tory , Radical , or Chartist , except ho has some great social object in view . Lock up the laud to-morrow , and I would not give yoa twopence for the Charter next day , because you would have deprived it of its jeweVF . O'Connor to the Landlords of Ireland , third letter . " My maxim , to day is tho same , which I laid down for you in 1831— ' A fair day's wage for a fair day ' s work . ' dive that , and use your political power for the conversion of machinery into man ' s holiday instead of being man ' s curse . "—F _; O'Connor to the Landlords of Ireland , second letter .

      Sir,—Tbe Great Error Of Allreformers, Ha...

      Sir , —Tbe great error of allreformers , has ever been their endeavours to conciliate those whose only sense ot right is their own personal aggrandisement . To meet this , they have one and all shunned the true position , and , consequently , all by wbich they ever could command consideration or respect They who contend for either more or less than justice _awards , are reprehensible ; they whose arbiter that principle is , can alone bejiwtifled . Principles are eternal , and know no change : to compromiso is to desert them , and to leave any part to

      covered is te betray them . To rejeot or a _^ ree dispense with any right or privilege that justice entitles us to , is to reject the goodness of God . Nature does nothing in vain , neither does a principle of justice demand more than is really necessary . No followers of justice can give ground or make conditions of any kind farther than is dictated by principle . Monopoly , or not monopoly , is the grand distinction between justice , and injustice ; and they who would benefit the human race , must understand it as regardless of all consequences .

      Sir , are you prepared to test Chartism by principle ? If so , now is the time to submit its tenets to arbitration , so as to disentangle what is really Chartiam from the Malthueian Whig axioms that have all along been mixed up with it . Tbis much is necessary to make it consistent and intelligible ; and without which _itcannet be consolidated , nor brought within the range prescribed by justice ; aud this must be the case before it succeed-Then why defer enquiry ? iinoe what must be , _» hall oe as well do so now as then . I know it is no agreeable task for a friend to strike within tho limits of a concentrated move ; nor would I , wero it not to avert the certain ruin that must result from following delusion _. As truth leads to truth , so urro- to error ; therefore tbe sooner all er ; rs are expunged the better .

      " Repeal the Corn Laws , - have high wages , plenty te eat , and plenty to do . " So say tho Whigs . " Down with all monopolies , repeal all unjust taxation , and have a fair day ' s wage for a fair day ' s work . " So say the Chartists . These statements aro similar in their nature , aud 1 hesitate not to say that those who assert either have as yot much to learn concerning the nature of the consitution we live under . Ba it known to all , servitude and monopoly are co-existent—twin brothers Destroy tbe one and you annihilate the other . I know a system can bo promulgated where monopoly can be

      dispensed with ; but men in tbat case will not live by servitude ; nor have either Chartists or Whigs considered the nature of that system , I will not _fol lew either party through the labyrinth of nonsensical twaddle by which they support their views en these matters , but _fchali vest contented with ono plain statement , namely , I object to a repeal of these monopolies ; not because I consider i hem just , or in any shape a necessary part of legislation , but because the _people have not properly considered the _res _, ults that will follow , nor are _ptepared to meet them .

      It has been said , repeal tho Corn Laws , and the balance will be in favour of the money holders ; or expunge ths national debt , and tho balance will be in favour of the landholders , which propositions are quite nood ; repeal either monopoly , and the remaining monopolists will be the employers cf those who live by labour ; do away with both , and to whom shall the labourer go with his oniy commodity ? It is quite clear that neither of these can purchase his labour , as none , of either party , _btlug money into the world , so can neither have it but by monopoly ; in some _shspa , destroy these , and it is of no use to look for employment in that quarter . Under such circumstances , what shall become of those whose ouly dependence is labour ? I know though all existing monopolies were repealed ,

      others might ba substituted j say that every one above six feot high should be entitled to a few hundred thousands per annum , cr that p . ll above twelve stone weight should be similarly privileged ; then these would becomo aristocrats , and employ labourers , and be looked up to , and become _iriflaeiitinl , the same as the aristocracy now is , and men would busy themselves to attain those qualifications , the samo as is done at present , only differing according to tho diffvicnt nature of the monopoly ; un _> ier such regulations , the system of governing now pursued might go on quite as much in accordance with the spirit of justico , as at _preseut _, and any other similar scheme may be adopted , and the same results will follow . Bat this much knowall —withont a privileged class in some _thape , tho present

      Constitution cannot exist . It is a > _-ystem ot servitude , and those who employ servants must , iu the first place , he provided with the means of _paying-thetn , along _tvith the appropriation of the means whereby men can live _othtrwisu , which must be enforced before a system iiks ; ours can bo brought into operation ; but being understood and faithfully ui _^ _lniaiiit ;' , the system , as a system , of master aud servant , m ;' . y be turned as you _W'iU in all othur _rtspecta ; but if tho present method of carrying oa that system in done a ' _-vay , and nothing of a similar _nature _eubstitutefl , thtn down the system must come . And I ask the _question seriously , are tho people prc ; _-Lued to undergo th _» vtry material change that must follow , and if jot , is it either prudent or s & fe to destroy th * present order cf _things ?

      Those who would have a proper view of tbe effects of _innL-binery on cur legislat . _vc system , should c _? mp :. _- _. a tho positions of parties among US at this day _wi'h what they were 10 . 0 years ago . We know the great change since then is attributed to the revolutions of Franco and America . Repeal the monopolies these created , such as tho National Debt and the Com _La"A-3 , all of which might _l-. _ivs been gone into indeptndent of _either , and v ; e sr > . a ! l find the only part they had in tho matte ? was , that they furnished a pretext for creating the . ?;? . Why did mechanical skill _aluuO' _- _> : i - iu th « arms of our artisans before th « n ?—Where were our numerous ships and lair cities ?—Why w _*» ro merchandise so cheap and wages so low?—Why did our population not increase ? all for tho very palpable _reason , —we had no field for the display of our

      energies ; the monopoly of land then existed , and no more of anynoto ; an I the great body of the po _^ n ' _-. j lived ihe feudal slaves of those who held it , until other monopolies were created which gave others , not _landholders , the opportunity of calling forth _thesa energies _,, the influence of which has created tho present statn of things . At a rough calculation the at cant has been since 1780 ; ' since _^ hen _therevonuebasdoubh d and quadrupled ; tho prlct ) of land , and all connected therewith , population _, _demand for labour , and mechanical skill , have risen in a corresponding ratio ; and wero it not for the introduction of machinery , by raising the revenue ten lim- s higher than now , all kinds of property wonld rise also , and the result would be an ir skas _^ d demand for labour , higher wages , increase of population , & c . & c . ; this to any extent ( keeping tbe _exception in view ) , as often as-the-means were-applied .

      That whose blighting -influence will _damothe present order of things is machinery , _na its effect is to _paraljZJ manual labour ; in thia it not only threatens the annihilation of the great body of workmen , but likewise thosu who employ it . Machinery consumes not , and by supplying ths place of those whs do , must curtail _tto demand for articles of coniHi > rce ; add to this the txtinction of all monopolies . _» i \ d who are the consumers ? These may manufacture for each other , but farther than this they have no mart ; though partly seen , thisis but slightly felt , aa yet : let the preparations now going on be completedaud we shall know more of it . However

      , many idlers , and whatever the rate of wages now are , we shall then have more of the one and ' less of tbo othw . The manufacturer ' -will not derive large profits from his _speculation among the working part of the community ; ami what are his prospects on the other sHe ? If he chooses to give the aristocracy money in the shape of monopoly , and then succumb , and cringe , and become a tool in their handsthen they may ba induced to hecorno his customers , or , at least , the customers of that part of the mercantile world who can outdo the rest in these particulars , and even thia when they hold tbeir monopolies , and no

      longer . From these considerations , there is enough to stimulate all the active part of mankind , to look out for a system whereby they may mutually benefit each other . Strange that these should use means to straiten each other's paths , jfor tho mere purpose of maintaining a parcel of drones , and eventually give their substance to these merely to procure a market for their produce ; yot , however _extraordinary , _suchis the meaning and intent ; and all that can be obtained by the present system .

      As these things are necessary or not , that system may be justified or not ; one thing I am sure of , none will say it io just ; none will say that ha rmony or peace are its results ; ' . and' from bearing the statements of all parties , I see little to recommend it to _lonsi-leration of any kind , in preference to any system , having the least shallow of justice or benevolence t o recommend it Still this much is necessary to be known concerning the unnatural , delusive , unequitable , cruel system of servitude and slavery , before we can with any degree of

      Sir,—Tbe Great Error Of Allreformers, Ha...

      certainty or _safetyoiumber it / with the things that were . That it entirely depends on having a p iviieged © lass ; while it exists , that class must exist ia some _shapa ; and if it is to be discontinued , tbe more numerous that _elars _, and the more they receive , i * will be better for those who work _^ _tt'iigaiBes very little how they _receive their incomes , as all ; monopolies are unjust . Still , if _weare to understand from tho agitated state of the public min > H that the peeple are wearied of a state of things where justice has no part ,-in '<} od " S name , sje they prepared withasubstitute ? If so , and if it is satisfactory and sufficiently understood , down with the praaent aysteni ; but if not , be aware of pulling

      down that , however _deteetabte , on which on * very existence depends , if you Would not see all burled in ita ruins j if you are Inclined to fall back to the state you were in before , the Corn Laws ' , National Debt ; and the circumstances therewith connected existed , ' prepare to do so ; draw the preamble of aa act for par * celling out the land . In email allotments f hive it passed , and retire under its provisions , and' take your living from the soil , the mere serfs of the _landowners , as you then were , tben farewell improvement and . nil our sanguine topes ; and along with _thesa liberty , and justice , farewell . , " I bave the honour to be , Sir , your obedwht servant , Charles Duncan . ( To be continued in cur next . )

      Publio Meeting At Paisley Brewster Defea...

      PUBLIO MEETING AT PAISLEY BREWSTER DEFEATED AT ONE OF HIS OWN . ' . MEETINGS . On Wednesday evening , the 17 th inst ., a public meeting of the inhabitants of Paisley was held in the Old Low Church , called at the instance of the above Rev . Gentleman , for the purpose of _hearing him deliver a lecture on the best meant ? of obtaining the Charter . Ths price of admission to hear the lecture was one half-penny , which gave very great offence to the majority of the working classes , thousands of whom are out of work at

      present ; aad , when the Rev . Gentleman entered , which was about an hour after the time which he had appointed , he was met by a most _indignant volley of hisses , amid cries of " Ye made it a bawbee of admission to prevent us from getting in , " After order was restored , Mr . Robert _Cochrane , a true blue Brcwsterite , proposed Mr . Wood as chairman ; and Mr . Wm . Houston proposed Mr . James Peterson , who , on taking the chair , was received with tremendous cheers .

      The Chaibuan having read the bill for calling the meeting , Mr . Brewster , in his usual way of sowing the scads of . dissension , instead of proceeding with hiB lecture , aaid that he was afraid that seme physical force men had got ia amongst hie Committee , and had altered a word in the bill , or perhaps it might have been a physical force printer who hail done it . ( Much hissing , and cries of " get on with your lecture . " ) The Rev . Gentleman then proceeded with his lecture , the opening part of whioh was to tbo effect that we , aa Chartists , ought not to epposo any class of , Reformers , whether they were going for a repeal of the Corn Laws , cr for any other measure of reform , but let us . steadily-persevere for nothing less than the Charter . It boob

      became evident , however , that the Rev . Gentleman was labouring in deep water , - .. caused , as we supposed , by his adherents not being _abls to carry tbeir Chairman , for he boob left off _reading hia lecture , and , in a very forcible manner , appealed to the feelings of the unemployed , a great number of whoa were present , stating to them what was the law of nature in regard to the poor , if the proper authorities did not . provide for them , although he would not advise tbem to follow the said law . But all this would not do , for when a remark was made by any of these unfortunate but ill-fed individuals net to the taste , of the Rev . Gentleman , he immediate !}* turned round , and , in the most un _^ _emlenianiy maimer , charged them , with being wrong in their garrets or upper stories , olios tho Drain , aiid denounced them as spies and traitors : and in one instance he became

      ; o exasperated that he drew himself up like a fiend of darkness , and pointing to a certain portion of the _audience , _eaid , in a voice of . hysterio . passi < n , "These are the hungry wretches whom I have fed , who have come here to-night to opposo _nxe . " At the conclusion of this sentence euoh horrific murmurs ef just and strong indignation took place as would have appalled any other than tbo living bronzi statue who stood fcaoro them . Still the Rev . Gentleman proceeded , and launched out into a tirade of abufo against , a certain portion of tho Chartist leaden-, and when he alluded to Mr . O'Connor , it was always , followed by three cheers for him . The meeting now became bo uproarious that he wcr-obliged to cut his lecture short . At the conclusion 01 which , to cur utter _astonishment _.

      Mr . Robebt Cochrane rose and moved a resolution to the _effoct , That the thanks _t > f this meeting be given to tiie Lecturer for his able lecture , coupled with a Vota of . cAmmre on some of the Chartist leaderg , who had not gone along with Mr . Brewster in all his crotchets . John _CaMPBEicr ., Esq . one of the . members of the Town Council of Paisley , moved the following amendment , " That this meeting has no confidence in the Rev . Patrick Brewster as a Chartist , " ( TremendQUfl applause . ) The Chairman having put the motion and the amendment , gave it as hia opinion that the

      amendment was carried by a i _» ost decided majority . Mr . Brewster , as usual , protested against the decision of the Chairman ; and the Chairman , to humour him , said he would put the vote _again , r . nd called on Mr . Wm . Campbell and the Rev . Mr . Kennedy to act with him in deciding on tbe vote . The vote having again been put , the Chairman _arfhered to his former opinion . ¦ Th e Rev . Mr . Kennedy" said that he had some difficulty in-deotaing , " but he rather thought that the major ; : y _tvas in favour of Mr . Brewster . Mr . VVji . Campbell said he bad no difficulty whatever in giving his opinion , and that was , that tho amendment was carried by three to two .

      Mr . _'Kt- ; nnkdy -said that ho was of opinion that orje of > iv * ouj . ets for which the meeting was called , hads : ;' . ! boon overlooked , v ' z ., that some ! hing should hf , dono to heal the division that existed among the Chart :-ty , for which reasons , he would submit a fow resolutions . The resolutions of Mr . Kennedy , three in number , wore tho same in substance , as the rules and renulau _. ; tis of t : _ie _Lansrkshireand Renfrewshire Political Unions . At this stage of the proceeding * , Mr . Poi . in read 'ha rules of the Renfrewshire Universal Suffrage Association , and paid that lie saw no use for Mr .

      Kennedy's _resolutions , aa they were just about the Fame ns those ho had now read , an J that the said rcsolu'ionshad been acted on {¦ ¦ ince ' _- 'Febrr . ary last , by the ouly political union in existence in _Paisb-y . Mr . _Brewster said that there , was a very great difference between the _resolutions read Ly Mr . Kennedy and those read by Mr . _ Viin , and that ho ( Mr . Brewster ) _intended to move an amendment , but , if Mr , Polin would withdraw _his resolutions so that they might all bo unanimous on the resolutions of Mr . Kennedy , he would not press the amendment , which he intended torn five . Mr . Polin at once _agreed to the _suggestion of Mr . Brewster : when , toil it not on the _Calton

      Hillpublish it not in Birmingham — whisper it not in tho ear of the Lord Major of Dublin , that tho Rev . Gentleman at once recanted , and said , " Well , we will have one quartervf an hour of it yrv _* v' and forward he ctma . Aft _» . r a > peech of fifteen minutes , he concluded with his amendwent of ** Under no _circumstauces whatever-as aa association , will we resort to arm ;* . " Now , ' said the Keverend Gentleman , do you not see the force of ¦ such a resolution ; if yoa are attacked , dissolve your union , and then you are ready for yonr enemies ,

      seemg that you aro man organised state . After a considerable pause , the Chairman asked if the amendmen t of Mr . Brewster was seconded . ( Criesof " KO , no ") ¦ ' ¦ ¦ Mr . _Beewsteb then leaned over the side of the pulpit , and _asked home of his committee , if none of them would second his amendment , when one of them said that , upon principle , ' he could do no SHch thing . \ ¦; ' . Mr . Bbewstf . k then , in an imploring manner , requested the Chairman to put it to the meeting , if no one would second his amendment .

      The _Cjiaibman replied that he had asked the meeting three different times , but that he wonld do ic a fourth . Having dona so , an individual in the gallery _taid , not that he approved of the amendment , bat _t-j at they might get the proceedings brought to a close , he would second it . The amendment was then put , when all the hands which we saw held op were only ait , each individual holding np both hands , the principal acted upon durin g the whole of the votes that wero taken . A forest of hands was then held up for the

      resolutions of Mr , Kennedy , whioh appeared to as to be an unanimous vote , with tho exception of the three who voted for the amendment . , Three cheera were then given for Mr . O'Connor , and three groans for Mr . Brewster . A unanimous vote of thanks was then given to the Chairman for his impartial conduct in tho chair , when the meeting broke up about two o ' olock in the morning . The above is merely an outline of tho meeting _, we would have given the speeches at length , but it would bave occupied too much space in v oui-vssduablfl paper . — _. _FrpwaCorrespondent . _Ayy _ AJ

      The three poor law unions c nufacturihg population of the bor ter and Salford , with their immedi ; contain altogether no less than i —Liverpool Standard . 3 -X _£

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 27, 1841, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_27111841/page/7/