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Northern Star (1837-1852), 27th April 1850, Edition 3 of 4, Page 7

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      _; _l-gRiL _^ 7 _, 1850 _^ .... - .. _... _^ . ........... _,,.....,,.....,,. __ „ ...... __ ,. . _„„;„_ .. __ „ _JlJTHErKMT _^^^^ , _~ ¦ - _¦—— - _^ ¦ ¦ .-.-. _, _^ _-. _^^ -: , _--- ¦ - ¦ _- _^ _-.. V »

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      _'" _^ _-TVnbRE SS OF THE . METROPOLITAK T 55 i ? iKS' DELEGATES TO THEIR FELLOW _JmrVTRTMEN . OS THE INTERESTS AND SSSSS _POSITION OF THE LABOURING CUSSES OF THE EMPIRE . - £ 4 ., t _/) w _Coijstbymek , —There is not recorded an _^ _he history o f our country , nor , rfdeed in _TlttoTV of allnations , when the great subject of _&* _, _rt _« l and social rights of those who live by tbe nf their labour , was required to be so _^•^" wfnllv considered , so clearly explained , _^ _flfo zealously and faithfully supported , as the _pjpjept era . connectelj as _weare with the interests _?^« . _r- ! bv being members of that class who ona _^ nnPonthenfselves and their families by the 10 tnt exercise of labour , and being entrusted by _jORSt ani ¦ * _ouj . fe ] jow . iabourers of this nation with 53 _"" _""^ t dutv of ascertaining , as far a 3 we may be _*** _S-jf . _orca ' t operating natural and social causes 3 - * w _* t cither beneficially or injuriously , the _wblcb- _>»* - hfi _jospects of all who are engaged con _S r we desire to call the earnest attention of _^ nS working me n of this great country to the 1 t- declaration of onr -views . f ° Kokii . _g steadfly _ nd carefolly at those natural tne _weiiueiu

      ««« sfrom _whlCR _puyaisu - _-j u . . »• _sonrccs _iro _^ . _^ of _^ world are derivedj _we in - eDl JL -hat " none ofthe material productions in nam _^^' _toleitherforfoodorforclotbing _. forshel-* _" _*"« , for anv other purpose , varied and abundant t _f" Ih these " materials are , can be acquired _except-^ _frouS _instrnmentali _ty ofthetahoMrofman . _^ _SeS _^ rcover , that little advaneemet eoull _.. _wnmade in the necessary , useful , or _ornatoV nSpnat _* on ofthe crude materials of meI 1 , _f if the efforts of labour had not been made in _2 S » dep _onents of industry , or , as it , is called _f / _SeK oh political economy , the division and _^ _lSs _« ou _« _rs bemg _^ a _JfiEy of emp loyment ** , eachman undertaking _fSuS _occupation for the purpose of ensuring ? £ fln _Ld-reneral _olyect , which is , superiority " ¦ " ¦ " — tnese

      •» -. - , _~ . nuantity ana quainv , _OTi labou ? _iLe b _« ome J &* efforts by efforts of _~ d _^ _X 0 f each labourer being re _SSffSES by and with his fellow _g _& _S isSSa _*>* _**** » SB PP _oSonsidering anxiously the social principle thus _iuToS hv t _& tion of _labourer having become mToiveo ny 1 dependant action—the one _f- ' _? _lT /' _tTn the other , bv the fact of _« - _S ' s prodnction-we see that some rufe or four of _Sction iiI indispensably _iW for _pre ™ g the constituted right , or tbe due enjoyment of those Trim hare entered upon this conjoined course of _1-ibour involving , as it does , production of commodities on the one hand , and consumption of them on

      Bv looking carefully on the simple state of things inst " alluded to—the combination of the passive matter of nature , and ofthe active power of labour —the elements of the earth and the labour of man directed to educe , to alter , and to modify these elements for use and convenience—we see the manner ii which the interests of man in a social state are constituted . "We see that man must , by the _constrainin-- power of those circumstances with which his _niiiural condition is surrounded , unite himself with his neighl'our , in order to accomplish any satisfactory and successful progress , or acquire the possession of those things that are necessary for his comfortable subsistence . A most important question , _arisin" out of the state of things just alluded

      to , is then presented to us , which is , who constitutes this neighbour with whom the agreed union of labour , together with the exchange of productions _resnlting from it , takes place ? To this important question one right answer , nnd one only can be given , which is , he who is nearestthat is * a fellow countryman . We see then , that in the order of nature priority of connexionpriority in the union of labour—priority in the exchange of productions or in commerce , must spring up and subsist between men in that particular sphere which they inhabit , this great social act and principle prevailing in erery community or nation By this coarse if is that the connexion of family with property is established .

      Seeing , then , that the priority of connexion just alluded to must of necessity subsist , and attaching to this priority a rule or law of progress , which is required everywhere and over everything , we maintain that the " social obligations of men are of that character which requires them to attach themselves in the _first place to the interests of their fellow countrymen or fellow lahourcrs . We maintain that commerce , which is an exchange of -productions letween mau and man , should be conducted , in

      every nation , in sueh a manner as to comprehend 2 nd preserve to the utmost degree lie interest ** of all the members of the nation- Henee wc advance and maintain the principle ihat established and home trade should first be considered and preserved , and that changes and foreign trade ought to be undertaken only by means of that value or capital which may be over and above what is required for _maint-iining in their enjoyments , the membtrs of each nation .

      Tou will discern that-the principle of commerce " ast adverted to by us is that princip le which was anciently adopted by our ancestors , the incorporation of ifc in our laws and in our praetice having formed one ot the most important and influential characteristics of the British Constitution , though the principle has been so partially , and hence , so unjustly applied , as to derange and destroy its oirn operation , thereby causing the minds , even of manv thoughtful and honourable men , to suspect its truth , to deny its utility , and to demand its rejection .

      Deeply impressed by the degraded socim condition of so many men in onr own , and also in ether _Miioiis—so many human creatures being seen to safier under the " tremendous evils of poverty and destitution—a class of men have been induced , daring the last seventy-five years , to direct the power of their minds to . in investigation of the science of Social and Political Economy . Foremost of these writers was Dr . Adam Smith . The work of this celebrated writer , _appearing under the striking and alluring title of "the Wealth of Nations , " many persons were induced to read the elahorate statements , and the ingenious reasonings contained in it _> and also to place reliance on those commercial doctrines which are mainly propounded

      in it . Since the departure of Adam Smith , a number of other writers have sprung up who have received him as their chief authority , or leader . Thus a modern school of Political and Social Economy has been reared in our country . By this school all the most important subjects , connected with the physical interests of men , have been freely dealt with ; for besides a discussion ofthe natural means placed within the appropriation of man for his maintenance , together with the various methods invented and adopted by man for making this appropriation , his right to introduce his offspring into the world , has been discussed also . The main result of the intellectual effort of this school is the adhesion given bv its members to the doclrine of free social and

      commercial action . " Ye have it thus announced to us that it is under the operation of unregulated , stimulated , and universal competition , we are henceforth to live . Cheapness is proclaimed to be the one great and desirable attainment . But the cheapness that is attained under this system is not the result of fair 2 nd distributory abundance—being mainly acquired by diminishing the enjoyments , er the consumption of those by whose labour productions are derived , _"fod by that economy oflabonr by whieh , in so many instances , the labourer is cast off altogether from employment , because a cheaper , that is , a less consuming instrument than his body , is invented and applied . The labour of the working man thus becomes a superfluous commodity in tbe market , so that he must either be au outcast altogether from

      SOClfcty , or else find some way of doing more work for less materials of consumption ; and even then , if he shonld succeed in this course of realising cheapness , he becomes instrumental in bringing nwny other of his fellow labourers down to the same degraded level to which he ia reduced . ' Had and appalling , however , as is the existing eondition of so many -whose only means of supporting themselves and their families is the exercise of tlieir daily labour , yet we maintain that the prospect before us is still more dark and gloomy . We declare to yon our conviction that afar greater degree of suffering and of destitution impends over tbe labouring class and their families , both of this and of all other nations , unless the falseness ofthe _fteeoreompetitive system be thoroughly penetrated , * -hariy exposed , and a course of general commerce , very different from that emanating from the free

      system , be entered upon . It has become a matter ef the very highest _impor-•^ ee that every working man , and , indeed , the "" { hole nation , should be made acquainted with the deinaon that prevails regarding Adam Smith's _wfJ _% s , as also lhe writings of those who , together _«™ Br . Adam Smith , constitute the modern school 0 J Political Economists . - _« has been asserted throughout the country , and _?* Kn within the walls of parliament , that the subject of the rights of labour , comprised as these *

      *? ' ?"* are in the principles of general commerce , "j * - "" been so well and so fully considered and ex-IMliied hy this body of writers , that tbe vital subje . _'Sis tobe viewed as a subject thoroughly under * 8 -00 . * 1 and settled . Writers and statesmen have _as-H'lted this with so much confident assurance that ~* _rs . on whicb the welfare of the whole nation _depends , have , - been , in some instances , made , and ih _ry _' _ers _abrog-. _"* ted , in accordance with the principles avaneed by th ' _* school of Economists . _^ owa more j _^ tal delusion than that of placing _2 . thintj lBpro g j eL -,-jy of this school , _canhothe enter * _^ ed , and we are _bC _^ _ni to _anPOWCO to you that a

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      deception of tbe . grossest character has been practised on the nation with regard to it . This assertion we will prove , and the proof shall be derived from the leading Economists themselves , they having been under the necessity of admitting that the true characters of the main branches of the science of Social Economy have not been discovered by them . The proof which we will adduce first , is derived from the writings of Mr . M'Culloch , who , himself being a disciple of Adam Smith , and acknowledging him as his leader and master , has , nevertheless , admitted , in a passage in the introductory part of his own work , that his master was very deficient . The following is the passage : — ¦

      However excellent in many respects , still it cannot be denied that _thtre are errors , and those too of no slight importance , in ' The Wealth of Nations . ' Dr . Smith does not say that , in prosecuting such branches of industry as are most advantageous to themselves , individuals necessarily prosecute such as are , at the same time , most advantageous to the public . His leaning to the system of M . Qucsnaya leaning perceptible iu every part of his work- made him so lar swerve from tlie sounder principles of his own system , as to admit that the preference shown by individuals in favour of particular employments is not always a true test of thtir public advantageousness . Ue considered agnculture , though not the only productive employment , as the most productive of any : thc home trade as more

      productive than a direct foreign trade ; and the latter than the carrying trade . It is clear , however , that tliese distinctions are all fundamentall y erroneous . ..... _; Perhaps , however , the principal defect of ' The Wealth of Nations' consists in the erroneous doctrines laid down with respect to the invariable value of corn , and the effect of fluctuations in wages and profits on prices . These have prevented Dr . Smith from _acquiring clear and accurate notions respecting the nature and causes of rent , and the laws which govern the rate of profit ; and have , in consequence , vitiated the theoretical conclusions in those parts of his work wheh treat on the distribution of wealth and the principles of taxation . —Principles of Political Economy : boJ . _ILM'CuUoclu

      Ifyou will examine carefully the foregoing extract , you cannot fail to discern how great those deficiencesare which the pupil alleges against the master , for he declares him to have been ignorant ofthe true character and value , firstl y , of home tiade ; secondly , of foreign trade ; and , thirdly , of the carrying trade between nations . A pretty extensive category of ignorance this is ; and then , in addition , he declares , that the master was not able to discover the law * which govern the rate of profit . Now , as all increase of wealth is comprehended by the term of profit , so , failing to discover and apprehend the cause of profit , is failing to discover and apprehend the whole subject of the creation of wealth . The next category of deficiences , admitted by the schoolmen themselves , we derive from the writings of Mr . Malthus . Tliey are comprised in the

      following passage : — Since the era of these distinguished writers , the subject has gradually attracted Uie attention ofa greater number of persons , particularly during lhe last twenty or thirty years . All the main propositions of the science have been examined , and the events which have since ocenrred , tending either to illustrate or confute them , have been repeatedly discussed . The result of this examination and discussion seems to be , tliat on some very important points there are still great differences of opinion . Among these , perhaps , may be reckoned , the definitions of wealth anil cf productive labour—the nature and measures of value , tlie nature and measures ofthe principles of demand and supply ; the origin asd progress of rent ; the causes whicb practical *** retard and limit the progress of wealth ; the level of the precious metals in _difierent countries ; tlie principles of taxation , & c . — Principles of Political Economy ; * /•* T . R . Malthus , edition 1836 , page 3 . .

      By these passages from the writings of Malthus , containing his latest judgment , for the work has been published since his death , you will see how much the writers on Political Economy have left for succeeding inquirers to explore , to discover , and to explain to the world . The next evidence which we will adduce , is derived from the recorded judgment of a scientific and practical statesman , one who , having attached himself to the liberal political party , before _entering on public life in thc House of Commons , devoted himself , with the Edinburgh schoolmen , to an especial study of the science of Political Economy . We allude to Francis Horner . He studied patiently and perseveringly Adam Smith ' s work . He studied also the scienceof Political Economy . The results of his studies are communicated to us in the following passages : —

      We have been under the necessity of suspending our progress in the perusal of * the Wealth ef Nations' on account of the insurmountable difficulties , obscurity and embarrassments in which the reasonings of the fifth chapter are involved . It is amusing to recollect the lustory of one ' s feelings on a matter of this kind . Many years ago , when I first read ' the _Wealth of Nations , ' the whole of the first book appeared to me as perspicuous as it was interesting aud new . Some time afterwards , while I lived in England . I attempted to make an abstract of Smith ' s principal reasonings , but 1 was impeded by tbe doctrine ot the real measure cf value , and the distinction between nominal and real price ; the discovery that I did not understand Smith speedily led me to doubt whether Smith understood himself , and I thought I saw that the price of labour was the same sort of thing as the price of any other commodity , but the discussion was too hard for me , and I fled to something more agreeable , because more easy . —Memoirs of Francis Horner , voL 1 , page 163 .

      There has been _nothiu-j new very lately in theline of Political Economy , though _Urougliam's work and Maltlms ' s are a great deal for one year . An indirect application was made to me to furnish a set of notes for a new edition of Smith's' Wealth of Nations . ' This , of course . I declined , because I have other things to attend to : even if I had been prepared for such an undertaking , which certainly I am not yet , I should he reluctant to expose Smith ' errors before his work has operated its full effect . We owe much at present to the superstitious worship of Smith ' s name , and we must notimpair that feeling till the victory is more complete- There are few practical errors in the ' Wealth of Nations , atleast of any great consequence , and , until we can give a correct and precise theory of the nature and origin of wealth , his popular , and plausible , and loose hypothesis is as good for lhe vulgar as any other . —Memoirs of Francis Homer , vol 1 , page 229 .

      The opinions just quoted are those ofa man wbo was expressly educated as a sc _' _ciuijic statesman , and who was introduced and received in Parliament with this high character . You will not fail to mark the deep importance of his words when he declares that a correct and precise theory of the nature and origin of wealth , has not been discovered either by Adam Smith or by any other member ofthe school . The writer who has appeared last on the stage of literature of those who are connected influentially with the modern school of Political Economists , is Mr . John Stuart Mill ; the work of this writer having been very recently presented to the world . The estimation in which Mr . Mill holds the work of Adam Smith—that work which our most influential and leading statesmen have of late declared to be all sufficient for guiding them in their most important courses of national law-making , is announced by the following words : —

      The ' Wealth ot Nations' is in many parts obsolete , and , in all , imperfect rolitic . il Economy , properly so called , has grown up almost from infancy since the time of Adam _Smitli _; and the philosophy of society , Irom which practically that eminent thinker never separated his more peculiar theme , though still in a very eariystage of its progress , has advanced many steps beyond the point at which he left it—Principles ofPolitical Economy , by John Stuart Mill , tot 1 , preface , p . 5 . Such are the proofs we have to lay before tho working men of this nation respecting the assumed discoveries and the doings of this highly vaunted school . That which the whole people have been exhorted to admire and to adopt , is admitted to be nothing better than " a popular , plausible , and loose hypothesis , " but although of this worthless character , it is , nevertheless pronounced to be" as good for the vulgar as anv other . "

      Many more such proofs might be adduced , but we have adduced sufficient . You will now see how urgent the necessity is for renewed and more skilful investigation in this important field of sciencea field of iniquiry in which the dearest interests of yourselves and your families , of every family of the nation , and indeed of the whole world , are comprised . The great and urgent question then is—What shall we do ? AVhat practical course can be adopted ? In reply to this question we answer as follows : —We enjoin you , in the first place , to examine well , and consider maturely , the few suggestions , and the declarations contained in this address . Enough is presented in it to lead your minds to a solemn consideration of those principles , and that

      course of social aetion , which conduce , on the one hand , to the elevation , and , on tbe other hand , to the depression , ofthe interests of those who have to live by tlieir labour . Be prepared to give us effectual support for securing , before a competent tribunal , a full examination and discussion of the mighty subject . We , on our parts , will be prepared to adduce evidence , and to submit argument , in accordance with the declarations contained in this address . This we solemnly promise you , But then this evidence , and this argument , must be submitted to those who alone can give to tbem practical influence and effect when they are so established . We mean those statesmen to whom the power of governing the nation- is entrusted .

      It is generally seen and admitted that tbe governing principle , and power of our country are , at the present juncture of our national affairs , in a position of lamentable instability , which could not lie if the principle were true , and the power broadly and deeply founded . The predominating influence and power of aristocratic government having prevailed for a lengthened period , are now passed away . The aristocratic part having raised the structure of its government upon the ancient constitutional principles , departed from

      these principles , introduced corruption , and is now [ deposed . ! The predominating influence and power of the middle classes of the nation are acknowled ged and accepted at the present time . This party having introduced , as principles of general social action , the meanest incentives and motives that can animate the hHman mind , namely , the free and full action of unenlightened self-interest—the unqualified love of wealth and the gratification of this love —the accumulative principle of social action instead ofthe distributive—their political philosophy being of a character - wholly mercantile—is now _impaired and degraded b y the conflicting operation Of those

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      courses which it sets : in motion and stimulates . This power also is in a condition to be rejected . Let ns , then , be prepared . You be prepared to give ns all necessary , support in a temperate , firm , and constitutional manner , —at all times remembering that in undertaking to argue and to treat of our own rights and interests , we , mu 3 t , necessarily , argue and treat also of the rights and interests of others . We , on our part , will be ready to show your rights , both in a manner and in substance , not latherto attempted . Resting our case on its right foundations , and submitting it in the good shape of calm and dispassionate reasoning , there will not be wanting to us zealous and honourable advocates both withiu the walls of Parliament and without them , by whose aid and full and fair hearing , followed by a just judgment , will be ensured us . If , then , your judgments approve ofthe views and declarations we have now submitted to you , it will

      be your duty to give an ardent support to tho cause in every sphere where your influence may be exerted and felt , and on every fitting opportunity . Moreover , you must be resolute in demanding tbat we be heard . _Thi-j hearing will , we feel assured , lead to convincement in the cases of those whom we desire and require to convince ; and convincement , as far as it can be made to extend , will lead tothe recognition and adoption of that just national policy , and of action in accordance with this policy , which constitutes the only remedy for those terrific social evils that so many labouring members of our country bave to feel and deplore , Signed on behalf of the Delegates , — John Seghave , President . _. Augustus E . Dblaforce , Secretary , 10 , North Square , Portinan-place , Globe-road Mile-end . Committee Eoom , St . Andrew Coffee House , 82 , High Holborn , London , April 11 th , 1850 '

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      —~ - ~ _nai _$ g __^^^^ NATIONAL REFORM ASSOCIATION . PUBLIC CONFERENCE . In pursuance of the recommendation of a meeting of reformers held in the City of London on Thursday , Dec . 20 th , 1849 ( Sir Joshua Walmsley , ALP ., in the chair ) , to hold a conference of the friends of reform from all parts of the kingdom , the Conference commenced on Tuesday in Crosby Hall , Bishopsgate-street , at eleven o'clock . The objects of the Conference were to receive reports from delegates in reference to the progress of the reform movement , to devise means of carrying out with promptitude and vigour the objects of the association , and to complete the arrangements for realising

      the fund of £ 10 , 000 required for the present year s operations . The large hall was very numerously attended , and amongst those assembled were no less than 130 delegates from different parts of the kingdom . On the platform were many distinguished reformers including Mr . Cobden , M . P ., Mr . Hume , M . P ., Colonel Thompson , M . P ., Mr . George Thompson , M . P ., Mr . W . J . Fox , M . P ., Mr . J . Kershaw , M . P ., Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart , M . P ., Mr . Feargus O'Connor , M . P ., Mr . J . Williams , M . P ., Mr . L . Hey worth , M . P ., Mr . J . B . Smith , M . P ., Mr . B . Wilcox , M . P ., the Sheriff of Norwich , tho High Bailiff of Southwark , Admiral Gordon .

      Sir . J . _Walmslet , president of the association , having been called upon to take the chair , commenced the proceedings by s : iying : Gentlemen , — In accordance with your wishes I do not hesitate to take the chair and briefly to explain the objects for which we are assembled . In doing so it is necessary I should state that this conference can only consist of those members who vote with Mr . Hume on his motion for an amendment of the national represcntat ; on , "" the members of the council of the National Association , gentlemen appointed by associations who have adopted the principles of thc National Association , and such other gentlemen as may have been invited by the executive committee , and who attend in their individual capacity . As you . ire

      aware , we are not here for the purpose of deciding upon the nature and extent of the measures of parliamentary reform which we shall seek to attainthat question is already determined . There is , therefore , happily , no occasion , and no room for controversy on matters of principle . Our deliberations and our discussions will have reference to practical measures for carrying out a previously adopted and generally accepted scheme of representative improvement . Little more than a year has passed since this association , then confined to the metropolis , entered upon its important labours . Since that period it has extended the sphere of its exertions to the kingdom at large , and has assumed a name corresponding with its _designs . As a national

      association it has sought to awaken and arouse the energies of reformers in all parts of the country ; and I have the gratification of announcing that the meetings which have been held have been one of the most animated and enthusiastic character , and have , without a single exception , been unanimous in their approval of the objects of the association . Your first act will , I apprehend , be tho appointment ofa committee to report to the conference such resolutions as will be calculated to bring tbe more important subjects for discussion under immediate notice , and also to report a list of officers to superintend and record your proceedings . The council desire you to express , in the most unreserved manner , your opinions of their past conduct .

      Whilst convinced of our own sincerity and zeal , we lay no claim to infallibility , and are prepared to profit by the suggestions , and animadversions of those who are here to consult for the interest of onr common cause . In the name of the council , therefore , I invite you to the exercise of the utmost freedom of speech . The opportunity has been afforded us of testing , with tolerable accuracy , the sentiments of our countrymen in the several parts of the kingdom ( with the exception of Ireland ) , and of taking to some extent the verdict of the agricultural , as well as of the mercantile , trading , and artisan classes of the community . The result , in all cases , has been one and the same . It has been a deliberate judgment of approval of our

      scheme , and a cordial offer of general support . We have found the industrial classes—and I speak it to their praise—disposed to . concede , in favour of this movement , the urging of their more extreme views , convinced of the value of ours , as embodying a scheme of broad , practical , and peaceful reform . We have also found men , of hitherto measured and cautious views on the subject of the extension of the suffrage , open to reason and conviction , and inclined to admit , after a candid development of the case , that we ask no more than is required to purge the system of those abuses whieh have entailed upon the country so many flagrant evils , and have made our elections anything rather than that which they should be , the

      expression of the popular mind and will . I need not say our efforts have been directed to the maintenance of the principle of free trade , in its most enlarged sense , and for our encouragement we have found where the resolute defence of those principles has been united to a fearless revelation of the abuses of our financial system , and an exhibition of the injustice to the millions , by the absence of all equity in the mode of distributing taxation , we have invariably found the farmers and labouring agriculturists ready to enlist under our banner , and to proceed from the point of free trade to tho advanced post of cheap _governraenS , and an equal imposition of fiscal burdens . In respect to overt or ! active opposition , we have none . We have everywhere

      been permitted to walk over the course , yet I am bound to say , that we have found the supporters and dependents of the party in power inert , irresolute , or discontented with what they are pleased to describe as the unsettling tendency of our movement . Tbe cause which principally operates to prevent the rapid and universal support , by vigorous efforts , of the objects we have in view , is one whicli we cannot contemplate without unmixed satisfaction , and one which , not even for Ihe sake of achieving our end , would we disturb , or desire to lessen . I refer to the now very general employment and comparatively comfortable circumstances of the producing classes . It is , indeed , enough to reconcile us to the somewhat slow progress of a

      cause universally admitted by those classes to be a good one , that the reason we have them not at present , in the majesty of their millions , flocking to our standard is , that they are reaping , in the shape of constant employment , cheap bread , and domestic comfort , the benefits of those great movements —the repeal of the Corn Laws , and the removal of the restrictions upon commerce—in which most of those whom I address had an honourable share ; and tbat , while in this eondition , they find something more immediately profitable and more congenial to their feelings and habits than the work of political agitation . If for this cause our progress should be slower , it will at thesame time be safer , and we must all join in thc hope that

      the time is far distant wheh the chief stimulus to agitation will be idleness and the unsatisfied cravings of hunger . Notwithstanding the drawback to which I have referred , it may be said that there never was any public question , involving a corresponding measure of reform , which had more universally , or more unequivocally , thc assent of the enlightened people of this country . We have only therefore to pursue a steady and a faithful course , to see our objects in due time attained . I have now , gentlemen , to approach a subject on which it is absolutely necessary I shonld be frank and explicit . Should you approve of the past proceedings of our the

      body , and give us encouragement to proceed in work to which we have put our hands , I trust you will also aid us with your counsel aa to the best means of giving to that body what is essential to their existence , " The sinews of war . " The funds which have enabled us thus far , with even more success than we ventured to anticipate , have been contributed by a very limited number , and those principally connected with the metropolis . Our treasurer , who is not only the conscientious trustee of our funds , but one ofthe most willing and liberal contributors to the fund :, which he disburses , will tell you that our supplies from the provinces have as yet been comparatively small . ' Thia we do not

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      name in the' way of complaint , 'as we have always , looked forward to this conference as tho suitable time for the consideration of pecuniary aid from the provinces . I feel no delicacy'in bringing this subject before you , because as men of business you will have foreseen its necessity as a matter of paramount practical importance . •¦; The measure of our exertions and success will be in some degree deter"i 1 i ! y _the measu _* , e of the liberality of our friends throughout the country . I have every confidence that we shall not separate without a committee of the whole house , devising the ways and means for prosecuting the measures we have before us . I now 11 thecause of national reform in your hands , and beg you to accept my assurances that I shall ever be individuall y anxious in the humblest capacity to be a zealous co-worker with those who are honestly labouring to secure the people ' s rights , and the upright and just government of this great empire .

      Mr . Parry proposed a resolution , « That a committee of seven gentlemen be appointed to arrange the business of the conference , to whom all papers and resolutions should be submitted at the close of each day ' s sitting . The committee to consist of the following gentlemen : —J . II . Tillett , Norwich ; R . Walters , Newcastle ; N . A . Wilkinson , treasurer tb the association ; — Watkinson ; C . Walker , Rochdale ; R . Heywood ; Bolton ; William Biggs , Leicester . " Col . TnosirsoN seconded the resolution . He congratulated them on the fact that the government seemed disposed to yield a little towards the principles of this association . Though not at present very earnest in their views respecting the cau se of financial and parliamentary reform , they had betrayed a willingness to follow in the rear when they felt that sufficient power and _argument had » one

      before them . They were not the light troops which took the lead , but the heavy' horse that kept up the rear . ( Hear , and laughter . ) Many intelligent men who were formerl y of opposite opinions were now going in the ri ght direction to support the cause . Reform was now a fashionable saying . Thero was no peril in it . The very tories were reformers . They must be reformers for fashion ' s sake . ( Hear , hear . ) He had always been a staunch advocate for religious freedom to its utmost extent . He should be sorry to hear anybody say he had wounded the feelings of persons opposed to him ; but he must say there was at this moment a schism of most awful import . One half of our national church appeared to be on the march back to papistry . Proofs of this were to be seen in all directions . He was glad , however , to think that the largest and most powerful body , the evangelical sect , were with them .

      Mr . Home then rose to support the resolution , and was received with enthusiastic cheering , said , he had always found fault with the manner in which our legislative body in the Ilouse of Commons was constituted . Its tendency was to support class interests and not to confer benefits upon the community at large . ( Hear , hear . ) It was the result of the power enjoyed by our aristocracy . They considered it their patrimony ; and their idea was , that they were born to be fed and supported by the community . ( Hear , hear . ) He highly approved of the principles on which this assoeiation was conducted . It was only by joining financial and parliamentary agitation that that great measure ot reform in 1830 was effected . They must look to

      measures , not to men . ( Hear , hear . ) He had no hesitation in saying that he had generally acted with the Whigs , but ho had always supported a constitutional government . He was perfectly satisfied with that form of government which comprehended Queen , Lords , and Commons ; but he protested against a system which enabled one body of the legislature to assume those honours which the other ou » ht to engross . ( Hear , 'hear . ) He did not wish to interfere with the Lords , but ho objected to their assuming the powers which ought only to be exercised by the Commons . Every man who contributed towards the taxation of the country ought to have , directly or indirectly , a voice in the election of members to serve in parliament . In order to prove to

      them how necessary it was to persevere in thenpresent endeavours , he would mention to them that in the year 1821-22 there was great distress amongst the landed interest of the country ; but incredible as it might appear , after every effort was made to alleviate that distress , not a single motion was carried to reduce the expenses of public establishments . In that year corn fell to 35 s ,, and at length an amendment was adopted , declaring that all thc institutions in the country should be inquired into , and all expenses reduced which were found to press heavily upon the finances ofthe nation . Years had elapsed since that period , and they were now falling back into their then state , because the people had no power in the conduct of ther own affairs . ( Hear ,

      hear . ) The exposure of the condition ofthe country , which was continued up to tho year 1830 , had produced the Reform Bill , and the exertions of this association would in time lead to similar practical results . As regarded the present Prime Minister he must say that he had always respected him for the p .-irt he took in respect to the Test and Corporation Acts , and also for the support he gave to the Lancasterian system of education . For nis conduct upon those points , and also for the course pursued by his father , the Duke of Bedford , he should always entertain a respect for him . As for the little contradictions which he occasionally indulged in _,, they were the result of the pressure of the times . William Pitt declared that an angel from heaven could not govern the country under the state of

      things which existed during his time ; and the same might be said at the present . Lord John Russell ' s heart was honest , but he was compelled to keep his situation . ( Laughter and cheers . ) He congratulated them upon the progress they were making . What he desired to see effected was an extension of the suffrage to every man who had been _registed to his domicile for a given period , so that all classes in the country should be able to carry out their opinions , whatever they might bo . He also thought that the duration of parliament ought nofc to exceed tliree years . He might not live to see the day when the reforms they were now endeavouring to accomplish would be brought into action , but the younger men , who were now commencing their career , would profit by the exertions they were now making . ( Cheers . )

      Mr . Cobden came forward and said , that he was compelled , to attend a committee in the House of Commons , but he had attended there to show his respect for the gentlemen who were present . He begged , however , to inform them , that he should have the pleasure of saying a few words to them

      tomorrow . Lord D . D . _Stuart congratulated the assoeiation upon ono of the m 63 t important meetings which had ever assembled , and one which every man must be proud to be present at . Their object was to reduce the burdens ofthe people , and to place the system upon a more just and equitable footing . In the year 1833 Mr . Cobbett demonstrated , by a series of resolutions , that the taxation of this country pressed upon the poor man forty times more than upon the rich man . ( Hear , hear . ) It was under such a state of laws as Mr . Cobbett pointed out that they were now living , and such laws the Financial and Parliamentary Association were determined to get rid of . Their object was to have tho publio taxation

      reduced to moderate limits , and to cause it to be placed upon a just footing . They would not carry their object utitil the people were fairly represented , as tho only way of securing financial-reform was by obtaining in the first instance parliamentary reform . ( Cheers : ) Mi * . W . J . Fox expressed his entire concurrence in tho social revolution which was now going on in this country—a revolution ( he said ) sought to be carried out without bloodshed or plunder—a revolution which would raise to their proper position the intellectual and moral aristocracy ofthe empire . It was not birth or wealth , but ability to govern , and integrity to govern rightly , wliich were the true qualifications to fit a man for a seat in the Ilouse of Legislature The constitution ought to be so modelled as to enable the working men to sit 3 ide by side with those cliques which had hitherto

      governed the country . As regarded the benefits conferred by the state upon persons -who rendered services to the public , Mr . Fox observed tbat they were not bestowed upon those who were really entitled to them . Wh y should Lord Clanricarde become the master of Rowland Hill , who had propounded the grand scheme for the reform of the postage ? It was because the system was to make the poorer men of this country subservient to the rich , and this was the system which the present association were endeavouring to alter . He was delighted to have the opportunity of seeing such a meeting as was there gathered together , and he wished nething better than that there should be a phrenologist present who could _nhow that even in that room there were the materials and the germs of regeneration in the land . The hon . gentleman then set down amidst the loudest applause .

      Sir Joshua Walmsle * * " then called upon the secretary , Mr . _Bcggs , to read tho report , of the business committeo recommending the adoption of certain resolutions , appointing a president , a vice-president , and a secretary , proposing fifteen minutes as tlie limit to each speaker , and an adjournment of the meeting that day at four o ' clock until ten o ' clock this morning , when the business was to bo continued untilnve o ' clock p . m . The meeting unanimously agreed to the report , and the resolutions contained therein . Sir Joshua Walmsley , who was appointed by the meeting to act as president , then returned thanks for their expression of the confidence which they had in him .

      Mr . KBRsnAw , M . P ., for Stockport , rthen proposed the first resolution , to the effect — " That this conference , convened for the purpose of concerting the best means of carrying out the principles and objects of the National Reform Association , feels it incumbent at the commencement ofthe proceedings to express its strong sense of the necessity of parliamentary and financial reform , its satisfaction at _theprogi'oss already made in extending the operations ofthe association , and its approba-

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      tion ofthe measures adopted by the council to that end . ' ¦ If further declares it conviction that , as a properly instructed and well-directed public opinion ia fully competent to effect airy change that the circumstance of the country may require , the work of reform in all instances rests with the great body of the people ; and therefore the conference invites every class of reformers , and those connected with the various political and financial reform associations , to become members of the National Reform Association , and in every suitable way aid its operations , " He felt no difficulty whatever in proposing such-a resolution as that to a body of English reformers , and in congratulating them onthe present aspect of their affairs . The first word that Mr .

      Fox said to him on entering the meeting was that he liked their faces , and then ho ( Mr . Kershaw ) stated that he felt the same impression . Tho re solution said that they were met for tho purpose of adopting the best means of carrying out the principles and objects of the National Reform Association . These principles and objects had been explained to them by that veteran reformer , Mr . Hunie , to whom the ' nation owed'an extraordinary debt of gratitude ; for he during a great number of years , and through good and evil report , had steadily , perseveringly , and constantly advanced the

      great principles which they were met to promote . ( Cheers ) All they asked for what was that the people should be fairly represented , that they should have what is called household suffrage , should be able to send to parliament men who wero capable of conducting their public business , and should have a vote by ballot , a protection which was greatly needed in this country . His observations had led him to conclude that the ballot was essential to the liberties of this country . On all occasions he had voted for it , as he had done for all measures which he thought tended to the liberty of the country .

      Mr . LAwnKNCE Hetworth , M . P . for Derby , in seconding the resolution , said that of all the instances which marked the glorious times in which lie lived , there was nothing on which they congratulated themselves with more reason than tbe fact tbat they were ablo to meet in such large numbers without arms , peaceably to work for the remedy of evils which they laboured under . They were not now , as formerly , compelled , when they had any great public burthen to relieve themselves of , to meet armed in large numbers to contest , with _violence for the attainment of their ri ghts . Thank God they could now meet tbe cannon at its mouth without arms . The power of armies was impotent when matched against reason and determined

      intellect . ( Cheers . ) There meeting there to-day from all parts of England argued that they were in earnest . Their great end and object was nofc merely to procure changes in the government , but ifc was through that instrumentality to obtain a remission of taxation . Their intention was not merely to remove burthens which were disagreeable to them , but to extend their commerce , so that every labouring man in the country should find employment , and be well remunerated . They . should look to their taxation and discover thc mode in which it was to be lightened . Mr . Hume told them he did not wish to see property rendered insecure . He joined with Mr . Hume in that desire , for ifc was the security of property that gave stability to society , * but , at the

      same time he did not see why the property ofthe poor man should not be considered of as much importance to him as the property of the rich man was to him . ( Cheers . ) By these laws they were putting tbeir hands Into the poor man ' s pocket , and robbing him of his hard-earned wages . Ifc was said they must maintain a revenue for the purpese of supporting the army and navy , but he would answer that a change could be made in the system which would enable them to dispense with the army and navy altogether . The national debt afforded another strong ground of objection , and it was doubted whether the people would pay the interest on the national debt by means of direct taxation . He was of opinion that , if the people investigated the thing , and found that the debt was a just one , such was their honesty that they would be most willing to pay the interest on ifc by direct taxation .

      The hon . gentleman was proceeding , when the chairman told him that he had gone beyond the time allotted to each speaker , ne accordingly Bat down , having given his cordial approval of the . resolution which he had the honoar to second . Mr . J . Williams , M . P . for Macclesfield , then spoke to the resolution , and congratulated the meeting on being able to call forth the opinion ofthe country in favour of one of fche best measures that was ever proposed for the benefit of the people , in such a manner as to fill so large a room with delegates from all parts of England , for the promotion ofthe objects of tho Parliamentary and Financial Reform Association . He concluded by saying that he would do every thing in his power to forward the views of the association , and he promised the people oi this country that they : could command his services , and rely on him without distrust .

      The resolution was then put and unanimously carried . Mr . G . Dawson , of Birmingham , then proposed the second resolution , to the effect : — " That in order to instruct , arouse , and concentrate public opinion upon practical measures , itis desirable tliat the council should employ as many lecturers as the funds may enable them to command , to visit various districts with the view of bringing before the people the principles and objects of the association , of forming local committees in connexion with the association , organising a machinery for enrolling members , and otherwise promoting the principles and objects of the association ; and , as special efforts already made in some of the farming districts have

      been attended with signal success , " ifc will be well for the council to direct part of its labours specially to the agricultural districts . " He had no choice in taking this resolution , as it savoured too much of the profession . He himself was a lecturer , and he could nofc join in the cant that was raised against that profession , whether ifc came from parsons or from prophets , who spoke against them either because they thought that they were interfering with them , or because they did not feel themselves capable of doing what tho lecturers did . There were now several organisations in which the people did not believe , but he hoped that they could organise something in which the people did believe . There were religious organisations in which no man

      believed , there was a House of Commons which no man cared about . ( Cheers . ) There still existed a series of things in which the people once had faith _, but which were now supported , though nobody believed in them . He wished to hear an end of tho 10 th of April talk which was often heard about protection to property . His opinion was , that property would always take care of itself when ifc was well managed . He wanted an organisation-politico in whieh the people did believe—an outward form of inward faith ; what might bo called an " outward rendering of real inward reality . " There existed many institutions in this country at which the people laughed privately , and which they pretend to reverence in publio . In the hope that the

      resolution which he had in his hand would tend to bring their ways more near their thinking , he would give it his most hearty support . He particularly liked the latter part of the resolution , because he believed that they had something to do for the farmers . He did not like to hear the talk that was generally used against them , because they were a very good sort of fellows when they came to be known . What they must do with tbe farmer was this , they must have them away from their clergy , and a set cf men whom they considered to be their hereditary property . They had tlieir Stanhops , their Spooners , their Ashleys , and their _Nevrdegates , These were the men who wero considered to bo the farmers friends . The men he wanted to go down to them to advise them , were men without antecedents , men who could not have it thrown in their teeth that they were traitors like Peel , or a Manchester cotton lord like Cobden . ( Cheers and laughter . ) They

      should bring them to believe in their errors , and they should tell them that they would certainly be ruined under the present change , unless they contracted their expenses , extended their agricultural operations , had their rents diminished , and their taxes lowered . ( Hear and cheers . ) He Mould not have them deceived in any way . If they wished to do anything , their only plan was to join the Reformers in diminishing the expenses nnd increasing the powers ofthe people . He had been visiting the farmers lately . One of them said tbat he was brought to that state , that for tho purpose of annoying tho people ofthe towns who had injured him he would lower the wages of his labourers to six shillings per week . To that he ( Mr . Dawson ) replied , that he hoped that if he did he would soon find himself burned in his bed , and showed him the absurdity of reveng ' ng himself on the inhabitants of the towns by causing conflagrations throughout the country , ( near . )

      Mr . Tillett , from Norfolk , seconded the resolution . Mr . _Houchton , of Upton , near Aylesbury , spoke in favour of the resolution . Ho said that some of the faces , around him brought to his recollection the timo when he lent hia _assistaneo in carrying the repeal of tho corn laws . He did not think that they had taken a retrograde step on that occasion . Everything that he had seen , and everything that had occurred since that time strengthened him in the opinion that it was the best policy that England could have taken . He would , however , beg

      to say , that he , as he believed himself to be , was one of the largest occupiers of land iu the kingdom , and ho waB not prepared to accept the repeal of the corn laws , and to go on with the present system of taxation . ( Cheers . ) He wanted not only free trade in corn , but free trade in everything else . Ho meant not only that they and the country at largo should go to the very best market that they could eet , but they . should go to it without the exciseman . ( Cheers . ) He was not only for free trade ,, but , for free trade carried-out to its fullest extent . He , would now repeat what he had often said before , that it was impossible for a man to grow -wheat at a low price , and have an extra-

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      ordinary amount of taxation . While he stated this he was prepared to stand for many of the institutions of his country , he was ready to support his sovereign and the Houseof Lords and it was to save them both that he now called on them to yield to the just demands of the people . ( Cheers . ) Having alluded to the present limited state ot the franchise in England and Ireland , Mr . Houghton concluded by saying that their intelligence , industry , and perseverance would secure their success . Tho resolution was then put and carried . Mr . Parky , who was delegated to attend by the inhabitants of Norwich , moved the next resolution ,

      to the effect : — " That in order more fully to awaken and direct tho reform feel ing , it is expedient tbat the council should continue from time to time to issue such tracts and publications , embodying the principles of the association , or pointing out specific plans of action , as may appear to them useful and necessary . " He repudiated the attacks of those who called them Socialists and Red Republicans , and said that they were met there for the purpose of obtaining their just rights in a peaceable manner , and concluded by observing that it would go forth to the world that they had fulfilled their important mission , the result of which must be final success . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Walters , from Newcastle , then seconded the

      resolution . Mr . G . Thompson , M . P ., for the Tower Hamlets , said that he begged extrcmly hard to be excused from addressing the meeting , on account of extreme indisposition , but he could not refrain from offering a few observations on so important an occasion . He congratulated the mceting .. upon the encouraging nature of the circumstances under which they had met . It seemed to him that they had only to ba steadfast in their cause , and to go on working wisely and temperately inculcating . their principles on tho public mind , and they would ultimately place themselves in a position which would render it impossible for any power within the state to control them . He recommended the people not to be led astray at the hustings by the ambiguous generalities of the great majority of candidates , but to send in men to parliament who sympathised with them . He repudiated tho notion that the people should be

      taxed ' for the support of an idle aristocracy . They were plundered to the extent of ten millions a year for the support of the chuioh establishment . They had also to pay six or seven millions forthe support of men who strutted on the quarter deck in vesselg belonging to what they call her Majesty ' s navy , They also paid an immense sum for the support of . men who did nothing but exhibit the skill of tailors by walking about tho streets like animated clothes pegs , and who pretended to _scorne their betters in the fustian jackets . And the fact was that atthe present moment , they had patrician pauperism and Belgravian mendicancy supported by what was taken from the pecket of the poor but honest man . Having alluded to the corruption , subornation , dishonesty , and debauchery which take place at elections now-a-days , and the little good that was effected by the Reform Bill , the hon . gentleman closed his speech , it being announced that it was four o ' clock .

      The conference then adjourned to the morning

      WEDNESDAY . The second sitting of the conference took place this day at Crosby Hall , at ten o ' clock , wherein in pursuance of the request of the chairniai ! _, the vanou 3 delegates proceeded to address the meeting on the subject of the political feeling : of their respective districts . Mr , William Bioos , of Leicester , who said that the feelings in favour of reform entertained in Leicester , were strong and perfectly healthy , tho men for the most part concurring with all _ tbe views of the Reform Association , lie suggested thai the conferences should be held annually as a means of holding united the Democratic parties throughout England , and complained that the City of London had been less ready in taking up the great questions of political reform than many other cities of

      England . He did not wish to see it become to this country what Paris was to Frauce j yet he hoped that , at least in the present movement ,. London would take up the position which belonged to-it as the great metropolis of the land and of the world , Mr . _Ahamb , of Derby , declared that the people ofthe city to which ho belonged , had warmly embraced the principles of National Reform , and would proceed whether or not they received the support of the Whig administration . The . Chartists there had not abandoned the principle of Universal Suffrage ; but as tbe means of attaining their ultimate designs , they gave the present movement

      their most hearty support . Mr . M'Gbath , of Dublin , said that as a friend to reform , he had come to the meeting , but was delegated by no public body ; he was certain that -under more favourable auspices they would find no warmer supporters than the Irish . . But that country was then in a state of degradation , humiliation , and prostration , from no fault of its own , but owing to the successive misfortunes under which it Kriuappily laboured . Mr . H . Lewis , and Mr . Addison of Stroud , Mr , _Wuitwall of Peterborough , Mr . Thwaites of Southwark , Mr . Gilpin , and Mr . Wade , addressed the Conference .

      The Chairman called on Mr . Cobden , whom he introduced as the most useful and practical i _.-K . n of the age , who had accomplished greater measures of usefulness than any man of modern times , and had brought up to the working man the blessings of plenty and cheapness . Mr . Cobdun , who was enthusiastically recsived , said he believed he was not wrong in _assuming that the gentlemen before him had come to London from their several localities because they were dissatisfied with the proceedings of the House of Commons . ( Hear , hear . ) They thought a large majority of Cha house was not doing all the things it ought to do , and that they did a great many things they ought not to do . ( Cheers and laaghter . ) He _beliuved they were of opinion that the house was not going as fast as ifc could in the right direction , and _tbnfc In many cases ifc was nofc going there at all . ( Cheers . ) After the votes he had recorded and the motions he

      had made , he should be a very insincere representative of his constituents , and a very great hypoorite indeed , _ifjhe did not agree with them in that _opi-iion . The result ofthe divisions which had taken placein the house had given him precisely tho same _nouon . ( Cheers and a laugh , ) He and tliey might bo \> iong in that opinion , and might be in error in _wi-iiing certain things to be done , but he should be a very great hypocrite if he did not thank them for assembling to support the minority of the Houso of Com- _, mons , and to enable them to accomplish the olj _^ cfc they had in view . ( Cheers . ) Ho assumed they were of opinion they could get a better House of Commons if the people had a larger control over the representation . The theory of the constitution was

      that tho House of Commons represented tlk- people . It was that whicli was peculiar to them among the nations of Europe . If , thon , they fouud in many cases that it was a complete sham , _delusion , and fraud , they would bo traitors to the principles of the constitution if they did not endeavoui- to make the house represent the people . They were anxious for greater economy in the administration of the affairs of state . ( Cheers . ) There the thoory of the constitution was with them again , and they must be traitors to it if they did not believe the peoplo were the best guardians of the people ' s purse . In opposition to all who denied that a fair representation of the people would give us a more economical government , he maintained that al !

      experience showed such would bo the result in the administration of the peoplo _' s affairs . He would take the case of the three countries in whioh the people had the largest influence—the United States , Switzerland , and Norway—and he pointed to them as tho models of modern times for the wise , prudent , and economical administration of financial affairs . ( Hear hear . ) Agreeing in all these points , and there was scarcely a rational man could object to them ,. they had assembled there to lay the foundations for effecting a change in the representation thafc would give them a better government and a more economical administration of affairs . ( Cheers . ) There was no royal road to change in the affairs of this country . Any one who dreamt that any great

      moral change could be . effected by violent meansby a fight in the streets—by any means but by arduous continued labour , was not worthy of joining with them . ( Hear , hear . ) They thought to effect their change by moral means alone ; but he asked theni to look around and see what means were at their command . No change had been made since 1833 , when Sir Robert Peel raised the cry of "Register ! register ! " at a time when his party were in a ' most miserable condition . The whole source of political power in this country sprang from the registration court ; and , if they would effect any change , it must be made by means of those courts now , as in 1833 . The first ohject to which they must direct thoir attention was to act on the registration of electors by means of . local bodies . Let them , when they returned home , form associations forthe purposes of registration .. If

      they did so , and paid some attention to registration matters , it would givo them a title to a voice in the election of a candidate to represent them in parliament . He knew of no other way in which they could obtain a title to the same right . That object could not he effected by a centralized body ; it must bo done by local means , whil e tho central body could direct their efforts and encourage the people to persevere in the registration effort . But it was not merely in the boroughs they must set about this ; they must register in the counties also- They I must infuse moro of tho popular element into the country constituencies by the increase of small freeholds . The country would be indebted to them for carrying ovt the vrork because they were preparing to do so by means on which the people of England prided themselves , and whereby they avoided tho concussions which were so apt to follow changes _, abroad—namely , moral means alone . They boasted themselves as being able , whether from long pi _notice or coldness ot temperament , io hold a great aud exciting publio meeting , and then go home and

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), April 27, 1850, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_27041850/page/7/