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Northern Star (1837-1852), 27th November 1841, Edition 3 of 6, Page 4, John Thomson, Pastor of the Christian Ch...

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    • THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 27,...
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      Lrohdok Dispatch, Bride Lane-Meeting Of ...

      LrOHDOK DISPATCH , BRIDE LANE-MEETING OF THE COMMITTEE TO , _INVESTIGATE THE CHARGE BROUGHT * BY MR- BENBOW AGAINST DR . M'DOUALL . Mr . Brown was called to the chaw , and it was arrr . nsred that Messrs . Benbow and M'Douall Bhould be allowed a quarter of an hour alternately , to state snd reply to the charge ; and that , if possible , the proceedings should be eonfined to one hour . Mr . B « jfBOW then handed in , m writing , to the Cb * irman , the _following charge : —

      " I present that Peter Murray M'Douall , late of _Chester Castle , being a recognised leader of the Chartists—that the said Peter Murray M'Douall , late Jd ~ C used his influence to excite discontent in the minds of the persecuted Chartists ; and did urge them , by persuasion and representations , of terror to a breach of faith with their brethren ; and , in violation of the sacred cause of justice and freedom , traitorously advised snch _Chanists to p lead guilty to certain false alleged charges , to the _disgrace and grt & t scandal of all good men , and the evil example of others against the sacred cause of justioe and freedom . " The _Chaisman inquired whether this was the whole of the charge or charges he had to bring against Dr . M'Douall , to which

      Mr . Bksbow gave an evasive answer , bat ultimately said that the charge he had handed in contained all that he had to advanee ' against Dr . M'Douall—that he had none other . Mr . Cuffay inquired whether he was prepared , by documents or evidence , to support the charge . Mr . Besbdw—I call npon Dr . _M'Douail to say whether he is guilty or not . I have not the whole of xnj documents with me , but when I had them and ihe witnesses , Dr . M'Douall was non est inventus . I need no witness ; I call upon the Doctor to answer my charge of advising John Broadbent , of Ashton , John Wright , Armitage , Peeling , Essler , of Stockport , Barnett , _Stubbs , Savage , "Weavers of Macclesfield , Roberts , of Liverpool , Deegan , of Staljbridge , and Pwaw & on , of Bury , to plead guilty of the crimes of which a vile Government accused them ; there are others whom he likewise advised . The _OwiTPirtN here asked for the whole of the names to be suited .

      Mr . _Bksbow—I cannot at this moment think of others , bat these are sufficient for my purpose . Dr . M _* Docall said it was a strange course for him to be called upon to plead guilty to this charge , when no evidence had been adduced . Of these men , whom he was charged with advising to plead guilty , one was dead , and three were in America . The only part of the charge which was correct was regarding the man Savage ; and how singular that Mr , Benbow had forgotten Robinson and Lowe , who were associated with him in the same indictment . I acknowledge advising these three men to plead guilty . I gave them a public document to give to the men of Macclesfield npon their release , stating my reasons for so doing , 'f o these reasons the men of

      Macclesfield never objected ; if they have not done bo , how is it that Mr . Benbow has taken so much trouble in the matter 1 1 advised _thene men to plead guilty , _because they had already suffered six or seven months' imprisonment for want of bail , in tho small _snm of _^ 25 . I was preparing their brief for the Assizes when a message came from the prosecutors , that they would be released if they would plead guilty , accompanied with a threat that if they did not they would oe more harshly treated , which , in the ease of Weaver , who wonld not plead guilty , was carried into effect . His bail was doubled , and he was sent to hard labour in the neighbouring workhouse . I stand on the case of these three men ; I never advised

      others . To these men I gave a public document , which any one can procure by writing to Macclesfield . I saw that they were starving on skilly , that they could not get bail—that being unknown no sympathy was shown for them ; that only 26 s . was _eollee ' . _zd for them while in prison : I saw they could do no good to the cause , and much injury to themselves by remaining in prison . I did not plead guilty myself . If I advised—if I excited men to acts which led to their imprisonment , I had ought to be the sufferer . I deny the right of any working man to suffer throngh me—if I can _consistenly prevent it . It was no disgrace to them in accepting this compromise . They did not succomb ; the offer

      came from the prosecutor—they were not shackled with any bail or recognizances—they are men who are now active in the cause ; men whom 1 respect . It was eight months after my imprisonment , when they came ont ; the excitement was then gone by . If I was placed in the same circumstances , I would act in precisely a similar manner ; with respect to ihe other names , Mr . _Deegan acknowledges thai Mr . O'Connor advised him and others to plead guilty . Why does not Mr . Benbow also accuse him ? Is n isecanse I am the weaker party- Essler was going to be married , and from the first determined to plead guilty . Rawson also did so , and came back from America to answer a charge of felony that had been preferred against him .

      Mr . Benbow—He had forgotten to mention Robinson snd Lowe ; but these were not all he had advised ; our prison was like a levee with persons coming to visa * and ask the doctor ' s advice ,- and who , by his persuasion , pleaded guilty . Essler pleaded _guilty , but before the do : tor persuaded him to plead guilty , they were at daggers drawn ; but , when he came to that determination , they were the best of friends . The doctor lent him his slippers , aEd thought he could not do too muoh for nun . I only mention this to show the feeling which existed . I _reieryou to the noble answer made by Weavers to the Judge on his trial . " My Lord , the seven men who _esood in the dock with me have been charged with feeing tricked and atrocious characters , they have 3

      pleaded _irniliy ; they may be so , but I ara not guilty , ' and the judge complimented him for his _conduct-The Doctor and I were oa the best of terms until he advised these men to plead guilty . He has asked why I did not charge Feargus O'Connor , who was also gcil ty of the same conduct . It was my determination not to be drawn into alluding to Mr . O'Connor ; but does it exonerate the Doctor , because another has acted the same 1 Is the crime improved because another follows it 1 The following 13 an ex ' . _r-ji from a letter written by Feargus 0 _"Conjior , at ihe time the physical force men were _figuring in London . Mr . Benbow then read from his

      written documents aa extract from the Northern Star of April 10 : h , 1841 . He meant to _abst-in from this subject , unless driven into it . Can a man be honest who connives at dishonesty in others , who gives advice which he will not act on himself V such condnct was infamons . Mr . Benbow theu dilated on the infamy of perjury , giving an extract from St . _Chrysostom , stating that the man who committed perjury was guilty of a greater crime than he who committed murder . Long before his triai , _Dr-M'Douall had stated that he ( Mr , Benbow ) would be harshly treated , would meet with severe punishment . How could he be aware oi this , unless he was a tool in the hands of the vilest faction that

      ever disgraced a country ! I respected , I honoured Dr . M'Douall for his condnct , pre _' _vions to his giving that advice , but ever since then 1 opposed him , which begot a sourness between me av : d his friends . Robinson and Lowe were good honest men ; m _? n of superior attainments to the generality 01 working men , and I believe they , and all the other prisoners , would have got off with clean hands without pleading _gniiiy . How eonld Dr . M'Douall know that they would be discharged , unless he had some compromise with their prosecutors ?

      Dr . _WTWtit . t _.. —I will not detain you by _referring to what must be plain to you—the motives which prompted my advice to these men . I was one of the earliest victims in the cause ; I defended myself on that occasion , and yon saw but little in my conduct that might tempt jou to accuse me of either treachery or cowardice . I go ; the information that these men would be discharged if they pleaded guilty , from Mr . Clarkson . of Bradford , who was employed on the behalf of most of the Chartist prisoners 1 he acquired the information from Mr . Jervis , Member of Parliament for Chester . If Lowe and _Robinson

      were good men , and of sueh superior abilities , is not strange that they _should be so readily satisfie with my traitorous advice 1 Previous to giving the this advice , I had written to Feargus O'Conno that they might be allowed to have a portion of tl money raised for a Defence Fund ; it appears th : Mr . Benbow was jealous of my levee as he calls i Many persons just before and during tbe assize were admitted to the prison , and many of the called upon me in regard to Mr . Benbow ' s _punisl sieni . I do not recollect saying that he wouid 1 severely punished , bnt I know that from his beii known to the Government in ancient times , it wi my impression that he would be so . Dr . Maginn to ' me I should have two or three years imprisonment .

      met him the other day and told him he was wrong ii his judgment ; heinfonnedmelhadonlytotbankmy self that I got off so well . I might with _equa reason call him a government tool . I have _evei done my duty both in prison and ont of prison . . advised these men to plead guilty . I wouid do » again under similar circumstances . Mr . Benbov aaid he meant to abstain from speaking of O'Connor Why , then , had he prepared a case against him ii his written document ! I was first to be attacked aa the weaker party , and _Feargns O'Connor was U be shot at throngh me ; but if I am a butt to be aho at , I know , white I do my duty , I shall have th snnnort of the _noblie . of that oublic who have place *

      _ae in the high position I bave the honour to hold aad if Mr . Benbow thinks that I am the weake party , he will be mistaken—he will find that whil I continue to perform my duty I shall meet i nation ' s support . Why did not Mr . Benbow _brinj this charge immediately on hiB _release from prison why delay it 1 It was then moved , w r ihat both parties having been heard , tbe Com mittee do decide . " Mr . Bestow . —I have not yet been able to go infc the whole of my evidence in support of the charge . Mr . Benbow was then allowed _three-quarters 0 au hoar , or longer if _necessery , that he might have foil opportunity of proving his case .

      Lrohdok Dispatch, Bride Lane-Meeting Of ...

      Mr . Benbow occupied the time in a reiteration of his formeT statements , and stated that he had seen the same charge brought against the Doctor by Mitchell and Davis , in the Stockport and other papers ; that he had attended on the Manchester Conneil , on his release from prison , and urged them to investigate the subject , and had stayed eig ht weeks in Manchester at great inconvenience to himself , thinking thej would do w ; they wished him to Btate it at a pnblic mooting , bat this fie declined , thinking the Council could best investigate . From the commencement I reasoned with him against this advice , and told him that instead of advising men to plead guilty and get released , we should have endeavoured to fill to excess the jails with victims , that government might see the folly and wickedness of their

      conduct , and be compelled to change it . Ever since the Doctor had persisted in refusing his advice he had not exchanged a word with him . He could not even sit in the same room with him , not even with friends . I told him emphatically I had done with him . I also charge him with writing letters to people in London and the country , prejudicing them against me . ( Mr . Benbow being asked for names , said a Mr . Hogg , of London , had received one . ) I have not seen the letter , bat it stated that it would be well to get up a demonstration for O'Connor or for O'Brien , but Benbow was nil . I am willing to meet tho Doctor at any public _steering . I wish to have the names of this Committee . I wish yon to do justice to me and injustice to no one , but aot as men in the sight of God and your country .

      Dr . M'Douall , in an eloquent address replied to Mr . Benbow , and Baid he felt convinced they would return an honest verdict , one which would exonerate him from even the suspicion of being a traitor . Mr . Goodfellow then moved the following resolution , " That the charge of being a traitor broagbt b y Mr . Benbow against Dr . M'Douall , is , from the evidence before ns , frivilous and unfounded . " Mr . Knight seconded the resolution . Mr . Watts agreed with the resolution that the charge waa unfounded and frivolous , yet Mr . Benbow was an old veteran in the cause , active before many of ub were born ; he should therefore , to endeavour to allay resentments , move as an amendment , " That no charge impugning the character of Dr . M'Douall has been proved by the evidence that Mr . Benbow has adduced ; but that Mr . Benbow has acted under the influence of mistaken motives . "

      A little discussion ensued on the propriety of amalgamating the two , but the original resolution was finally carried , and the whole of the nine Committee men—namely , Messrs . Martin , Goodfellow , Knight . Drake , Wilkinson , Rogers , Cuffay , Watts , and Brown , having appended their names to it , handed it to Dr . M'Douall . The investigation was carried on in & calm , deliberate manner , which did great credit to the men who conducted it ; and we trust the affair is for ever set at rest _.

      The Northern Star Saturday, November 27,...

      THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , NOVEMBER 27 , 1841 .

      Objections To The National Petition Met ...

      OBJECTIONS TO THE NATIONAL PETITION MET AND REPLIED TO BY THE EXECUTIVE . We displace , with much pleasure and satisfaction , an article which we had written on the objections of some of our Scottish brethren to some points of the National Petition for the following temperate , wellreasoned , and conclusive document , issued by the Executive and received by us on the day of going to press : — " TO OVB BRETHREN , THE WORK . IMG MEN OF

      SCOTLAND . " Brother Chabtists , —We , the Executive Committee of the National Charter Association , have read the Report of u public meeting held in Glasgow , on Monday , the 8 th of November , in which a resolution to the following effect was carried by a majority ; viz . ' That the inhabitants of Glasgow oppose the introduction of such questions as Repeal of the Union , and Repeal of the English Poor-Law Amendment Act , into the Scottish Petition for Universal Suffrage , and the other Five Points of the People ' s Cnarter . '

      " We do not presume to interfere with the powers of the Central Cemmittee of Scotland , and far less with the just prerogative of the people of Glasgow . We simply address those who voted on that occasion , and the people of Scotland generally , to explain away any cau : e of difference , and reason upon the justice of the position we have adopted . " It is our sincere and ardent hope that the lamentable effects of division may be averted between two nations strugging in the same cause during the most momentous crisis of Chartism . Brethren , we are the servants of a _powerf'il association ; our first duty is to act according to the will of the majority of its members , and we feel justly proud that our _exertious hitherto have secured the respect , confidence , and support of our constituents .

      " We doubt not but your adopted Council have acted from the same motives , and that their exertions have been rewarded in a similar manner , and it is because we believe so , that we look with considerable apprehension upon the slightest _difference which may arise between the leading Councils of two great people , hitherto united ; and still -we fervently hops to be one in mind , in measures , and in _Chartism . " We should have been rejoiced , bad the leaders of the movement in Scotland favoured ua with their advice , and accepted of ours in return . We

      conceive that every shadow of difference would have vanished , and this address been entirely useless . We address yon now in the name of tbe English people , who have , without a dissentient voice , adopted , and are now signing , tbe National Petition , prepared by the Executive council , which has likewise been adopted by several important meetings in Scotland . Let our reasons be maturely weighed , and may our Scottish brethren give their decision , not for the sake of England and Ireland , but for the sake of that cause of justice , which recognizes no distinction between men , and permits no prejudice to exist between nations of oppressed and insulted

      bondsmen . "Brethren , those who have differed with us are men of acknowledged talent , men whose rectitude of conduct has excited the admiration of their English friends ; and we imagine that zeal in the cause has originated their watchfulness , lest any agitation should arise , short of that which has gloriously existed for the People ' s Charter alone . We respect snch justifiable _jealosy of purpose ; but we stand second to none in steadily pursuing the one grand object of our agitation , and in battling with factious opponents and cunning designers of half measures , calculated to delude and divide the people .

      " Our Excellent friends , Ross , Thompson , and Cullen , we suppose to have mistaken the objects and aim . 3 of the _National Petition , and to have acted under the supposition , that other questions were to be agitated besides the _Peopk ' s Charter ; we do not complain of an opposition , which a brief explanation , we feel confident , wiil reciify and remove . " The National Petition is ' divided into three parts . Firstly , we describe and prove the Government of the country to be in the hands of an irresponsible class , in other words , we begin with the cause of misery , misgoveroment , and slavery . Secondly , we proceed to point out the _efffcts _, and enumerate , _amongst many other grievances , the New Poor Law and the Irish Union . We have even mentioned monopolies of every kind , so as to anticipate objections . Thirdly , we petition for , and demand the only _remedy , which is thu People ' s Charter .

      "It is , therefore , qui Ve clear that the relation of _grievances is a mere preamble , or pleading , before the petition ; and we distinctly declare that those signing the petition arc not pledged to an agitation for the removal of any one evil , but solely to tho adoption of the People ' s Charter , as the grand remedy for all . _sWhe last clause of the petition explains thisfully . We there say as follows : — ' Your petitioners , therefore , exercising their just constitutional right , demand that your Honourable House , to remedy the many gross and manifest evils of which

      your petitioners complain , do immediately , without alteration , deduction , or addition , pass into law the document entitled tbe People's Charter , & . c . & o . ' " The great question , in ouropiDion , is as follows : —Is the relation of grievances in the petition just 1 Every Chartist will answer—Yes . Then no Chartist can refuse to acknowledge it by his signature ; especially when that act does not bind him to agitate for or give precedence to those separate questions , whilst the great one of Universal Suffrage is unsettled .

      " The petitioner pleads his case , first , to make it stronger , and concludes with his demand for political power , to remedy now and protect for the future . We will suppose that Scotland objects to the grievances of England and Ireland being mentioned in the preamble of onr petition . If it bo bo , then that measure which is oppressive to labour in England , must be a question of interest and sympathy in Scotland , and pice twja . Wherever labour ' s wrongs and burdens are augmented , _labour ' s rights must be violated , and we have yet to learn that the selfish spirit of oppression has ever bound the English , the

      Scottish , and the Irish heart to their own narrow interests , when the cries of suffering brethren came beseeching aid from afar . Perish such unworthy distinctions between the sister kingdoms ! and let labour at least reserve to itself amidst its degradation and its ruin that holy and sacred sympathy which has ever been exchanged between the oppressed of all nations , that ennobling feeling which the rich may envy but never imitate , that exalted spirit of justice which seeking an immortality of its own , rises > nperioT to tho selfish pursuits of classes and the savage feuds of nations .

      Objections To The National Petition Met ...

      " Brethren , we must avoid the fatal error of two petitions and two Conventions ; our cause is common and our measures should be the same . There cannot be one Chartism for Scotland , and another for England . We cannot have England , Inland , and Wales , pursuing one course , and Scotland another , without planing ourselves wilfully in the power of the enemy , and inviting them to crush xa in succession . This is not a time for difference , but a time for action and if individual quarrels have bronght injury , weakness , and ridicule open our cause , how mnch more must national ones distract the attention of onr supporters , and strengthen and encourage our enemies !

      " Brethren , we must strive to create and preserve that confidence in each other which will secure mutual co-operation on all questions affecting the rights of industry ; and we cannot deny to Ireland that cordial support which we are so anxious to receive from her . Neither ean England and Scotland consistently differ npon the Poor-Law question , after the continued nnion which has existed during the past , whether the question was the Charter or the Corn Laws , the Glasgow Cotton Spinners or the Dorchester Labourers , whether it affected the patriots Gerrald or Moore , or the more recent victims , Frost , Williams , and Jones . The latter ease we could not avoid enumerating in the list of remarkable injuries Inflicted , and we are confident there is not a Chartist in Scotland who would withhold his name , because that oppressive case was recorded in the list of grievances now being endured .

      " Brethren , we have been actuated by tbe best of motives , and whilst we in the spirit of truth declared onr detestation of all oppressive laws , we were not thereby bound to adopt the _crotohets of enthusiasts , or look for a panacea in the repeal of the Poor Law , the Corn Laws , or the abrogation of the Union with Ireland ; at the same time we saw no reason whioh could condemn the mention of our sufferings in a petition for justice . We feel satisfied that there is wisdom in stating reasons why we should have the

      Charter , and no argument can be more effectual than an accredited list of atrocious enactments , disgraceful alike to human nature , as they are destructive to human kind . We urge our grievances in public meetings , in lectures , and in the press , why not in a National Petition I Do we admit at one time what we deny at another ! or are we afraid to acknowledge that our intention is to abolish or amend all enactments grievous to humanity or oppressive to labour 1

      " Brethren , we have embarked in a just cause ; our stake is a large one , and we shall never cease to urge its importance upon the public mind , justl y conceiving the greater the prize the greater exertion will be required to possess it . '' Let it be understood , that we urge no man to agitate for repeal of the Poor Laws ; for the abolition of any one monopoly or injustice ; we are bound to the great question of questions—Universal Suffrage . Our measures point forward , not backward . Brethren , let us have your support , calculate safely on oars in return ; and in conclusion , let it be firmly impressed upon your minds , that our sole objects in drawing up the Petition , have been to direct publio attention to the cause of our national misery , embarrassments , and political bondage ; to

      enumerate grievances which have excited the greatest sympathy , and deserved the most unwearied attention , and to rear , above alLthe glorious and enduring principle of the People ' s Charter . The standard of cur cause is where it was , undiminished in its supreme importance and unshorn of its national interest . Brethren , we shall keep it there : aid ns then , as you have done , ond let union , peace , and energy characterize our united and inseparable exertions in the great cause of England , Scotland , Ireland , and Wales . " Your brethren in Chartism , " P . M . M'Douall , " R . K . Philp , "James Leach , " Morgan Williams , " John Campbell , Sec . "

      We trust tbat the reading of tbis dooument will remove every shadow of a shade of difference of opinion , not only from the minds of oar Scottish friends , who regret tho introduction of those particular grievances , the English Poor Law , and the Irish Union , but also from those of other parties who have written us expressing their regret that more prominency was not given to those subjects in the Petition . The Executive have no easy task ; the anxiety and care attendant on the mighty interests of the masses demand more wisdom , energy , and prudenco than are commonly to be met with ; they exhibit an amount of talent and patriotism equal to their work , and with such a head the movement must progress if the people do their own work and beware of falling out by the way .

      OUR PRESENT STATE AND PROSPECTS , Never within the period of man ' s recollection was the social condition , of the people of this country so deplorable as now . Nor do we see the least prospect of amendment so long as the demented holders of a position , which already trembles under them , continue to keep their footing on the people ' s necks . We have become objects of contempt for our immediate neighbours , and of compassion for our sons and brothers across the Atlantic . Our heart sickened as we read the following truthful , feeling paragraphs from an American paper : —

      ENGLISH LIBERTY . '' The last papers from England , held up the curtain of a scene ot horror , such as the annals of the world , full as they are with crime and misery , can scarcely parallel . While the table of expenses of the English Sovereign are given at 300 , 000 dollars a-year , it is _Btated that in one _manufacturing district there are 400 , 000 of that Queen ' s subjects without work , in a state every hour verging nearer starvation , without the

      remotest prospect of relief . " By day and by night this terrible tale has been ringing in our ears—this picture of horror has been _constantly before ua . We have seen the madness of the father , the despair of the mother , and the pale , beseeching faces of mourning babes . The sun shines on tbem from the azure heavens , the gentle rains fall round them , snd thi-y live upon the beautiful earth , denied the privilege of toil , with nothing before them but the prospect of a horrible death .

      " Here , in one district , within the compass of a few miles , is a population larger by thousands than that of Ntw York city , which has been sinking by slow but certain degrees , lower and lower , till human woe and wretchedness seem to have found its lowest depth , and there , lieshumanity ; helples 8 , _bopeless—the grave yawning alike for the old and the young—all enduring a common fate , and that the most awful that ever scourged the world . " Can anything be done ? Our commiseration

      avails not—our alms could nut reach them , and if they could it woula be but a prolongation of misery . What if we _remonstrate ? Will the haughty aristocrats who now govern England and aspire to the supremacy of the world listen to remonstrance ? They , on whose ears the groans of millions of the down-trodden if all idly as the whirling of the autumn leaves—they , whom the moans of women and children , famishing for bread , cannot soften—will they thus listen to tbe faintly whispered reproof that conies across the Atlantic ?

      " The thousands of priests who , by a huge _establishmtnt , fltece the natisn of a tithe of its productions —the thousands of tho rich and titled who hold in their unclenching grasp the wealth—with the law and the sword for their protection , will they let go their hold , _« r give up one of the privileges which their lawless bandit ancestors seized and tbey claim and defend , —will they rescue poverty from starvation ? " When the negro slave is sick , he is nursed—when old and infirm , he is fed and sheltered ; infancy ia cored for , age protected . If there is famine , the master kills his cattle , sells his property to feed his slaves . In England the white slave labours longer and harder for a poorer _living than tbe negro , and

      when _provisons are dear , and bis work not wanted , be ia left to starve . This England Bends her Thompsons to declaim on the ain and curse of negro slavery . In the eyes of tbe Almighty the southern slaveholder is leas guiity than the English _capitalist . "What of liberty has the English artisan to boast ? He has not even the liberty to labour , the liberty to eat the bread of toil . England is no country of liberty . The slave who sets his foot upon her shore is free to starve . Does he ask bread , he is told to earn it . When he asks for labour , there is none to be had . If he attempt to kill game hi the forest , or catch fish in the stream , he is sent to jail . Enitland is a country of

      privilege . The nobility , the clergy , all who compose the great machinery or her government , have privileges —privilege * to oppress , to monopolise , to crush , to starve . In all the tyranny of privilege England abounds . In all the freedom of democracy and equal rights it is wanting . It is governed , taxed , pillaged by privileged classes . Millions toil from infancy to agehundreds of thousands live in want and starvation , that their sovereign may enjoy a thousand costly luxuries . A world's wealth is hoarded around London . We can form no adequate idea of the grandeur that is concentrated npon the few . God looks down calmly from above and sees tbe many starving .

      « ' Can this be always ? Will generation after generation pass into eternity , after a life of horrible destitution here , leaving wealth and privilege still in the enjoyment of the few , and toil and want still the lot of the many ; or will the spark of humanity , not quite stamped out , revive , and brains aud muscles assert tbe rights they were intended to protect and enjoy ? Will all the brawny artisans of England cringe under the awful power of pone and sword for ever ? There is no hope of reform . Wealth does not relax ita grasppower does not give np its privileges , and when did either care for right ? Every day the case of the Eng-

      Objections To The National Petition Met ...

      lish labourer and the Irish peasant grows more hopeless . If , tbis year , there are 8 , 000 , 000 of the Irish , with not enough even of roots to eat , in ten years more the number will be Increased . If at this moment starv ation stares in the face of millions of English artisans , where is the hope of better times ? _for yean they have been hoping for reform . In allowing the Tories to gain the ascendancy , they tried the very last experiment . No temporising policy will serve tbem longer .

      "The day that the people of England rise up and with their own strong hands take tiie rights they can never peacefully attain , that day shall we think batter of humanity . Endurance of wrong is no virtue . He wbo submits to fraud la ita aocessory . Man has no right to be wronged . A small evil may be endured , as the only means of attaining a great good , as for the sake of a wire we may submit to an operation , but then theevilbecomes a portion of the good . " It is unjust to the people ef England , the descendants of onr common ancestors , to suppose that ten years more can pass without a revolution . Heaven grant that it may be a bloodiest one . "

      It would indeed , as our transatlantic friend says , be an insult to the people , to their sense of feeling , and their discernment of moral right and duty , to suppose that another ten years COULD pass without seeing an end of the system of iniquity which has brought us into this condition . The revolution must come—it will come : and we have all confidence in the long suffering whioh has so far stayed the arm of vengeance that it will be bloodless . The people are not now to be led in the wake of the " base , bloody , and brutal" panderers to outrage and arson for the support of party . The tocsin has been sounded

      more than once by the villanous Whig press ; but it has met with no response . They have hoisted the standard of " bread or blood 1 " They have cried " hurrah for the barricades 1 " and would now " egg on" the incendiary to a career of madness , pointing out Buckingham Palace and the British MuBeum as proper objects for his destructive agency ! and all for the last desperate hope that out of the wreck some plank or cask may be seized hold of , on whioh the drowning , rats of Whiggery may float again upon the surface of the troubled waters . Their demoniacal devices will be frustrated . The people

      will not be thus befooled . They will pursue unhesitatingly and incessantly the one object—the Charter of their rights ; they will meet , expose , and trample upon , all the syren sophistries of faction ; they will concentrate their energies , unite their efforts , and make known their moral might . Tyranny and all its manifold ramifications of oppressive legislation and social injustice shall be made quietly , speedily , and permanently to give place to justioe and its consequent equality and prosperity , by a moral and enlightened people who have learned wisdom from the harshest but the most efficient of all teachersbitter experience .

      We never remember to have seen faction so fairly at its wit ' s end as it seems now to be . All that rampant malice and ruling hatred could effect , has been tried and found wanting of the required force to beat down the rising intelligence of the people . Cunning now takes its place ; and while the Sun , the Globe , tbe Chronicle , and all the crew of dastards seek artfully to urge the starving people to violence under the banner of a big loaf ; their

      agents and co-partners try an opposite diversion , by labouring to resuscitate the cry of physical and moral foroe ; and so divide our forces . The one experiment is just as futile as the other ; the Chartists of 1841 have left both schools far behind them . We fancy , from a report given elsewhere of Mr . Brewster ' s " last struggle" in his own town , that he has found the truth of this observation to his no small chagrin .

      New aocesssions to our moral powers are every day made , and despite the undeniable aggregate of suffering whioh now exists , we look forward with much confidence to the advent of liberty , in the establishment of just prinoiples of legislation , as a sure remedy , whose operation on the body politic shall be permanently , if not suddenly , reviving , and shall _bring back the wonted healthy and powerful developement of character in " Old England—the land of the brave and the free . "

      The Land ! The Land! ! The Land !! ! As ...

      THE LAND ! THE LAND ! ! THE LAND !! ! As mankind become more enlightened to know their real interests , they will esteem tbe value of agriculture ; tbey will find it is their natural—their destined occupation . —Mental Recreations , Article B . We bave often been astonished at the indifference with wbich all matters relating to agriculture , and the land , are received amongst the _population of our manufacturing towns . This indifference , no doubt , is in great part owing to the studious efforts of the anti-Corn Law League , whose constant effort and aim it is to draw the attention of the people from tbat moat vital subject the capability of the soil , of giving employment to ihe surplus population created by machinery .

      Any one would suppose from tbe utter want of knowledge and contempt of data displayed by the manufacturers , and their lecturing agents , in their crusade against agriculture , that they had never seen a green field or an acre of wheat in their lives . How often , and how perseveringly it is asserted that " England can never , under any circumstances , grow enough corn for her own consumption . "—that she must always remain an importing country , and " that corn can be produced cheaper and better on the continent than here . " These and many other like statements have been published by every Whig paper—repeated by every spouting anti-Corn Law lecturer , and enlarged upon at every

      bole-anal-corner demonstration , nntil some people have actually begun to look upon them as ascertained facts t Mr . O'Connor ' s letters have done much towards exposing the falseness and hollo wness of these fallacies , but a great deal yet remains to be done ; a vast amount of prejudice has yet to be removed . One of the chief points urged by the advocates of a repeal of the Corn Laws , is " the impossibility of the limited soil of this country producing enough food for an increasing population . " They refer us to the yearly importations of foreign grain ( averaging from one million to fifteen hundred thousand quarters ) and ask "if these are not strong proofs of the impracticability of England ' s growing enough corn for her own

      consumption 1 " Now , with all due deference to these gentlemen , we must beg leave to inform them that they prove no such thing . Our not having hitherto produced enough wheat for our own consumption , does not prove that we cannot do so ; but that there is something deficient hi our system of cultivation . It is well known that for years past the principal part of the land has been gradually getting into the hands of the large proprietors ; these think it their interest to let the land in as large portions as possible ; these large farms are often taken by persons without the requisite capital , and consequently are very seldom half cultivated . To show the present condition of agriculture in England , and what it might be under a proper system , we will here give an extract from a well-known pamphlet , * re-viewed in _Talt's October number . : —

      " Of the seventy-six millions of statute acres in the United kingdom , there are about twenty-six millions remaining in waste and sheep walks . Of the other fifty millions there are about thirty-two millions in natural grass , and only eighteen millions in tillage ; that is to say , little more than one acre in tillage to two acres in grass ; or , in other words , that in every three acres only one is cultivated . We know , in a general way , tbat in the populous parts of Germany , the proportion of grass-land to the arable is about one acre in seven or eight acres . We know also , in a general way , that in the populous parts of Italy , the proportion of grass-land to the arable is about one acre in

      every twelve or fourteen acres . In France , statistics have bean more studied , and we know from the official cadastre , or modern Doomsday Book , that the proportion of land cultivated by the plough , spade , or hoe , is seven acres in eight , leaving only one acre in natural grass . The Duke of Buckingham estimates the products of land , in tillage , at five-fold what the same land would yield , in grass . His Grace , unwilling to overstate his argument , has , in fact , understated it ; for five-fold , six-fold , or more , might be stated on bands of superior quality . Much meadow land , if broken up ,

      would yield , with less expense of culture than a poor soil , thirty bushels of wheat per acre ; on other products , of proportionate value , whether in either corn , in pulse , in roots , or in artificial grasses , such as clover , linseed , and others . This supposes about four thousand pounds of bread from the ploughed acre , against somewhere about , or less , than two hundred pounds of meat , ot ita equivalent , in cheese , butter , fco . from the same acre In grass . But we will adhere , for the present , to the admitted estimate of a four-fold proportion , the amount will then stand as follows : In England , thirty acres of grass land { produce thirty-

      The Land ! The Land! ! The Land !! ! As ...

      two parts , and eighteen acres in tillage , estimated to yield four-fold , produce seventy-two parts ; in all , one hundred and four parts from fifty teres . In France , one acre of grass land produces one part , and seven acres In tillage , estimated to yield four-fold , _fcWentyelghtpl * w ; maU , twenty- _^ that is to say , one hundred and _dghty-one parts from fifty acres . " To prove that this writer has not over-stated the reUtive proportion of grass to arable land in this country , we give a few farm statistics , which have been received from practical agriculturists in different parts ef toe country : —

      FIRST . In a farm of 200 acres , Rugeley , Staffordshire , the relative proportion of wheat , * e . stood thus—Wheat ... ......... ... ... 24 acres . Barley and oats ... ... ... ... SO Turnips , cabbages , and potatoes 15 f ftllQW ••• ••« •• *•• **¦ In gnu _••• ••• ••• •¦• ••• ••• 120

      200 This is toe general average in this and toe neigh bourlng counties . SECOND . A farm of 180 acres , _Ballam-in-Westby , Lancashire . Wheat ... 13 acres . Oats and beans 36 Turnips and potatoes 14 $ Fallow 15 Pasture 63 _$ Clover seeds ... ... ... ... ... io

      160 THIRD . A farm ef 91 acres , Lytham , Lancashire . Wheat 10 acres . Oats and Barley 20 Turnips and Peas ... _, S Fallow 0 Oram ... ... 34 Clover seeds 19 9 * The tenants of these farms gained prizes at the last Lytham agricultural meeting , so they may be taken as very fair specimens of the farms in Lancashire .

      FOURTH . A small farm of 23 acres , Syleham , Suffolk . Wheat 6 acres ' . Allow ... ... ... .,, ... ... o Barley 5 _OxOt O * aaa # ••• • • • ¦•• »•• o Beans and Peas 5 UnIB ¦ * a •*• ¦¦¦ »•* • • • M .

      Total S 3 From these statistics ( and many others of the same kind , wbich it would take up too muoh space to insert ) it appears that , in many cases , one half of the land farmed is le / t entirely out of cultivation , and that as the farm increases in size so does the quantity of wheat grown diminish . If the farm of 200 acres , in Staffordshire was divided into farms of 20 acres each , the land wonld produce 56 acres of wheat instead of 24 , or more than double ; the farm of 160 acres in Lancashire would have 42 acres instead of 13 , or three times as muoh . This statement supposes that the present system of cropping and fallowing Was continued ; under an improved system the land might be made to produce sixfold and sevenfold what it does at present

      To prove that the system adopted in England is bad , and tbat a much better one might be carried out , we close this article with two or three extracts from Chambers ' s Tour in Belgium . The extracts are rather long , but their importance will , make amends for the space occupied . After portraying the manner , customs , & c . of the inhabitants of Belgium , Mr . Chambers goes on thus to describe the state of agriculture hi that country . " It has been ascertained by minute statistical inquiry that the agricultural population of Belgium are at this moment among tbe most contented , virtuous , and generally-comfortable peasantry in the world . Tbe farms are for the most part of a small size , _joat sufficient to pay a moderate rent , and support

      a family in a humble but decent manner . The greater part of the inhabitants are renters and cultivators of land to the extent of five or six acres each family ; and this with a cottage and garden , is quite enough to render them comfortable . They are all Roman Catholics , and are exceedingly devout . Their piety , however , does not render them gloomy and morose ; they have fifteen holidays throughout the year exclusive of Sundays ; and these they partly devote to dancing , and ont door amusements . The food of this cheerful , industrious , and religious people Is of a very simple kind . It consists of coffee with bread early in the morning ; bread , butter , cheese , at nine o'clock ; potatoes with lard at noon ; in the evening , a salad with bread ; and sometimes a little beer . "

      Conversing with M . le Corapte _Arrevebend , on tbe state of crime in Belgium , Mr . Chambers was informed by that gentleman , " That he had resided for eleven years in a village called _Ouesbeck , in the province of Brabant , containing three hundred and sixty-four inhabitants , and that during the whole of that period neither a crime nor a culpable indiscretion had been committed . " Mr . Chambers here goes on to quote from the report of George _Nicholls , Esq ., the parliamentary commissioner sent out by the Whigs to inquire into the condition of the labouring population of Belgium .- — " Mr . Nicholls , in his third report to the House of Commons , says : —

      "The extensive manufactures wbich at no very remote period flourished in Belgium , appear to have congregated a numerous population of _artizans in and around the great towns . As the scene of manufacturing _industry changed , this population was deprived of its means , of its handicraft employment , and was compelled to resort to the cultivation of the soil for subsistence . This seems to have been the chief , though net the eute _, origin of the system of the small farms , which still prevail , and which are cultivated by the holder and his family , generally without other assistance . The farms in Belgium very rarely exceed one hundred acres .

      " The number containing fifty acres is not great ; those of thirty and twenty acres are more numerous ; but the number of holdings from five to ten and twenty acres is very considerable , especially these of smaller extent ; and to these I chiefly confined my inquiries . The farms of from five to ten acres , wbich abound in many parts of Belgium , closely resemble the- small holdings in Ireland ; but the small Irish cultivator exists in a state of miserable privation of the common comforts and conveniences of a civilised life , while the Belgian farmer enjoys a large portion of those comforts . The bouses of the small cultivators in Belgium , are generally substantially built , and in good repair ;

      they bave commonly a sleeping-room in the attic , and closeto for beds connected with the lower apartment , which is convenient in _siz _*; a small cellarage for the dairy , and store for the grain , as well as an Oven , and an outhouse for the potatoes , with a roomy _cattlenrtall , piggery , and poultry loft . The house generally contains decent furniture , the bedding sufficient in quantity ; and , although the scrupulous neatness of tbe Dutch , may not be everywhere observable , an air of comfort , and propriety pervades the whole establishment . The premises were kept in neat and compact order , and the family were decently clad , none of them were ragged or slovenly , even when their dress consisted or the coarsest materials . The diet consists , to a great extent , of rye-bread and milk , the dinner being usually composed of potatoes and onions , with the

      addition of some pounded nam er slices of bacon . The quantity of new wheaten bread consumed , did not appear to be considerable . In the greater part of the fiat country of Belgium , the soil is light and sandy and easily worked , but its productive powers are certainly inferior to the general soils of Ireland , and the climate does not appear to be superior . To the soil and climate , therefore , the _Belgian does not owe his _superority in comfort and position over the Irish cultivator . The difference is rather to be found in the system ef cultivation pursued by the small farmers of Belgium , and in the habits of economy and forethought of the people . "The cultivation of the smalt farms in Belgium differs from the Irish—1 st , in the quantity of stall-fed stock which is kept , and by which a supply of manure is regularlysecured ;

      " 2 d—In IA * strict attention paid to ihe collecting of manure , which is mest skilfullymanaged ; " 3 d—By ths adoption of a system of rotation of five , six , or seven successive crops , even in the smallest farms whichis instriking contrast with the plan of cropping and fallowing the land prevalent in Ireland * " In the farms of six acres we found no plough , horse , or cart ? the only agricultural implement besides the spade , fork , and wheelbarrow , which we observed

      , was a light wooden barrow , which might be dragged by the band . The farmer had no assistance besides that of his wife and children , except ing sometimes in harvest , when we found be occasionally obtained the assistance of a neighbour , or hired a labourer at a franc a day . The whole of tbe land is dug with toe spade , and trenched very deep ; but as toe soil ia light , the labour of digging is not

      The Land ! The Land! ! The Land !! ! As ...

      " The stock in toe small farms which we examined , consisted of a couple of cows , a calf or two , one 01 two pigs , sometimes a goat or two , and some poultry . Th cows are altogether stall-fed , ou str * w , turnips , clove * rye , vetches , carrots , potatoes , and a kind of soap _asda by bolting up potatoes , peas , beans , bran , cut bay , _^ into one mess , and which , being given warm , ia said to be tery wholesome , and to promote the secretion , milk . In some districts the grains of the breweries _sno distilleries are used for the cattle . No portion oj THE FARM IS ALLOWED TO BE FALLOW , but it u divided into six or seven small plots , on each of which « system of rotation is adopted , and thus , with the aid of manure , the powers of the soil are maintained unexhauslei in a state of constant activity .

      " The order of succession ba toe crops is various , but we observed , in the _severaT farms which we visited plots appropriated to potatoes , wheat , barley , clovei flax , rye , carrots , turnips or parsnips , vetches and rye . for immediate use as green food for cattle . The flai grown is heckled and spun by toe farmer ' s wife , chiefi ? during toe winter , and we were told that three weekf _lafcout at toe loom enabled them to weave into cloth aU toe thread thus prepared . " The weavers are generally a distinct class from thi small farmers , though toe labourers chiefly supported by the loom commonly occupied about on acre of land , some . times more , their labour upon the land alternating witk their work at the loom .

      " It was most gratifying to observe toe comfort displayed in the whole economy of the households of thesa small cultivators , and the respectability in which they lived . As far as I could learn , there wss no tendency to toe sub-division of the small holdings . I heard _o ( none under five acres held by the class ef peasant farmer a , and six , seven , or eight acres is the more com mon size . The common rent of land is 20 s . an acre . If a Sick Club or Benefit Society were established amor these people , so as to enable them , by mutual assurance , to provide for the casualty of sickness , there would BE LITTLE LEFT TO WISH FOR OR AMEND IN THEU SOCIAL CONDITION . "

      So ends Mr . Nichols ' s report It proves moat d ed dedly that the system of small farming is not only _procWcoote , but _advantageous ; and when _conducted on proper principles , has a great influence on the moral and condition of toe people ,

      * Action Of The Com Laws Reviewed On The...

      * Action of the Com Laws reviewed on the principles of a sound political economy , and of _Commoa Sense . By the author of letters on " The Times , " which , more than twenty years since , so mainly contributed to awaken public attention to toe subject London : —Saunders and Otley , 1841 .

      3to 3&Catiev& Arib <Eovve&Vonxient

      3 _To _3 & _catiev _& arib < Eovve & vonXient

      The National Petition.—Our Publisher, Mr...

      The National Petition . —Our publisher , Mr , Hob . son , has printed the National Petition for 1842 , on a neat sheet , for the purpose of being extensively distributed amongst those from whom signatures are asked , that they may know for what they are signing . He is ready to supply them to ths Associations and to individuals at the following charges : — -100 copies for 2 s ; 1 , 000 for 15 s . Pf tition sheets , of good strong paper , ruled in four columns , and holding two hundred names when filled , may also be had , price 2 d . each The Petition and sheets may also be had from Mr . Cleave , London : and Mr . Heywood , Manchester . But in all cases the _money must be sent in advance—the price being so lots as to preclude credit .

      { 9 * Messrs . Paton and Love , of Glasgow , apprixt us that they have made arrangements with Mr , Hobson for the supply cf our Scotch friends with sheets and petitions . Those in Scotland , who « - quire them , will do well to make early application to these gentlemen .

      TO AGENTS . The Parcels of Medals and of Portraits . — During the next few weeks we shall have to send parcels nearly to all parts of England and Scot land . In each case we shall endeavour to send by the cheapest mode of conveyance ; and shall be obliged to any agent who will point out ths best and cheapest mode of reaching him . We beg to call attention to this , that there may be no complaint afterwards . Those who will _experience any convenience from having Peiitions , ot

      Sheets , or Poor Man ' s Almanack , or Mr . O'Connor ' s Pamphlet , or any other of our Publisher * * Publications inclosed in their parcels , had better apprize him of the same in time . In all such cases , however , he desires us to state that money must be sent with the order . The price of ths petitions and sheets are known ; and the allowance upon the other goods to vendors , U 25 per cent ., therefore they can easily caiculak what the amount will be ; and in all cases goodt to the amount of cash received wiil be sent .

      John Thomson, Pastor Of The Christian Ch...

      John Thomson , Pastor of the Christian Chibtist Church at Greenock . —His letter shall appear in our next . Birmingham . —Hampton Ward Chabtists . —Vi received no report from them last week . O'Brien ' s Press Fund , Huddersfield . —We art requested to state that the proceeds of the O'Brien Festival , at Huddersfield , were £ 21 19 s . 2 d ., from which the expences being deducted , leave in hand a balance of £ 7 17 s . 6 i , which was handed over to Mr . O'Brien and h » Press Fund Committee . Brighton 0 _' 8 rien Press Committee . —Those per sons having collecting books for the O'Brien Press Fund , are requested to deliver them _tofite committee on Wednesday evening next , with

      such monies as they may have collected , pre paratory ta the books being audited , and die amount collected transmitted to Feargus O'Connor , Esq ., the general treasurer . O'Brien Press Fund . —Mr . S . Aforling , of Brighton , acknowledges the receipt of four shillings from Arnold , near Nottingham , and 2 s . Sd . from Calverton , near Arnold , for the O'Brien Press , per Afr . Wm . Emmerson . The Poets must really give us a little respite ; vt have loads of their obliging communications ualooked at . James Collier . —We cannot insert the strange story he has sent us of a silk-agent and a female worker . If the circumstances be as he states , iee advise him to send the letter to the employer of the filthy wretch , who is clearly unfit for his

      situation . Chriscophee Wood . — We have no room . An Artizan . —His very long letter " To the British Youth" would occupy far loo much of our space . Wm . Wildgoose . —The Chartists of Alottram must remember that we have only 48 columns for the whole empire . Female Signatures to the National Petiti on- — In reply to many letters upon this subject , we advise female signatures to be kept on distinct sheets . Mr . R . Nicholls , Bradford , Wilts . — We cannot find space for his letter to the Cornish men . Be speaks highly of their spirit and intelligence , but

      concurs in the general outcry for a missionary . Messrs . James B , O'Brien and Henry Vincent are requested to communicate immediately « _nw Duncan A icolson , 37 , East North-street , Aberdeen . Chimney Bribery . — . 4 letter from Northwich states that an overbearing Tory , whose chimney was an annoyance to some of his neighbours , promised one of them to build it higher if he would vote for the Tory party . The vote was given to the Tories on the faith of this promise , but the chimney has not been raised . Our correspondent wishes for our opinion as to whether this was ft

      case of bribery . We should say yes ; and advue him le prosecute If he succeed the Tory will be punished for bribery , as he ought to be . Iff * fail , he will be punished for accepting the bribe , as he ought to be- . Duffield . — We cannot insert the attack on tM policeman sent us . However true it may be w fact , it is a gross libel in law . . Charles _Davies , Stockport , apologizes to his Eccles friends for disappointing them on the 8 th inst Sickness was the cause of his doing so . W . Pbdle unshes to impress upon the Chartist body generally , tiie necessity of supporting the _^ _K _^ live . He says , and very properly , that to do this it is only necessary that the rules _oj w National Charter Association should be carried

      Out m every locality . York _Fumalb Chartists . —Afr . Stallwood sends v * the following note : — - " Sir , -The ladies of Fork do not think you are quite so gallant as you should be , seeing that you neither inserted the * communication , or announced the reception of " last week . —Truly yours , Edmund Stallwood . _Weknwonot to what communication _thisuM refer . We have received none ; nor can we le *™ that any such communication has been receivea

      at this office at all . ' _TlUDT CaFFERKT , BaLLAGHADERRINE _, _W" _! Mayo , Ireland , begs to acknowledge the reef P * of some Stars , on one of which were the initials *• W . B . Darlington . " _, „ , _, __ Cbanbubh . —In the notice of Mr . Powell ' s lecture , at this place , inserted in our last , the »« ** _JlS , the audience was accidentally printed -l _^ w instead of 1200 . . . Erbatum . —In Mr . Harney's letter , given in our lath for " Ashby Poor-house , " read " Ashover Poor house !'

      O'Brien Press Fund, Leeds. £• «• *• Rece...

      O ' BRIEN PRESS FUND , LEEDS . £ «• _*• Received of Mr . Hobson , _treasurerj of the Demonstration Committee , being part of the proceds of the Soiree given to O'Connor ... 12 I " Received from the Chartists of Horbury , per Mr . Hick ... OS"

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 27, 1841, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_27111841/page/4/