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Northern Star (1837-1852), 24th June 1848, Edition 3 of 3, Page 3, •&£bieh)_3

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      Tid€D Tbat Ucb " ' N June 24, 1848. ^- ,...

      tbat " ' N June 24 , 1848 . _^ - _, m — _-t— - THE FORTHIMl-STAE , ____________ 3

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      _t-oetrg .

      The Song Of Frbedo-F . Hark! From The Na...

      THE SONG OF FRBEDO-f . Hark ! from the nations of tht South , To Freedom's _rallying roar ; ¦ ff boss _pas _. word flies from mouth to mouth Aad rings from shore to shore _. Too long , too long , With suffering strong , _Uah allowed Bonis they bore—Sow Freedom eri c * _. With sparkling eyes , Let men be sieves no sore ! _Xo more ! Ltt m ; nbe slaves no more' .

      Franca hurled her tyrant from the throne , With one resistless stroke Asd frighten'd despots vainly groan , To view the broken yoke . As prlncei fly , Their native's sk y , To seek Britannia ' s shore—The nations rise , With fiery eyes , Acd will bs slaves no more ! Ko more ! And will be slaves no more ! Shall Esglakd tamely stand and Bee Young _Fa-EDO ! f ' s glittering lights , Kor raise the watchword—LiB-MT .

      Oar CHARTER and our RIGHTS No ! they shall see We wiU fee free , For P _ Jsebood's relga is o ' er ; With heart and hand , In strength we stand , And will be slaves no more ! No more ! An- will hi slaves no more ! Who woald not die in such a

      cause—The cause of Truth and R _' ght ! Though long oppressed by tyrant laws , We'll gird ourselves for fight . Wbo wonld bs still , Wbea every hill R ? -EC * -oes Freedom ' s ro 3 r ? And every Tele , Repeats the tale—- ' We will be slaves no more ! ' So more ! ' We will be slaves no more !'

      Who can withstand a nation s might , Impassioned , pure , and strong ; When once they see , by Freedom ' s light , They have been slaves too leng ! United , then , Brave Englishmen , Tour strife will soon be o ' er—And nations bless _. Your bright success , And 21 E _. t be SLATES no more . ' Ko more I And HEK be SLAVES no more ! _OlTE or THE PEOPK ,

      'God Forbidl' Tcke .—'Bang Il Up.' •Spec...

      'GOD FORBIDl ' Tcke . — 'Bang il up . ' Special constable , sir ' . ' said tha policeman . Mr O'Connor went oa . * Special constable , sir 1 Thisway , j _ : ! ' said the first usher . Mr O'Connor passed on , lookis ; indignantly at the official , but making no _ohiervation . 'Special constable , sir ! Are yoa to be sworn , sir ! ' _ssiS tie second usher . 'GOB _TORBID , ' was the noble reply of Mr O'Connor .

      'God Forbid! God-Orbi-!' Cried The Chief...

      'God forbid ! _God-orbi- !' Cried the chieftain , bold and brave . 'Godforbia ! Go _ forbid !' I should ' sweaV and bs a slave ** I may pride in being a ' Felon , ' I may uie as others did , Bat to be a Sasoa ' Special ]' Hay the Gods abeve forbid ! Go . forbid J God _ferbid ! I should lift this Irish band , To strike at British freedom , Or to crash t _ . is 3 ritLsh land . I love this fine old England—I would spill my fclo-d to rid All tha world of thieves and tyrants—Will I ' swear , ' then?—God forbid ! God forbid ! God forbid !

      That the gallant and the bold , In the _cloB-y fconr of danger , By their leaflets shoald ba' sold . ' I one those rogues ao Homage- — _~ So\—and even if I did—7 _TcruT < i I pay therr . as a' Special J * llej the God of Heaven torbid ! God forbid ! Go . forbid ! Thatthe old and honoured name , I inherit frora my fathers , Shoald , is _E-gland _, loieits fame ; _-. mblaxonedlong in story , Shall its brilliancy be hid ? Shall _O'Cokkos be a ¦ Special I ' Hay tbe God I own forbidl _Gedforb'd ! God forbid ! That my native Irish land _Shoull _aurture an O'Connor ,

      Far a villain , _cut-throas band ! Hy fathers smote the tyrant ! Who blames them that they did ! Thea , shaJI I disgrace their ashes ? Hay tha Cod I love forbid ' . G * _d forbid ! 6 ed forbid I That the _shararo-k _' s virgin green , With the blood of manly Britoai , Should be _dyei and _damu'd : —I ween Disunion ' s corpse ll coffined 1 WiU a Paddy lift the lid ! WiU O'Connor be a ' Special !' Hay the God of War forbid ! J . K . Dublin , 40 , B . _ld _. Vitreet , June ISth , 1848 .

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      " St Revolutions Aud Counter-Revolutions...

      " ST Revolutions aud counter-revolutions _^ _Rapublicsa revolts and royal flights , insurrections and prescriptions , emeutes , demonstrations and triumphs of public order (!} ' have of late so occupied our attention , and _sa much monopolised onr columns , that we have allowed this department of the STiB to fall into neglect . In the clearing off arrears of publications received for review , we mutt of necessity give but a brief notice of each . When once agtin we haTe _raade all straight we shall return to onr former plan of giving lengthy reviews of & U publications really valuable ; a plan which , we belieTe , gave great satisfaction to the rsidera of the Sub in other days , IRELAND .

      I.—Tenant Right. A Letter Addressed Io L...

      I . —Tenant Right . A Letter addressed io Lord Viscount Castlereagh , M . P . 1 . —Repeal or Revolution . A letter addressed to the Right Hon . Lord John Russell , M . P . By Jou * _DCS-USI Ll 5 G , D . D . , A . M . London : E . Wilson , Royal Exchange . 1 . —This' Letter' appears to have been printed for private circulation . Called forth by Sir William So _ rcBTOi ~ - ' B Landlord and Tenant Bill , this Letter has been written to explain—1 st . what' tenant-right reailv is , ' and 2 nd . suggest a scheme of law to the legislature , calculated in the belief of' The Antrim and Down Tenant-Right Association' to give : _istisfaction to Ireland . This pamphlet affords ns the opportunity of briefly explaining to our readers the nesaing of * TEKAKT HIGHT .

      The _las _. s were mo _ . lj held at such _moderate rents , as encouraged the tenants' exertions , aad secured them a _reasanable support for their families ; so that when any tenant desired to dispose of his occupancy , he was _alw _. _js enabled to sell bis ' good-will , ' or ' interest , ' or ' tenant-right , ' for a sum f * r exceeding his actual « xpinditare upon the premises . If the hn . lord , at tfee _ezpiratien of a lease , or where tier * was n _» lease , _det-f-4 to _diipo-sBis a tenant , he always granted per . n-U-ion t _« sell to another , or bseome , hlmstlf , the purchaser , tt the usual price of _teaant-right , in the district .

      Under such _arTS--je _ aeats the interests ef teaant-far-Qtrs have corae to be as much recognised as actual pro-PivtS as a fee simple Interest ofthe landlords—selling , according to circnmstancei and localities , either with or withont leases st & rate varying from £ 10 , to £ 30 an acre . 8 o CQ __ p .. t - ] j ba . this privilege been recognised as a right , that land required for public works usually br iags u large a sum to the occupying tenant * , as to the owner ie fee ; and farmers In borrowing money to effect improTun . _uts , or _vtfeeu making their Witts , are nni . formly enabled to _yt , on the faith of the mere tenantright , es if they held their premises directly from the crows . It should however be _stited , thatthe above described usage is not _nnifor-a throughout UlBter _. either as regards the value of tenant right or the regulations _connected with its enjojment : —

      Oa some estates , in consequence ofthe liberality ofthe landlords , the tenant-right is worth £ S 0 an acre ; whilst , ° a others , it sinks down to £ 15— £ -0—or even £ 5 . —Oa torn , estates , again , the Unant Is permitted to . ell his _h-tertsi to the highest aad best bidder , without any restriction , either as to price or person ; whilst on _ot-L-T « tttss , ths landlord _fxei the maximum price , and also requires to be satisfied with the purchaser . We shall next quote the letter-writer ' s scheme ef •** to legalise

      ' --- _"iST-RIG - _** _. ' IOR THS WHOM 0 _T IB 5 LA 5 D . _fwit , ws propose , that tenants , if _diipotst-sea * by _thelr _laadlc-rds , shall receive fair and full compensation fee til unexhausted _i-ap'ovements _, previously made , whsther _parchued by _tht-aselTes , inherited from their _" _^ tm , or created by _tfeelr girt _Isbaar sad _«_>«* ti _ r _»

      I.—Tenant Right. A Letter Addressed Io L...

      __^ _mS _ 5 _T _Tid € d _^^ , ucb *» _proven _«» l . are S t " _us . ' ° Pen ? ' Ma tena _**™> " « - * r toto-HMM h . i ' ° f'i : J ° aU 0 M "' whBn a tsfl _^ t *• _eompelled by his landlord to * rrend « his _ocenpancy by the de . _£ _— r e _f rbita treat ' snould ' »» addition to compensation for imprc v . ments _. _reeelve , as cons . _guentUl damages a sum equival _. at to six or seven years of the beneficial interest which ' e would have had in the properry from which he has bee a removed , had he been al . Z _tt \ ° _i _Wv * * < Blr IeaI - Ko * 3 emsnd of r £ ntby _« w -Milord to bs considered _lurHtant which would not exceed the sum laid upon ta j soil , as a fair rent , by Arbitrators , or a Jarjt 8 CC 0 . _., <( J the _, j S . ? H „„ « f _^ r W - Some "i _^'« _BU 1 . or in the 23 rd Section of the Land Clauses _Consoli l _. Uoa Act .

      «„ 5 _^ _f * 5 ° _etocidate this _seconi proposal , we nfi 1 ° _? UOte at 80 me , Bn _« th _father -cm this pamv » t ? nn P _« ss ° _f matter forbids . The . , isanoteervation oa the repeal of the _Corn-laws , t page 13 , ti _«« - _^ S _¥ V-6 _* that _1 nes _« _°° . _^ forced tunes without number in the columns of thi- _ournal . lhe writerof the Letter' insists that Ireland -annot _&? _fc abnndai _» ce of America and o _* . -er _DrodnrA _uJ con _« e 9 ae ?« y . the market price of aU K _" _Roomed to fall one-third at least , an __ _farmers will be unable to pay rent . Good leases and tLT _? fi ! r 8 eonria _2 Tenaat Compensa tion are , therefore , more than ever necessary to stimulate improved _caltiration . ' _uceasionally the author of this Letter exhibits a manly tone when _treatins of the _monev-riphta nf thn

      farmer , but we are sorry to add that no slave of an i-astern satrap could more devotedly express Mb sense of the * _right-dmce ' of his tyrant , than does the author of this Letter his acknowledgment of the _whber-right of tfee Aristocracy to usurp the possesion

      2.—This' Glimpse Of The Irish Future' Is...

      2 . —This' Glimpse of the Irish Future' is an ably _written and plain spoken exposition ef the wrongs , and defence of the rights , of the psople of Ireland . Ur Laug _h s vindication of the necessity and justice of Repeal ia unanswerable ; and no one can read this pamphlet without feeling assured that if Repeal comes not soon , Revolution will come . Dr Lung has infused something like _noreltyinto the Repeal discussion , by _recounting his own experiences of the blessings of self-government in eleven of the original United States of America , a _ , d , on the other hand , the enormous evils of Imperial legislation in five of the English colonies , namely : New South Wales , Van D : emen ' s Land , Swan River , the Cape of Good Hope , and New Zealand . Dr Lang is a member of the Legislative Council of New Sauth Wales , and intimately acquainted with the condition

      and wants of the Australian colonies . He _givea several striking—some positively ludicrous—illustrations of the presumptuous ignorance and fatal folly of Lord Joek Russell , Earl Ghbt , and the' Commissioners of Land and Emigiation . ' It is very evident that the day ia not very fa . distant _whea perseverance in the present system of Colonial government will force the colonists to imitate the Americans , aad declare themselves independent of the aristocratic fools and plunderers who at present curee with their rule both England and her colonies . The Charter—not the Gagging Bill—and the consequent driving out of the aristocratio vermin from the offices of government , and the Establishment of self * government in the Colonies—making them federal states of the British empire—can alone guarantee the continued connexion oi those distant regions with this island .

      Or Lang truly says of Ireland , that' the real _question « ow 'is , not whether Repeal shall be conceded , but whether the future national legislature of Ireland shall be a parliament or a congress—whether that island shall be a kingdom under the imperial crown , or an independent and sovereign republic ' That one or the other will be speedily seen , Dr Lang has no _donbt—aor have we . We earnestly recommend this pamphlet to all who haye not made up their minds on the Repeal question , and to all desirous of pushing on the good work of real 'Justice to Ireland . '

      Reform. I—The Revolution In France—A War...

      REFORM . I—The Revolution in France—a Warning to the Aristocracy and Middle Classes of England . London : E . Wilson , Royal Exchange . 2 —A Budget of Two Taxes only . London : E . Wilson . 3 . —The Coming Era , and the 3 Ien to figure in it . By Thomas Sttles _, London : E . Wi ' _ison . 1 . —The Rights of Industry , or the Social Problem of the Day . By G . _Poclett Sckope , M . P . London : J . Ridgway , Piccadilly . 5 . —Common Right , the Bond of Union against Common Wrong .

      1 . —The aristocracy , the established priesthood , and the bourgeoisie , are properly exhibited in this pamphlet , as the robbers and oppressors of the working cla ? ses . Tte author proves the existing _ejitem to be , politically and socially , opposed to tha laws of nature and the principles of eternal justice . He asks . ' Who will assert that the ariBtoeraoy and middle classes are not afraid of the millions of working men who crowd our manufacturing _towc _. ?' He adds , ' There is fear of the people in the very fact that their rights are denied to them . But there is not fear enough . ' This pamphlet was written in March last , and tfc-n the author _utote : — ' Once let the masses be fully convinced that they are _toexpeot no sympathy , OHce let them lose sight of the last ray of hope , and yoa [ the middle _classe ?] then forfeit the one lingering hold on their affections . In that case , flatter not yourselves that the most numerous army , that the best drilled police , can much

      longer pro ? up your unequal laws , your unjust institutions . The hour that you begin to govern through fear alone , that hour haa tha knell of roar reign sounded . ' What wonld the author gay bow , after ' the 10 th of April' and * the 12 th of Jane , ' and a Gagging Bill passed by a middle class House of Ccmmons ? Wa can assure him that inextinguishable hatred of the bourgeoisie ia the ruling ( and , _undepths _circurastsneeg , natura !) se _ ttiment ofthe masses . The _prafitmonjering bludgeoners have themselves alone to thank for thiB feeling on the pari ofthe working men . For the latter thera is hope , in spite of the' specials . ' ' The tendency of all _clau-soverntaents , ' Bays the author of this pamphlet , * ii to _fina-xia ! disorganisation ; and this _teadency is the salvation ef the _oppress-ti . With a fall exchequer , all is possible ; but falline revenue and increasing expenditure aro the harbingers of revobtion . ' True . And who , admitting thiB , caa doubt the _prezent signs of the times ? ...

      We trust that this pamphlet has had a wide _circnlafiou . It contains truths which both the ruled and rulers would _dovfelltoponderoa .

      2.—Tha Author Of 'A Budget Of Two Taxes ...

      2 . —Tha author of 'A Budget of two Taxes Only , ' proposes , instead of the present cumbrous system of taxation , that there be s Stamp Tax , with ibelegzcy duty _eqaelis-d , and extended to real property ; a _ d a Property Tax applied to all realised property , with au equitable proportion on income . The arguments in support of this scheme , are well worthy the conaid-ratioa of ' tha men of the future , ' to whom the author addresses his pamphlet , and cot to ' the aristocrats , who _misgovern , nor to the EOrdid legislature which misrepresents the country . ' It strikes us that 'the men cf tho future , ' when overhauling the taxation of the country , will not hesitate at grappling with the monster Debt , bo largely the cause of the grinding oppression nnder which the people groan . Truly is itsaid in tbis pamphlet , that , to meet the grasping requirements of their rulers , ' a greater amount of p < r & onaI andmentsl slavery is undergone by the people—by tha operatives , hands , as they are called—than ia , or haa _beenj endured under the worst systems of _ahvery known in modern or ancient times . It is a system of the mest elaborate wrong and degradation of which the world has any knowledge . ' But this system , « a _E-iddie class Parliament of alternate _cringers and op _> pressors , ' will neither destroy nor amend . Slaves the working _s-aen of England are , and slaves they will remain , unless they resolve to right themselves , in defianc . of tha force and fraud of' _nobxr & cy' and ' _tnobrycraoy . '

      5.—' Gratiano Speakei An Infinite Deal O...

      5 . — ' Gratiano speakei an infinite deal of Eothi & g . ' Thomas Styles * ia not fit te noli a candle to John _Noakes , ' whose pamphlet on the 'Right of the Aristocracy tothe Soil , ' we some time ago noticed in thia journal . There was sense iu ' John Noakes ' a' lucubration , and it is true that there are some _graina of the same article in ' Thomas Sty lea ' s , ' but wa are sorry to say that ths chaff greatly predominates . A certain publishing ofEee advertise . ' _AShiliiogsworth of Nonsense ; ' we ara sorry we cannot announce this pamphlet as ' A ShillinEsworth of Good Sense . ' Tha author means well , but has marred all by overlaying his few genuine thoughts with a cloud of _cs _. less words , and substituting an assumed qnaintuess of expression for the language of _comaion sense , * G _» thy way , ' Thomas , ' and sin no more . '

      4.— The Condition Of The People Is The G...

      4 . — The condition of the people is the great problem of the day . AU admit that the welfare of the working classes does net improve in proportion to tba improvement of the world at large , in wealth and civilisation ; en the contrary , large masses of the people are continually deteriorating in their social condition . Thi . ' great fact' Mr Podleit Scrope proclaims in the follow startling terms—startling to the men of his own order ;—THE _WROMOS OP THB PO 0 B . They see immense wealth , the result of the toil of many , accumulated in the hands ef a few , who are actually _gorged with thB means of enjoyment , while multitudes ara unable to obtain a bare subsistence iB reqaital of the most ceaseless labour . They » e _« on * man appropriating thousands of acres to hU mere amassment ; while myriads Of mS 3 _CB-inOt Obtain a rood of ground on whioh , by patient Industry , to grow the food necessary for their existence , or rear cabins in which to shelter thomi . Ire * from tha store-. The _; see * om _» _cansnmlng In Idleness and _DTO-llgBOy

      4.— The Condition Of The People Is The G...

      what might support maBy times their number ; while numbers vainl y ask leave to work through the longest day or night for the smallest portion of that _sup _. iflulty oa which life can be sustained . And , their Ideas balng no longer limited , as In less _enlightenod times , to the narrow » phcra of the worlahoj or tbo field ; having learnt to think , and _evanto reason , as wallas to feel , they begin to question _themselv . _s , to inquire one of an . other , Why thu should be [—whether it be really a mat . ter of necessity t And , if not , how so glaringly unjust a state of things may be corrected 1 Mr _Scrop e thus demolishes THE LIE OF _OVKS P . PDXiTIOIf . To talk then , aB some have doae , of the growth of popnlation outranning the po _. aible increase of the avail _, able means for human sustentation and enjoyment , is stark trea . _en to civilisation .

      Can it be supposed that civilised man is _indUidu-Uj less capable of providing : for his wants by utilising the powers of Nature than the untaught savage ? Or are hia wants and de . ires more limited as he ad « ranees in civilisation ? Or is he less willing to esert himself for their _satisfac tion ? Bit if not—if the contrary is undeniably the fact—il the resources of Nature are inexhaustible , and that Man ' s willingness and capacity to employ them for the gratifl . ation of _hiadeslces , and his desires themselves , are all n nltiplied by tha acquisition of knowledge , then must no the oapscity of millions be in the same proportion increased by the same means ? And where then is the limit t > the _posBl _. le advance of the species la both In . _dividaa and general well-being ?

      Faulty _nstitatlona msy cramp and fetter the induB . trial energi . sofa people , or lock up the soil and ether natural r _. sou _ces ef a country , by unwise restrictions or monopolies , thus creating an artificial penury and privation . But whils ( ss at present is tbe fact ) not above _one-Bun-redth part of the cultivable surface of tho globe is yet cultivated , an the greater part of that is tilled only in a _rade and _unscientific manner , so as cot te return one-fourth of the piodttce which might be obtained by application of the best agricultural processes up to this time discovered—so lor .- Is it impossible that thc human race , as a whole , or _aiy portion of it , not op . _presged by some i-xternal force , « nd having the wisdom to apply Its powers in a fit manner to the desired end , can fail in obtaining with ease for _< H Its members an abundant supply of the chief objects nicesBary to pbjBic . l comfort , aad a large surplus beiidei to be exchanged at wlllfor other _gratifying objects or serv _c-es with their fellow-men .

      Nothing bat the mismanagement of their social Institutions , can now in any civilised community prevent the iacreaseof the general wealth , bryond any _probat-eincreate of its numbers , concurrently with the progressive advaece of useful knowledge . Mr Scrope repudiates the extreme views both oi the ' Laissez-faire' and the ' Protectionist' schools , and maintains that the ' juste milieu'is the only true and safe course . Mr Scrope lays down the following ' axioms' as constituting the

      _PBiaARV _RIOH . _S 0 P INDUSTRY . 1 . —The free use ofthe natural resources ofthe earth . 2 .--Tho appropriation and free disposal by the Indas . trions of what they have produced . Very good . From the . e premises we should proceed to argue—1 st , for the resumption of the soil by the entire people ; and 2 nd , the abolition of mastership by the anion of capital with labonr . Not eo , however , does Mr Sorope argue , He announces great prinoiples but he immediately afterwards sacrifice , them to expediency . He accepts the present system , so incompatible with the rights he proclaims , and demands merely certain palliatives which , though not valueless , would be ft und powerless to cope with the gigantic evils he so forcibly describes , His remedies are the

      removal of artificial barriers to trade in land ; a liberal system of land tenure ; a reduction of the national expenses and revision of taxation ; more freedom to the credit-currency of the country ; elementary instruction provided for all ; the organising of some regular system of colonisation ; a well administered public provhien for the destitute poor of the three kingdoms ; mutual assurance institutions for the working classes ; and , lastly , the suppression of the fatal influence of Irish pauperism , by opening up the rich _reseurces ofthe soil of Ireland to the willing _industry of ite inhabitants . To effect this desirable con 3 U _ cmationa » _regardsIrtland j Mr Scrope contends for a series ef measures similar in spirit to those he advocates for England .

      ThiB pamphlet deserves a mere extended notice , for the author gives expression to views on certain subjects to which we cannot _subsc-ib _., but which . the claims _up . in our columns prevents us combating . In spite of thia , vre have no hesitation in recommending thiB pamphlet to our friends , as the work ofa generous hearted man , who may at least claim the merit oi good intention " . There is no doubt that his plans w . uld , if carried out , ameliorate the present condition of many thousands , bat , we repeat , such plans would fail to _grappla with tbe cause- of tresent evils , and , therefore v _*< u'd be inadequate to ensure tte triumph ot the principles ou which he has based hia plea for his suffering fellow men .

      5.—This Ia A Tract, Issued Some Time Ago...

      5 . —This ia a tract , issued some time ago by a committee of shopkeepers and tradesmen , was addressed to ths trading classes of Manchester , in support of a combination of all classes'for the attainment of the people ' s rights . Thc _cemmittee advocate the ' six point . ' and toe argument , advanced do much credit to their ability and patriotism . We are sorry that , like the deaf adder , the majority of the Manchester shopkeepers refused to listen to the voice of the enlightened minority . Of that refusal there was more than sufHoient proof in tbe brutal suppression ofthe intended publio meeting of the working classes of Manchester on the 12 th of June ; for had cot the ' authorities' been supported by the bulk of the middle class they would not have dared to have carried out the infamous orders addressed to them from the Home office . But ' _( V _ait a Httle longer . ' Blacker ruin tban tbey have yet known , ia in store for the Manchester bourgeoisie , when they will be well punished for refusing to listen to the appeals contained in this tract ; and be driven , in spite of themselves , into & mora revolutionary attitude than has ever yet been assumed by the Chartists .

      Periodicals. Tait'f Edinburgh Magazine. ...

      PERIODICALS . Tait ' f Edinburgh Magazine . June . Edinburgh : Sutherland and Knox . London : Simpkin , and Marshall . ' _Tatea on Knowledge and the Newspaper Press , ' is the title of a very sensible ar tide against the penny blood-mark—that disgrace to the Press of Britain . We concur with the Editor of Tait ' s Magazine , that the mainstay of this vile tax is the monopolising spirit of the principal journals iu London and the country . In fact , but for the London daily papers the penny robbery would never have existed . The writer of thiB notice is one of the baud who by enthuiiastio labour and _personal Bufferings—both in aad out of priion—beat down thefourpenuy tax , and so signal was the defeat ofthe government , tbat the

      tas would have been utterly abolished , had not the infamous daily journals , anxious to preserve their monopoly conspired to induce the Whigs to fix the penny plunder , for the purpose of preventing the birth of rival journal .. The Editor ef Tait ' s Magazine demand , the repeal ofthe penny tax , with the understanding that papers sent throught the post be subjected to a penny postage . He further demands the total abolition of _theladvertisementSduty . We suggest , in addition , tbe total repeal of all the provisions of the infamous Whig _Press-gagging Bill , passed on the occasion of the reduction of the fonrpenny tax to ene penny . We ajreewith Tailthat 'The red penny stamp on the corner of newspapers is a badge of slavery—a barricade to knowledge , aa the window-taxis a barricade

      to health and light—and tho oouatry cannot be free where both exist . ' We agree t _. o , with To . it , thst the emancipation of the press , must mainly spring from the will and union of journalists to be free ; and although we are well aware that the repeal of the penny blood-mark would bring into the field a host of Chartist rivals to the Noe . hern Star , we nevertheless hereby declare our readiness to join in any movement , calculated to release the press from its present bondage _. There is an excellent story iu this number of Tail , entitled ' The ChaDter of Accidents , ' from the

      German of Hkinuich TrscEOKEK . The other prose artides do not call for notice . As regards the poetry , ene of Tait ' s ' chartered libertines , ' Ebenezer Eluot , puts in a ' A Plea for Lamartine ; ' bnt why tte twaddling trash is thus named we are very sure no man can tell , not even the crazy author , who , good laok ! thinks himself a poet ! Better be ' a kitten and cry mew' than such a poet . Ofa very _ditterentstampia _Josjph _Gosncs ' s dramatic sketch eratitled ' The Revolt of the Miners , ' which does indeed containiw . trt / . We had intended to have given an extract or two , but want of space forbids > perhapa we may do so next week .

      The Voice Of The Artizan, London: W. Str...

      The Voice of the Artizan , London : W . Strange , Pat 6 rnoster-iow . This publication , whieh professes to be' the organ of Instruction _Sooietie _p , and Mechanic . Institutions _^ is conducted by tho ' People's Instruction Sooiety , Birmingham . Unlike Mr Poulett Scrope , we hate the ' juste milieu' and detest' moderation' in politics . This publication , politically considered , is , therefore , not to our taste , because not ' up to the mark . In other respects The Voice of the Artizan is very creditable to ita conductors . Written and conducted by working men , The Voice of the Artizan , notwithstanding its deficiencies , must command our good wishes ; we , therefore , will wish it a little moro spirit , and an extensive circle of readers end supporters .

      %3* Pamphlets On Chab-Ib-1, Rk.Buc_Hism,...

      _% 3 * Pamphlets on Chab-IB-1 , Rk . _buc __ hism , and Ths Laho . will be noticed in our next Hun . ber .

      Theimpbrfectionofthe English Language * ...

      TheimpBrfectionofthe English language * exhibited when we state the fact that a black berry 18 red _wtien it is green ,

      To The Peoplei The Persecution—Fussed An...

      TO THE PEOPLEi The persecution—Fussed and the Spy-reporters—Pikes and Peelers—Blustering Ferocity , ex . M . P _., and the working men of Bingley—7 he Law versus the Constitution—The constitutional right of tht people to have and know the use of arms . Caution to the People-Respectable ruffianismthe Press-gang—The Republican Constitution . Friends , Countrymen , and Brothers , A great number of our unfortunate brethren at

      present under arrest in York Castle and other prisons , have been dragged from their homes , and deprived ot their _persone . 1 liberty fer the ' crime' of possessing and attempting to learn the use of defensive weapons . The papers have teemed with ac counts of the arrests of men , whose only offence appears to have been that of exercising the vaunted « Constitutional right' of Englishmen —• the right to possess arms . Amongst those marked for the vengeance of the enemies of Chartism , poor Fussell appears to be singled out for special persecution . You have his own declaration that the charge brought against hira of having recommended private assassination is completely false ,-and for my part , I would much rather take his word than I would the oath ot the

      characterless vagabond who gave evidence against him . The ' penny-a-liners' know , that to have a chance of their' flismy' being accepted , they must make their reports sufficiently ' spicy . ' If they report a fire , they describe the ' ravages' of ' thedevouring element' in the most glowing terms- If an accident , they as industriously elaborate the par . ticulars of the ' appalling catastrophe . ' If a murder , they so red-ochre the horrors of the foul deed as to out-Greenacre Gbeenacre . "Of course , by the same rule , when—spy-like— -they " tak © notes of a « seditious speech , ' they never hesitate at a lying invention , to make their report the more ' striking . ' I , therefore , suspect that the assassination-charge brought against Fuss ell was a bit of ' spice' inserted by the ' liner , ' to make his 'flimsy' the more

      attractive . To make Fussejll ' s case still blacker , a story has heen told of a terrible pike found at his home , and forwarded to the police ' authorities' by a broker . This story is very probably another lying invention , but if true , what then ? With as much reason Mr Fusseix ' s _umbrella or toasting fork might have been sent to Scotland-yard . A man has as good a right to possess a pike , as he has to possess a toastingfork or an umbrella . The ' Constitution' authorises every man to have and to hold arms , and does not exclude pikes from the category of defensive

      weapons . The account which has appeared in the Star oi the stretching of magisterial authority at Bingley , must have excited tho disgust of every honest man . Busfeild Ferrand _' s conduct is the n-. ore disgusting , seeing that he has always professed to be ' thft poor man ' s friend . ' There is ne man in England who has done more to excite discontent' than Ferrand has done . His speeehes in and out of Parliament on Free Trade , the New Poor Law , and Ten Hours Bill , are remembered by every one for their ' violence . ' He is now as violent in act * , as he was formerly in words . Then he advocated the cause of

      the poor , now he damns himself to everlasting fame —in bis own locality , as the poor man ' s oppressor . How is this ? Is it that having been discarded by the Tories , he has turned Whig , and hopes to win favour in the eyes of Lord John Russell , by persecuting the men whose alliance he courted not long ago ? Whatever may be his motive , bis conduct has been most har . h , cruel , and despotic towards the working men of Bingley . According to the newspaper reports he headed a military force , with fixed bayonets , for the purpose of dragging unarmed , peaceable men from their work , to fling them into the companionship of thieves . He broke into houses , and one man he tore from his bed in his shirt ,

      telling him ' to come along for a damned thief !' He handcuffed his victims , and loaded them with chains , and these poor unarmed , fettered menchained like wild beasts , he caused to be escorted to gaol , by his ruffianly gamekeepers with loaded guns . Lastly , when he had collected his victims within the walls of York Castle , he lectured them in the most insulting language , upon bis resolution to vindicate the majesty of the law' and ' uphold the constitution ; ' although , as I shall presently show , if 'law' and'justice ' bad the same meaning in this country , he would be made to change places with his victims , and be himself punished far violating the ' Constitution . '

      In the course of bis address to his helpless victims , Mr Ferrand alluded to ' the wicked advice of base and designing men ; ' and their' exciting language ' and' treasonable trash . ' Spoke of souse one as ' a scoundrel , ' of certain persons as ' despicable cowards , ' and of others as ' so many scatdtd rale ;' reminded the poor fellows before hira , that they had been ' marched in chains to the railway station ; ' and , after chuckling over the coming of the judge to

      administer the laws ' with that power and authority the prisoners ( he said ) had ' turned into ridicule , ' cantingly said— ' But I have no wish to harrow up your feelings ! ' He added that he had a great number of the Bingley working men ' marked down , ' and in the first ' confusion' that might take place , he would have them all into York Castle . I understand that he has since made good his threats by further arrests .

      Mr Oastler—for whom I entertain sentiments of sincere respect—has often praised this Mr Blustering Ferocity , as his' son' and ' disciple . ' I should like to knew Mr Oastler _' s opinion of his disciple ' s recent doings . Mr Oastler may remember the speeches delivered not very long ago by B . F ., in which he proclaimed himself the champion of the poor . I could quote from many of those orations , but I will content myself with one . On Monday , the 30 th of November , I 8 i 6 , Mr Ferrand attended a public meeting at Leeds , along with MrOA » TLER , in support of the Ten Hours Bill , when the then member for Knaresborough delivered himself of the following sentiments . —

      When ha looked at his own neighbourhood , and thought how happy it used to t )? , and how miserable tt now was ; when he beard the peor people narrata how thetr dock and other furniture had been sold to pay rent , and not a bed left whereon to lis , his blood boiled in his veins , ( Lmd cheers . ) * * * When he went to parliament bo told bis constituents that every interest , except that of labour , was over-represented in the House of Commons , He had Baid , that if he got a seat within those walls , his feeble voice and humbler talents should fight the battle of the poor —( _cheersj—so long as he had a seat there he would continue to redeem that pledge . ( Cheers ) * * * H _» might bo ' violent . ' He would tell them another thing : he would bs violent until redress « _raa granted to tbe working men . ( Prolonged _oheers . )

      Mr Ferrand will not pretend that the obtainment of thc Ten Hours Bill has put an end to the exactions of those robbers of society who plunder the poor even to their bedding . Only eighteen months ago , Mr Ferrand ' s blood boiled in his veins at witnessing the sufferings of the poor of Bingley , Keighley , and the surrounding country . Will Mr Ferrand pretend that the condition of his neighbours is at all improved ? If not , his blood should still boil / or—not as it now seems to do , against—the poor . If Labour was not represented when he was returned to Parliament , neither is it represented at this time ; and if Labour ' s

      non-representation was then a grievance , it is not the less a grievance now . Perhaps , being no longer a member of Parliament , he considers himself released from his pledge to ' fight the battle of the poor . ' But I would remind him that' redress' has not yet been granted to the working men . The Ten Hours Bill is but a paltry instalment of ' redress ; ' therefore , according to hia own pledge , Mr Ferrand is bound to continue his ' violent' championship of the rights of Labour . Forgetting his pledge he is , on the contrary , exhibiting himself as the * violent' enemy of Labour ' s rig hts , and the ' violent' persecutor of labouring men . He once prided himself on enjojing

      the blessings of the poor . In the speech I have quoted from , he said— ' The blessing of one poor man « upon bis head was far better for hira than the blessings of a thousand of the rich . ' What will Mr _Fj-rrand say if the blessings of the poor are now turned to cursings ? Thinks he that those families whom he has robbed of a father or a son , under the pretence tbat the victims were' rioters , ' or ? seditionists' —thinks he that those bereaved families will bless him f Thinks he that the mothers and the wives of the victims remember him in their prayers ? If they do , he may depend upon it they do not pray for his happiness .

      Mr Ferrand may excuse himself on the ground that , in dragging the Bingley working men from the mills , he but' vindicated' the law , which had been violated by ' rioters . ' But there would have been nothing in the shape of ' riot , ' had he not _previ-

      To The Peoplei The Persecution—Fussed An...

      0 W 3 ly arrested two young men On a charge of -drilling and training , ' and held them to ' excessive bail ;' which , as a magistrate he ought to know is a gross violation of the Constitution , and a crime against the subject expressly forbidden hy both Magna Charta and the Bill of Rights . Mr Ferrand may plead that in arresting the men charged with having been guilty of training and drilling' he but executed the law . But , had he been a 'just judge , ' no such law would he have executed—he would sooner have resigned his commission as a justice of the peace . A righteous magistrate would not execute an unrighteous law ; he would leave the judgment

      seat rather than outrage justice in the name of law . Now , any Act or Acts of Parliament against training and drilling , are both unjust and unconstitutional . Unjust , because enacted for the purpose of preventing the poor doing that which the rich may do with impunity . The playing at soldiers , in the shape of Yeomanry Cavalry , and the levying of 'Specials , ' are instances of what the aristocracy and shopocracy may do , and that , too , with the sanction of the Government . It is not the doing of a thing , but the party that does it , which constitutes the thing done a virtue or a vice , an act of merit or a crime , in this country . As Shakespeare has said : —

      Through tatter'd clothes small vices do appear ; Robes and far gowns hid . all , Plate sia with gold , And the strong lance of jastlce hurtleBS breaks ; Arm It in rags , a pigmy ' s straw doth pierce it ' . ' I have said that Acts of Parliament , to prevent the people learning the art of self-defence , are ' unconstitutional ; ' they are so , because ' the Constitution' guarantees to all the right to possess arms , and , of course , the right to learn the use of arms . Now , if there be such a thing as * the British Constitution , ' it is clear that any Acts of Parliament , which are opposed to the Constitution , ought not to have the force of laws ; and submission to them can only be excused on the ground that the people are not strong enough to vindicate the Constitution ,

      hy breaking the unconstitutional Act of Parliament . Tbe laws , or pretended laws , under which the intended procession on the 10 th of April , and the public meeting on the 12 th of June , were forbidden and prevented by brute force , ought to have been resisted as violations of the Constitution , ' vihich guarantees to the people the unlimited right of petition , remonstrance , and public meeting . And the Parliament-made law or laws , under which honest industrious men have been _dragged to g aol for possessing arms , and endeavouring to learn the art of self-defence , are equally unworthy of respect on the part of the people . In proof of the constitutional right of the people to possess arms , I quote the following authorities : —

      By the 13 th of Edward the 1 st , we are told that ' Constables were elected , who were bound to inspect the arms of the people , twice a year , and present defaulters . By a previous statute of Win * Chester , every man , between fifteen and sixty years of age , was commanded ' to have in his house harness to keep the peace . ' By the 13 th of Henry the Fourth , 'Justices , sheriffs , and under-sheriffs , were empowered to call for the assistance of all knights , gentlemen , yeomen , labourers , servants , and apprentices , who were all bound by the Statute of Winchester to have harness or armour . '

      By the 33 rd of Henry the Eighth , every man was bound to possess himself with such arms as were then in use ; and , if a labourer came to a master _willtout arms , he was bound to find them , and slop the ccst of them out of his wages . Fortescue says ~ ' It is tbe duty of all men to have arms . ' Bracton says— ' It is the right and duty of all freemen to have arms of defence and peace . ' Queen Elizabeth , in an address to her Parliament , said— ' You that he lieutenants and gentlemen of command in your counties , I request you to take care that the people be well armed , and in readiness upon all occasions . '

      Blackstone , after defining tyranny to be ' every wanton and causeless restraint of the will of the subject , whether practised by a monarch , a nobility or a popular assembly ; goes on to say that the subjects of England , when attacked in their rights , ' are entitled , in the first place , to the regular administration and free course of justice in the courts of law ; next , to the right of petitioning the king , and Parliament , for redress of grievances ; and , astly , to the right of having and using arms for selfpreservation and defence . ' De Lolme says— ' That to attack the lowest among the people , is to attach the whole people .

      I have somewhere read , tnat in tbe time of the glorious revolution' the Whigs caused a man , named Andf . rton , to be hanged for denying the right of resistance ! And the Tory Lord Eldon , when Attorney-General , at the trial of Hardy , Horne Took , and others , said , that' the King of England ought to die , and he trusted tbat he would die , if he attempted _tq alter the constitution as it then existed , and which he had sworn to uphold and defend . ' I trust that Mr Ferrand will reap a

      little instruction from these ' authorities . ' Should he deem the above not sufficient , I recommend him to study certain elaborate letters on that subject written by his friend , Mr Oastler , and published in the Northern Star , if 1 remember ri g ht , in the y ear 1838 . He will , in those letters , find the right of having arras , and the right ol resistance , fully discussed , and incontrovertibly proved . Mr _Oastler has a favourite phrase about ' walking in the light of the Constitution ; ' from that light Mr Blustering Ferocit y appears to have very far strayed .

      I hope , too , that on the forthcoming trials of the Bingley and other prisoners , the counsel for the defence will have both the knowledge and courage to defend the right of the people to arm , and know the use of arms . I will conclude this subject b y quoting from Locke and Sidney for the instruction of the jury class . _- — Locke says : —That 4 whenever the legislators endeavour to reduce the people to slavery under arbitrary power , they put themselves in a state of war with the people , who are thereupon absolved from any further obedience , and are left to the common refuge which God hath provided for all

      men against force and violence . Whensoever , therefore , the legislature shall , either by ambition , fear , folly , or corruption , endeavour to grasp to themselves , or put into the hands of another , an absolute power over the lives , liberties , and estates of the people , by this breach of trust they forfeit the power tbat the people had put into their hands for quite contrary ends , and it devolves to the people , who have a right to resume their original liberty , and by the establishment of a new legislative ( such as they shall think fit ) provide for their own safety and security , which is the end for which they are in society . '

      Algernon Sidney , in warning Charles of his dangerous course of conduct , ssid , ' tbe people of England know how to presort e their liberty , or to vindicate the violation of it ; and the more patient they have been , the more inflexible will they be when they resolve to be so no longer . Those who are so foolish as to put them upon such courses , do to tbeir cost find tbat there is a difference between 'ions and asses ; and he is a fool who knows not that swobds were yimi to mm that none might be slaves but such as know not how to use them V

      Countrymen, Whilst Defending Your Right ...

      Countrymen , whilst defending your right to have and know the use of arms , I must warn you against certain braggarts , whose ' arming' doings and talkings are calculated to draw upon you persecution , which but for them you would have a better chance of avoiding . Last week a man , named Haynes , was charged at _Marlborough-street Police Court with the possession of a gun and several ball cartridges ' for an unlawful purpose . ' It appears that he had been showing off at Chartist meetings with

      his _tjun and ball cartridges , but when brought before the magistrate , this hero said , ' he feared he had been very foolish . He was very sorry , and had heen led away by other parties ! ' Being required to find bail * to keep the peace , ' he _^ made his final appearance before the magistrate flu Thursday , the loth , in the character [ see the Daily papers ] of ' A Reformed Chartist , ' when one of his sureties said , ' He ( Haynes ) had been led away by others of a more designing character , and he was now heartily ashamed of his conduct . ' Mr Hardwick asked the bail if they were willing to be bound for

      his future good conduct , and that he should not frequent seditious meetings . —The bail answered in the affirmative . I quote the closing portion of this scene from the papers : —• Haynes then came forward , and with a most penitential aspect _proniised good behaviour ; declared he would give up ' villanous company , ' and stick to work like an honest man . —Mr Hardwick was satisfied with this renunciation of his folly by the defendant , and accepted the proposed bail . ' Of course , the thought of making any use of his gun and ball cartridges never entered the head of this ami with his ' penitential aspect . ' Of all such things let tbo honest working men and true Chartists beware , A uue man would

      leave his gun and ball cartridges at home , and keep his arms safe and his mouth shut .

      A great deal has been lately said and published about * Chartist disturbances , ' Chartist ruffianism , & c . & C Last week London witnessed an exhibition of respectable ruffianism and histrionic hullabaloo , which threw far into the shade the disturbances laid to the account of the Chartists . I allude to the disgusting and disgraceful riots at Drury-lane Theatre , got up by the ' rabbleraeut' of the theatrical profession against a company of French actors who had taken that house for the performance of French dramas adapted from tbe writings of Alexandre Dumas . I pass by the particulars ; suffice it to say , that blackguards calling themselves '

      professional gentlemen , ' engaged in a conspiracy to drive the French actors away , under the pretence of upholding ' native talent / The rioters , in proof of their native talent , groaned , hissed , hooted , yelled , stamped , blew whistle ? , and made every possible hideous noise , and finished off their performances by a display of their fistic abilities . The brutal Sunday Times devotes more than three columns of very small close print to an exulting account of these disgraceful doings . ' There was , ' says that paper , ' no cessation , no pause , nor lull in the tumult ; it camp like the roar of a fierce tempest upon the ear , amidst

      which the actors displayed ' _wonderful perseverance , moving their lips and gesticulating as though they were going through a dramatic performance—but not a word that they uttered was heard beyond the footlights . ' The same paper says , ' During tha waits between the acts , a gentleman in the dressboxes , who rejoiced in a bald head and an extensive white waistcoat , made several insane attempts to address himself to speech , which were received with derisive cheers of Go it , Louis Blanc ! ' and inquiries as to what he would lay against Flatcatchcr for the Leger . '

      This ruffianism was the act of ' the loyal middleclass , ' who , it appears , testified their hatred of the Republican Frenchmen by ' cries of God save the Queen 1 ' These blackguards and fools seem to be oblivious of the fact that the Queen is the great encourager of' foreign talent . ' Why did they not take their cat-calls to the Italian Opera and drive away Jenny Lind and the other ' foreigners ? ' No ! that the snobs' dared not . do . The ' divinity tbat doth

      hedge a Queen being too much for their slavish souls . Again , most of our English actors are , doubtless , 'Freetraders-, ' they wear French hats , boots , gloves , & c . Why not , then , accept French actors with the other _impertations ? Our play-wrights are ready enough to import French plays , which they ' adapt ' to the English stage . If the Irish labourer may follow Irish pigs to England , surely the French actor has as good a right to follow French plays -, otherwise what becomes of' Free Trade ?'

      The Sunday Times affects to regard the driving away of the French actors as a triumph for English morality . To properly appreciate this cant , it is necessary that it should be known that that journal is the organ of the profligates of the gaming table , the race-course , and' the ring ! ' I trust that lhe French people will do their English brethren the justice to distinguish between the British people and these blackguards of the Press and the stage . The Sunday newspapers are , as usual , belching out their slander against the Chartists . The Dispatch is , of course , pre-eminent in ribaldry , brutality , and stupidity—so stupid this time as to contain nothing worthy of special notice , beyond the facts of its continued efforts to secure the conviction of Ernest Jo _. nes , and Messrs Fussell . Williams , and Vernon ; and its beastly chucklingS over the transportation of tbe patriot _Mitchul .

      I Shall Devote My Next Letter To A Revie...

      I shall devote my next letter to a review of the Constitution prepared for the French Republic by the Constitutional Committee , and presented to tha National Assembly on Monday last . I may , for the present , remark that itis a much better scheme than I had expected , considering the composition of the Committee ; although not equal to what I had imagined would have resulted from the glorious victor - of February . _L'Atmc du Pecplu ; .

      Rotil Polttechnic Inshtction. — On Monda...

      _RotiL Polttechnic Inshtction . — On Monday , Mr _Baggs , the well-known mvtntor of electro-priming , -ie ., c & _mmonoed a aeries ot lectures at tbis place , on the phenomena of _thunderstorm * ai : d the cause of lightning . Aa a lectunr , Mr _Baggs possesses the advantage of a well educated mind , with a pleasing and simple manner of delivery , bringing home hia subject to the most unlearned . The great novel . ? of Mr _Bass ' s lecture was the production of an immense flash or spark of electricity , by means ofa peculiarly arranged battery of Lejden jarB , ctnsisting of thirteen placed horizontally . This battery is intended to illustrate his thunder cloud ; each jar ia charged separately , and en the completion of the circuit , a spark or flash of electric fluid , at _leest

      three feet in length , ia obtained . The noise produced by the discharge is immense , and , to use the expression of one of the audience , the fluid appears almost to ' _splauh' against the bottom ofthe jars receiving it . In the course ofthe lecture , Mr _Baggs entered upon the subject of atmospheric electricity , largely illustrating the causes of falling stars , the aurora , -. C , by appropriate experiments . , In _speakinst of the noise of thunder , he stated th ' at the usual opinioa that it waa produced merely by the reverberations o £ a primitive sound , was wrong . The noiso oi thunder was caused by the rapid succession of a number of distinct discharges from each distinct cloud , battery , or jar _; and in thia way the want of continuity acd equality in the sound can easily be accounted for .

      _BKWtfaBB ' s _CoiTR-mcx-Oif of the _-Weiir of bib _MarsJ-Oe —The poet Beranger has contradicted tha report of his marriage in the following characteristic epistle , which he has sent to the papers -. — * _Mons ' eur , —I see in your paper thnt I have just married my » erv » nt , and tbat all the inhabitants of _Pas . y oame to my wedding . Now , this has surprised me mora than all the false news with which y « ur journal is enriohed ; and were I alone spoke of in thisarticla I would alUw it to circulate freely , especially through Passy , whose inhabitants were li tile aware of having witnessed this marriage in extremis . But you must be aware , Bir , that the lady whom you are pleased to call my servant , and whose name you withhold , as it adds to the interest of the fable , this lady

      waa the friend and companion of my early youth , a dear friend , to whom I s'n under the _greatest obligation . More favoured than I in the accidents of birth and Fortune , she waa enabled to h < Jp ma through my poverty Wth pecuniary services ; and to eontinue those services , although we are both nearly sixty years of age . she has consented to taka cara of my humble abode , in place of an old aunt , whose infirmities have compelled ber to resign the office of housekeeper . Old friends as wo are , we have never lost Bight of each other , and wo little thought that our united 116 years could not hava met together under the same roof , without subject _, inj * ourselves to the scandal of a newspapir scribe . And the old lady , all modest as she is , did not

      surmise in taking up her abode with mo , to establish an economy indispensable to both of us , that . he would bave been described as my servant , although this affront bas not wounded either her deaocraticai _feelings or mine . Her name was unknown , save to our mutual friends , and the indigent and infirm on whom she bestowed her _almc But your scandal baa made it ne cessary that it should now be made known to the public You will perhaps , therefore , insert tbis letter , in older to neutralise the effect of an article which I regret not having seen before . As far as I am concerned , I do not complain of the spirit which dictated this article , but I f _« el bound to let your readers know that my old friend has ton much good

      sense over todream of becoming the wife of an old fool whose chief happiness haa been in _writing songs , and laying hia life open to the discretion tf journalists . There are various other little anecdotes abaut me and my humble abode wLich are equally fabulous- —and , perhaps , I am in fault , for , despite my lore of seclusion , my desire to _oblige compels me to receive _aaBy visitors- As long as delicacy and good taste merely crossed my threshold , I did not feel bound to o ' oBe my doers , but henccferi h I shall be obliged to turn my key , and thus your spirituel _soribo will be deprived of some of his occupation . Thank him , therefore , for me , sir , ar . d accept the assurance of my perfect consideration —Your humble servant , Beranger . '

      TubNbw Movkuent Mr _Joseph Hume - new reform _movement exhibits but a galvanic _rxisteice . It is _devtid of living , growing strength . _JNor is tLw surprising ; for tbo inspiration is impure at tbe toon - tain . A man who deliberately offered to vote black ia white , 'for the sake of party , as Mr Hume r nre did , is a _. _uspicious sponsor for a movement which u nnt forth as it ia pretended , m utter _hopeUsiRess of _tJa patriotic monment , jM im the sky may all ; not more likely it is the' artful tlcdxe of a political hack who bas lost his undue importance Mnce _fcUe _days of _measuring-caat majorities have ceased — Gloucester Chronicle .

      Mr Cobdbn , on Friday night , in the Horse nt Commons , said— * I will assume that the eountry is satisfied with the present state of frea trade nieasurts . ' lie may assume it , but let him ask the _balfstatved population of the _manufacturing . di _ tr : cta whether they are _Batisfied .- _^ a _^/^ Guardian . A drunken north _couolryrnan , returning from a fair , fell asleep by the roadside where a pig fo td him . and began to lick his mouth . Sav , ny r . and out « whk ' _a ki 9 . _» in' mo nco ? Ye see what it _» s to te * eel iiketamaoglhola-- £ -. '

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 24, 1848, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_24061848/page/3/