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Northern Star (1837-1852), 24th February 1849, Edition 3 of 3, Page 7, FRENCH TRIALS. (From Le Courrier de FEur...

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      Sufficient Earnin Iwntxi&L Antameut E-N^...

      _E-n _^ _fli , 1840- _^ N 0 RTHERN STAR < 7

      Iwntxi&L ^Antameut

      iwntxi & l _^ _antameut

      -»0*Vd-"--Y,^Eb. 19. Ttnr?E Of Lords.—Ca...

      - » 0 * _vD- " _--Y , _^ eb . 19 . _TTnr ? E OF LORDS . —Case of Mr . W . S . . *•{ . h y —The Clerk ofthe Crown in Ireland ap" _* * i " .. t the bar and returned thc writ of error in l * _* e of * _tT . Smith O'Brien . i- _^ ' ... Practices at Elections . —The Lord v _. _xluor moved thc second reading of the _yZnpi Practices at Elections Bill . The object of _yfniW'nt bill was to give additional facilities for _,-rvin cases of bribery . It was provided that *? ihc ' H < * ihw S ht fitt _- y mi _$ appoint conimis-: oiiers io investigate the matter on the spot where % c _iflec _iiw wok piace . Lord Penman said that , on makings , digest of it , , , found that every onc of its provisions was _acfuallv an ar _gument against the bill itself . He d « _wi-l not oppose the second reading , but would _p ., lVt- that thc bill be referred to a committee up'" * * ¦

      ' " - . _-,,.-, . . . . * LorJ _BisorcKAM was anxious to let the bill _profw-d in order to try whether , at a future stage , the _f _. l . _i-.-1-iions mig ht not he remedied , Lord St _anl-st thought their lordships would find cone extraordinary provisions in tliis new measure _, if the biU were not allowed to pass a second rcadiii 5 . ii ought to be referred to the investigation of a effect c ommittee . " The Lord CnAXCEixoR vindicated thc bill , which _^ _ras read a second time . " _jas-iuge and Recisteuisg Biians ( SWILA * S 1 ) Bit * - * -. —J _*> ed Campbell , in moving the second _it-ading of these bills , observed that he need not rewind their lordships of the necessity of the T > _j-irria £ re bill . Thev were all aware of the

      convenience that would arise from the existence of conclusive evidence of contracts whieh kid been made , a , then no doubt would be left as to the status of women in Scotland . The law of marriage in Scotlaud did not at present admit of that condition , _irk-rc a case of cohabitation would appear as a marriage . Such a system produced women ofa very degraded class , and gave rise to a very great deal cf inconvenience . At present any man who had _fj-ent a short time iu Scotland could not tell whether he was married or not . A great facility was also created in evading marriages . Marriage contracts were performed ail along the borders of _Swtland ; and it was stated that the chief priest of Hymen , who lately died , liad , during his life , celebrated " 30 , 000 marriages . This bill provided that there should be documents registered winch proclaimed thc contracts of persons who were inarricd bv a _relisious ccrenionv . Ho believed that if this

      l . ill passed , ihe same course would be followed in Scotland as iu England , where marriages performed _U-fore a clergyman or witnesses were held good . All that was requisite was that the parties should go _fo-forc a clergyman , and hare the bans proclaimed ; _ilie marriage was then proved to have been _authori-e-L It was stated by some tliat no inconvenience _jttx-se out of the present system hi Scotland , but he should remind their lordships that there had been several appeals made to thc Court of Chancery in _rji-riand arising out of such a system . There was in tins bill a clause which provided registrars _w-ho were intended to make an entry ef all thc marriages which had been properly performed , and which would obviate thc evil he had just complained of . Tiu _-rc was a committee appointed last session to _c-eu-ndcr the matter ; and the opposition of several pf their lordships , who were prejudiced by the rejqvscnlations made to them about this bill , subsided « n'"itlv on then' learning the true facts ofthe case .

      Thc Earl of _Ajiehdeex said he regretted that he jn ' _-i _* _- ! object to the second reading of the Marriage 15 : 11 . Hcdid not think that such a bill as thc present was called for ; and that such an alteration in the law affecting marriages should he mado as a means pf perfecting a system of registration . If thc noble a-,-1 learned- " lord thought that the law of marriage in . _H-otland was defective , let him introduce a bdl irre _^ iecrirc of registration to alter the law . He _enp-naiiicd thc utmost respect for the opinions of _ilw-e of their lordships who approved of the bill , but , yet , he should say that the general opinion ofthe _pn _-plc of Scotland was in opposition to it . There lj . i . l been no complaints of tin- law as it existed at

      present . But he was happy to observe that the _ni . lile lord Lad not stigmatised it or spoken of the . _Sx-ic ' i people in such strong terms on this occasion , a * lie did last year . When aspersions such as these wero cast upon the people of Scotland , he ( the Earl rt " Aberdeen ) felt it right to call to their lordships ' rif ¦ _dlct-iion a statement made in that house by thc laic Lord Liverpool . That noble lord publicly declared in his place that , taking Scotland altogether , " it was the best conducted country oa thc face of ik earth . " It was a colloquial expression , but it wa- ; important as teiidiug tb show what Lord _Liverpool ' s opinion was of the people of Scotland for morality . The noble lord then went on to say that _i-ii-k-r all the circumstances he was not one of those

      w _* _- < - concurred with the noble lord ( Campbell ) m th-.- necessity for the changes he had proposed . He w . iuld ask , where was thc evil that called for the < -i--- ciiueut of such a measure as this , which would have tlie i-fii-et of coitfiiiiii * r and _restricting the best feeling * * of tho people of Scotland ? Marriage , by the law of S-.-otl . iu-l , was a civil contract , essentially _d- ' _- _K-iidiug upon the mutual assent of the parties _entrring into it . That consent might be proved in various modes . Thc noble and learned lord oppo-* '] " ¦ referred to three modes of entering into the _i-iiiiiract of _inarmse . The first was by a promise iu writing , followed hy cohabitation ; thc second , an a < _iiuL-fion or declaration of thc marriage ; and the third was repute . Xow , the promise must be proved either by the writing or the oath of the party . Tl _: e .-c modes of contracting niarriagc had given it

      gre . it facility . What was thc consequence ? In { -V < _-il _* md seduction was extremely rare , whereas in _England it was quite iLe -reverse . In England the _iiK-iuces of seduction were innumerable , compared wiih the number whieh took place in Scotland . The law hi Scotland might therefore be fairly presumed to be a great protection to females , for they were invariabl y the sufferers , for one artful woman by whom a young man was entrapped into marriage in _J-H-otkuid , there were at least one hundred innocent wwucn betrayed and ruined by seduction in England . Looking at thc marriage contract as possessing no reli gious character , however desirable it might If that the nuptial benediction should be given in facie i « _-h : ri ' . e , he did not understand why some other pr «« . 'f of consent should not serve just as well . Twenty years' cohabitation would not be sufficient

      iu constitute a marriage without proof of the mutual C _- _'iisent of the _particslo enter into that contract ; hm six months would be sufficient if there was cridmec of the promise io contract matrimony . It was quite a mistake for the noble and learned lord _t- > _^ _t-ne that such was the condition of the law ' of _Ju-trm- 'e in Scotland , that many persons did not tuow and liad hardly any means of _knowing whether ithcy were married or not . ( A Laugh . ) It was quite _iiuj-ost-iblc , and in fact things werc ~ not so . He ( thc pari of Aberdeen ) was willing to assent to any jMi- a _-.-111-e w bich might prevent people from _sroing iui » Scotland to evade the marriage laws of England , _Siid take advantage of the lex loci of the former _Ci-aiiirr . The people of Scotland were perfectly Miisi

      * _H-. with the law as it stood . For his own part , ie had no objection to thc p rinci ple ofthe _Kegistraii-u Bill , but he most decidedly objected to any _rejrn-iitms B p 0 n entering into thc contract of niar" _* ' & , which was a source of tbe greatest blessings _um happiness , and the natural ri ght of every man _lOiyt-vt-r poor . Their lordships should , therefore , « -Hate before they interfered with the present law . h-would not object to the noble lord ' s bill if cer-¦ iiii _lilirates or words were omitted or expunged _i " "M it ; otherwise , he thought thc proposed method a * - most objectionable , and with every respect for lie laws of _Enirland , lie was of opinion that the _arriagc law of Scotland , as it stood , was just as Soil-in as anv law could he .

      Lord _Bhocgham said it was a most unfortunate ¦ _ii-cumstance that thc marriage and registration bills seemed to have been wedded together . ( A _taijL'h . ) It was supposed the Marriage Bill was in-EroJueed to complete the _Registration Bill , while it ivas -just the other way . He approved of the _projosc-j measures , and thought them extremely salupiy . They would throw impediments in the way of _fehuidt-stuie marriages , which were always ill-con-[ a idered aud mischievous . His noble friend near him ¦ _AL e Earl of Aberdeen ) denied that people could not * » e aware of their niarriajres in Scotland . ( Alaugh . ) g » o , he { Lord Brougham ) said distinctly that there | prcre many persons in Scotland totally ignorant of ahe _fact-slaughter}—and knew not whether they

      ck married or not . ( Laughter . ) But it was a cry difficult thing to prove , the result was the Bwmous amount of litigation to prove the _legiti-« 'ey of people , and their title to property . He _bet-jed that the proportion of niarriages contracted f'We the registrar was less than that of marriages puirae ted before the parson . It might be asserted § a general fact , that in Scotland people preferred D o before either clergyman or registrar to going "** - ¦« thc magistrate , lie considered it a reconi-Mdation of thc bill before their lordships that it Ni onlv fo the law of marriages , without any subpntive interference with the Law of divorce . ( " Hear , f _" * _- ) It was his clear op inion that the noble and

      _ani ed lord had done well in confining himself to a _•^ i un of those anomalies and conflicting _enact-K-fts by which , tinder the existing state of the law , _^ _svvrv possible for a man to be bastardised by •<¦ ¦ scutonoc of courts of law in England who '" - _"d be legitimated in the finding of the Scottish 5 urts . _LT-k * Earl of Aberdeen observed that returns L _^ -h be had moved for did not indicate the pro-• c ' ous unccrtaintv referred to by the noble and f _^ edlord . | - _« ta- some farther discussion the bill was read a l _^ uu tune , and their lordships adjourned . | n 2 ? E 0 F COMMOXS . —Poob Laws . —Sir H . fet L J' ! Iir wished to ask the chief co _** t _* missioner _f _^^ J hstration of the poor laws "ifanyin . _Beji _tj _* 7 _^ been ' received that poor rat € Shavc K 1 --M ed in aid of wanes , nnder the head of in-

      -»0*Vd-"--Y,^Eb. 19. Ttnr?E Of Lords.—Ca...

      sufficient earnings , in some parts of Lancashire , especially at _Ashton-undc-r-Lme , during the Last _tw-eivemonth-- , and whether any order has heen issued on that subject by tbe commission . " Mr . Bakes said that no offieial information had been received at the poor law board respecting the circumstance alluded to by the lion , baronet . There was an order of the board against the expenditure of rates , in aid of wages , but he believed tbat there liad been a partial deviation from such order in certain manufacturin « towns . The board had made no order _sanctionina such deviation . = English " Cleara _>*

      Mr . _ILiwjss replied that there was no intention on the part ofthe emigration committee to give a preference to the two counties named . The fact was , that there bad been two ships appointed to sail from Plymouth , but the number of emigrants onermg themselves as read y to embark not bavin " been sufficient to fill the berths , the deficiency had been made up from the neighbouring counties . The expense would he about £ 1-1 a head , and of course ifthe emi grants had been " assisted , " a greater number mi ght have gone . The fund at the disposal of the government was now reduced to about £ 50 , 000 .

      Mr . Scott contended that there had been an undue preference shown to those two counties ; and wished to know if any correspondence which had taken place on the subject would be laid on thc table , which was desirable , as it might remove any suspicion that the arrangements of tne government were made with a view to clear thc estates of certain gentlemen at the expense of the vest of England . Mr . Hawks said he was not aware of the existence of any such correspondence . Southampton SsLitr . Texemexts Ratixg Bill .

      —On the motion for the second reading of this bill , Mr . _CocKncuv moved that it be read a second time that day six mouths , on the ground that inasmuch as thc bill contemplated the rating of all tenements under the annual value of £ 10 ,- in the name ofthe landlord instead of the tenant , the consequence would he that all these voters would be swept off the municipal and parliamentary lists , while it would throw additional burthens on those who were least able to bear tbem , and the owners of large property of this description would enjoy perfect immunity .

      Mi ' . WiLLCox described the measure as a wolf in sheep ' s clothing , professing onc thing and intending another ; and seconded the amendment . Mr . Mackixxox supported the bill , contending that there was no taking away the franchise whatever , for ifthe tenant chose to _' votc lie had nothing to do but pay the rate , and deduct so much from his rent . In Southampton there were 0 , 000 persons rated , of whom 1 , 800 paid no rates whatever . Thc bill was supported by a large majority in every vestry .

      Mr . Cos-pro * - * contended that the bill , so far from operating as a hardship on the poor , would prove most advantageous to them . Mr . P . ScnoPE hoped that this and other bills with a similar object would be suspended until parliament had had an opportunity of taking the general principle into its consideration . Mr . Hche contended that parliament ought to endeavour , hy every means in its power , to induce the poorer classes to pay the rates , inasmuch as the area -of representation ought to be increased rather than diminished , and submitted that this mode of legislating fo * any particular party was most objectionable .

      Mr . Godsox said that in the bill relating to Kidderminster , the clause was , that nothing should affect auy municipal or parliamentary franchise . Another elautsc empowered the owner to compound with the overseer . The effect was that the landlord made a per centago on his money , he paying the rates , and tho occupier enjoying his franchise . Mr . Hexixy did not know how thfe bill would affect thc franchise , hut the objection which he bad always taken to measures of this description , unless they were promoted by common consent , was , that they deprived the poor man of the advantage which the humanity of the law had conferred upon him that he should not be rated if his neighbours agreed in vestry that he was too poor to pav Ids rates .

      After a f ew words from Mr . Spoo . veb in favour of thc measure , and from Mr . Muxtz against it , the house divided , when the second reading was negatived by a majority of forty-fffo ; the numbers , 100 to < U . Scsr-Exsios or ihe Habeas Corpus Act is _Ikelaxd . — On the motion for the third reading of this bill , Mr . Joux O'Coxxell , finding that Lord _Agent ' s amendment , which was on the paper , could not be submitted nntil the bill had been read a third time , and being unwilling to trouble the House with two debates upon the bill , stated he would content himself with simply dividing the House upon tlie third reading , and taking the debate upon the amendlnnnt afterwards .

      Sir G . _Gnr . _r . said that perhaps he owed some apology to the hon . gentleman who had just sat down for having reminded him some twenty minutes ago that he had then spoken an hour . The lion , gentleman appeared indignant at having been informed that he was an hour on his legs , but he had spoken now for nearly an hour and a half , and he had occupied twenty-five minutes after saying he was only going to read and speak for six minutes . ( near , hear . ) _Xow , on referring to the list of the minority on the Gth of February , the name of thc hon . _gentleman would be found voting on the motion for limiting the discussion to one hour . ( Hear , and laughter . ) If anything could convince him ( Sir G . Grcv ) of the necessity of limiting the addresses

      in tliat house , it would be the speech they had just heard , because if all tbe extraneous matter it contained had been expunged , it would have been an eftectivc , . and a far better speech than it was . ( " Hear , hear , " and renewed laughter . ) He knew not that it was necessary at present to prolong the discussion , because the hon . member for Limerick had thrown out a suggestion which seemed to meet with the acquiescence of the House *—namely , to take the debate on the amendment of the noble lord opposite ( Lord Nugent ) after thc third reading of the bill , those members who dissented from its provisions now recording tlieir protest against it . If this plan were adopted , there would be another opportunity of speaking on the mam question , and

      her Majesty s ministers could then defend the line of conduct they had thought proper to pursue . ( Hear . ) The hon . member fer _Nottingham micht have spared himself all the trouble of reading the extracts relative to the constitutional value of the Habeas Corpus Act . Jvobody doubted the immense value to be attached to thc provisions of that act ; hut the hon . member must know that the greatest constitutional authorities had held that occasions mi ht exist , when , in order to preserve the constitution , it would be necessary to suspend the act . ( Hear , hear . ) Having noticed cursorily some parts of Mr . O'Connor ' s speech , he pressed the House , after the ample discussion which thc measure had undergone , not to delay the third reading .

      Mr . h . B . RocnE could not omit availing himself ofthe opportunity of again recording his opinions against the bill , ne then , in answer to those who charged the Irish members with neglecting to propose measures of a remedial character for tlieir country , went at some length into the ecclesiastical , social / and political grievances of Ireland , pointing out , in connexion with each , the measures which , hi his opinion , were necessary as a condition precedent to Ireland ' s regeneration . Amongst these ho laid particular stress upon a measure having for its object to effect a . thorough change in thc system of land tenure in that country . It was difficult to understand where social ri g hts ended and political ri g hts berran . On that subject a great deal of what might

      out of doors be called "clap-trap" was spoken . On a soil naturally the richest in the world existed a population the most miserable and helpless in the world . What they wanted was to bring the rich soil and the poor people together . That was what they had never done , and what they would never do till they had thc heart to give up then- English prejudices with respect tothe rights of property , and to turn , in a certain sense , a deaf ear to the landlords of Ireland . ( Hear , hear . ) He was a landlord himself , but he felt that it was impossible to be a doctrinaire on this subjeet . The question was imminent ; it was not one for a debating society . The people

      were dying by hundreds , and the hon . gentlemen must "ive up their squeamishness as to the landlords of Ireland—must be prepared to pass a good , strong , and comprehensive measure on the subject ofthe tenure , without understanding that they must apply the same principles to England . Mr . Heme , in repl y to some remarks addressed to him by Mr . Boche , defined his position with respect to the bill , which he supported , in order to keep Ireland for some months longer in that state of tranquilliirj- in which she was now said to be , and the continuance of which would leave the government no excuse whatever , if it failed in bringing forward remedial measures .

      Mr . > _apier would not have taken any part in the debate but for the attack made by Mr . Roche on the Irish Church , an establishment which he was prepared to _supjxn-t , on the ground of its antiquity , its scriptural truth , its perfect discipline , and the moral benefit which it conferred upon Ireland . If any proof were wanted of thc excellenco of that establishment , it was to be found in the quiet and decorous state of thc Protestant parts of Ireland , such as Ulster , where neither sedition nor disturbance prevailed . Mr . John 0 'Co . v . vell said , that incendiary fires prevailed , and were increasing in number in Ulster . They mig ht not constitute sedition , but he put it to the hon . and learned gentleman if thoy were not of the nature of disturbance . Ifthe Protestants of Ireland were comparatively contented , it was be-

      -»0*Vd-"--Y,^Eb. 19. Ttnr?E Of Lords.—Ca...

      cause everything was done for them at the expense ov _, _te _* at bo _i _\? f _thc _W _^ - As to Mr . nine ' s excu lpation of himself , it appeared to him to be of the lamest description , the hon . member for MonvnJV _* , i T tnn ( , inS all his professions , being no real friend of Ireland . ° Mr s . _Ckawfoud had heard nothing to convince nimtlmt a ease of necessity for so _stringent a measure had been made out . ' He regarded Mr . Hume and his coadjutors in the House as guilty of the most glaring inconsistency in the part which they t . °° k in reference to the bill . Mr . Hume ' s apology | 01 ' himself was anything but successful . Tlie hon . gentleman concluded bv moving , as an amendment , that the bill be read a third time that day six months . The House divided , and the numbers

      were—Por the amendment 23 Against it 117 Majority against ¦ 04 The bill was then read a third time . On the motion that the bill do pass , _Loi'd _Xt'CJ-. _S'T moved , as an amendment , that the . words "the first day of June" be substituted for "thefirst day of September" in the first clause—in other words , that the bill bo limited as to duration to three instead of six months . He appealed to the House , in submitting tliis amendment , whether oi not it wero fit that , at the beginning of a session , a lease of so great and tremendous a power should be given to the government for the space of six months ? Colonel Thompson seconded the amendment .

      Sir G . Gr . _Ev objected to the amendment , thinking that the noble mover had not shown that tho objects of the bill could be attained in so short a time as three months . Ho trusted that tho noble lord would not persist in the amendment . After a declaration by Mr . Reyxolds and Mr . J . O'Coxxell that thoy should not vote at all , The motion , on a division , was negatived by 1 GG to 11 ; and the bill passed . Jewish Disabilities . —Lord John * Russell then rose to move a committee of the whole House on the oaths to be taken by members ofthe two Houses of Parliament . Thc House of Lords had rejected the bill he brought in last year , and he now proposed that the House should review the subject of these oaths , which were not merely declarations of

      opinions—they were means to an end , to secure the due performance ofthe duties incumbent upon the members of this House . If , however , they contained matters which were unnecessary , or ambiguous , or which imposed undue restrictions on any of her Majesty ' s subjects , these oaths required tlie consideration Ofthe House , with a view to their alteration . The noble lord then read and explained thc nature and _objects of the oaths of allegiance , supremacy , and abjuration , thc latter of whicli pledged the person who took it that he did so " on the true faith of a Christian . " He contended , as he had done last year , that they had no right to exclude any subjects ofthe realm , except upon thc ground that they entertained opinions which rendered thorn unfit to be members of that House , or incompetent to perform

      their duties . Such exclusion was a case of unmitigated persecution ; and after admitting Roman Catholics into Parliament , it was peculiarly odious towards our Jewish fellow-subjects . It was thc luxury without the danger of persecution . After the admission of Roman Catholics and Dissenters the exclusion of thc . Jews was peculiarly odious . The noble lord then stated what lie proposed to do for the purpooe of amending the oaths . As hehad already said , there was to be no alteration in thc oath taken by Roman Catholics . Instead of tho other oaths , he proposed that a general oath should be substituted , to the effect that , "I , A . B ., swear that I bear true allegiance to her Majesty Queen Victoria , and that I shall maintain tho succession to the Crown as settled by the Act of Settlementand

      , that I do not believe that the Pope of Rome , or any other forei gn prince or prelate , hath or should have any temporal or civil jurisdiction within this realm , that I shall defend to the utmost of mv power the settlement of property in this country as by law established , and that I make this declaration on the true faith of a Christian—So help me God . " ( Sensation on the noble lord ' s reading the words " on the true faith ofa Christian . " ) Rut ho proposed that whenever this general oath was to be administered to a Jew , thc words alluded to should be left out . The words were , by their retention , no effectual barrier against unbelief ; but he did not think that it would be right so to frame the oath as to throw the House formally open to infidels and unbelievers . By these means he believed that the

      measure of religious liberty would be complete . It would , at the same time , give constituencies the ri g ht , which they did not now possess , of electing as their representatives such persons as happened to enjoy the greatest share of their confidence . There was no danger to the Christian faith , no risk to any Christian institution , in that which he now proposed his proposal being in strict accordance witb tho princi ples of _Christianity . Mr . GocLBL _* R . v , whilst he did not oppose the motion for going into committee , protested against being supposed to adopt the principle of Lord J . Russell ' s proposition . He could . not acquiesce in tho admission of Jews into Parliament , which he thought would have serious consequences to religion at home and abroad .

      Mr . PLusiprnE , Mr . Law , and 3 _L-. _Bankes , opposed the measure . Mr . Gladstone said , his opinion had undergone no change except that it had been confirmed by reflection . He was deliberately convinced that the claims of thc Jews to civil liberty could not be barred by the differenco of thoir religion from ours , and he believed that in admitting them to our Legislature we were guilty of no abandonment of religious duty . He was glad that tlie noble Lqrd proposed to retain tho words ¦¦ on the true faith of a Christian ; " but he suggested the omission of words abjuring thc temporal power of tho Tope , which were as superfluous as other words excluded hy thc noble Lord . Mr . ' _Kkwpt . gatk moved an ad journment , in order that the House might have time to understand the oath .

      Mr . n . _Dnuxistoxn admitted that there was much in the oaths which would be better left out ; but this was nothing but the old Jew bill . Mi' . _TValtole agreed that some parts of the oaths were unnecessary ; but he complained of the _i-conening of a discussion which had taken place only nine months ago , exposing this House to a collision with the House of Lords , and interfering with the _l'eligions convictions ofa great mass ofthe people . Lord J . Kussell said , the surprise whicli Mr . TValpole had expressed at his stirring this matter again , after it had been rejected by the House of Lords , did not harmonise with his " ( Lord J . Russell ' s ) understanding of the Constitution ,- nor was it consistent with thc course pursued with respect to the Catholic Emancipation Bill and the Reform Bill . Mr . ~ SF . wor . GATE having withdrawn his amendment , the House divided on thc ori g inal motion , which was carried by 214 to 111 .

      The House then went into committee , when Lord John Russell placed his resolution inthe hands ofthe Chairman , who then reported progress , and obtained leave to sit again on Friday . Mr . C . Lewis obtained leave to bring in a bill to authorise the enclosure of certain lands ; Sir A \ . Somerville a bill to amend the laws relating to the appointment of vice-guardians of unions in Ireland ; and Sir II . _Baurox _nTbill for the more speedy trial of offences in Ireland . Thc House adjourned at half-past twelve . "WEDNESDAY , Feb . 21 . HOUSE OF LORDS . — Habeas _Coarus Act ( _Irelaxb ) Suspension Bill . —This Bill was brought up from thc House of Commons , and read a first time .

      The Coxyevaxce op Reai . Proper-it Act _Asiexdmf . nt IJii . ii passed through committee , and was reported to the House . The Marquis of Lansdowne gave notice that he would move that it be read a second time on Friday next . Their Lordships then adjourned . HOUSE OF _COMMONS . —COLONIAL GRIEVANCES . —Mi * . Baillie moved for a select committee to inquire into the grievances complained of in the Crown colonies of Ceylon , and British Guiana , and the Mauritius , and to report whether any measures can be adopted forthe better administration of those dependencies . The honourable member began by appealing' to the general feeling which prevaded the public mind that thc Colonial-office was incapable

      of discharging its functions with advantage ; and observed that there had been a succession of colonial ministers , not deficient in talents , who had failed in inspiring the colonies with confidence , or in giving satisfaction at home ; and the experience of last session had shown that the present Colonial Secretary had not been more fortunate than his predecessors . But he charged the Colonial-office with tyranny and oppression , with a wasteful expenditure ofthe colonial resources ; and insisted that the time had arrived when the colonies were competent to control their own expenditure and manage their own affairs . He then entered into an exposition of the system of local government in the Crown colonies , and of the specific grievances of winch thev complained .

      He detailed the-eccentricities of Lord Tomucton in Ceylon , to which he attributed the late rebellion in that island , and after condemning in strong terms thc severities , some of them illegal , exercised towards the rebels , he produced a- marked sensation m the House bv thc statement ; that a bill of indemnity wis passed in his own council only by the castmrvote of Lord Torrington himself . In British Guiana , the witherin g influence of the Colonialoffice had produced fruits of mwgovcrnment not less deplorable ; its mission was here , indeed , accom plished-the ruin ofthe planters was complete . Thehon . member showed how unjust was the resistance offered by the _ColoniaUffice to the financial reforms proposed by the Combined Court of Omana ; and concluded by asking the House how the colonies could place confidence in a minister who stood con-

      -»0*Vd-"--Y,^Eb. 19. Ttnr?E Of Lords.—Ca...

      victed of a deliberate attempt to deceive , the Howse ol Lords , nnd who perverted truth for party purposes . x " Mr . lii _-MK , who seconded the motion , wished the _IIOUSC to understand that it was the _svstem under which our colonic .- - were placed , and therefore the fault of Parliament itself , which had produced the disastrous results so well described by Mr . Baillie . He dilated upon the harsh treatment which Cevlou had experienced , npon the insult which _Dcmerai-a hadreceived at the hands ofthe _Colonkl Sccretarv . in the mattCV Of tllC Civil List , and claimed for the colonics that self-government whieh was denied only on account of the patronage it would wrest from the Colonial-office .

      Mr . J . L . Ricabdo moved an amendment , the object of which wa « to extend tho inquiry ofthe committee to the means of enabling these colonies to meet the difficulties of thc transition from a system of protection , to that of competition with the ' produce of foreign states . Thehon . member _thought it would have been fairer on tho part of Mr . B-iillie and Mr . i [ umc to have proposed a direct vote of censure upon the ministers , whom this motion was designed to embarrass , in order to get up a reactionary movement in favour of protection . This had been the covert object ofthe pavtv who refused supplies m the Court of Demerara , " which might have reduced salaries , but had preferred to attack the Civil List . It was to thc honour of Lord Grev

      that he had dared to encounter odium rather than shrink from carrying out when in office principles which he had maintained in opposition . Mr . Hawes said Mr . Baillie had made grave charges against Lord Grey and the Colonial-office , but he had supported them by selections singulariv disingenuous and unfair . His charges were general , tinctured with bitterness and pevsonalitv , without statuig what was in reality the colonial policy of this country . He had enlarged upon thc supposed errors of Lord Torrington , but he had carefully abstained from noticing the many beneficial reforms that noble Lord had introduced in Ceylon , some of which Mr . Hawes explained , and then justified the taxes to which Mr . Baillie had incorrectly ascribed

      the rebellion . The measures taken to suppress the rebellion and to punish tho guilty agents , Mr . Hawes showed were justifiable or unavoidable , and he cited the testimony of Sir Herbert Maddock to the judicious manner in which tho rebellion had been dealt with by the authorities of Ceylon , at thc same time vindicating thc conduct of the soldiery . With regard to British Guiana , Mr . Baillie ' s statement appeared a burlesque ofthe facts , which Mr . Hawes minutely developed , and deduced from them evidence that the Combined Court in refusing supplies , was actuated by a desire , not to make salutary reductions , but to embarrass tho Government , and force upon it thc princi ple of protection , and it was Lord Grey ' s resistance that had brought

      upon him so much bitterness and obloquy . He then vindicated both Lord Grey and himself from the charges of inconsistency made against them . As to Lord Grey , his conduct , since lie had come into office , was thc best answer to tho charges made . He had established responsible government , in reality , in the British American provinces , where formerly it existed only in name . And , as to the Australian colonics , it was his ( Mr . Hawcs ' s ) intention to introduce a bill to confer upon them representative government . He feared that thc spirit and temper in which the discussion had been introduced , would have

      anything but a good etiect upon the colonies . As already said , he shrunk not from inquiry . Lord Grey shrunk not from it . That noble lord liad exercised his patronage in the most unimpeachable manner , and ho challenged Mr . Baillie , and those in league with him , to impeach it if they could . Having thus , as he said , met thc charges made by the hon . gentleman , he concluded with a warm eulogy on Lord Grey , whom he felt it an honour to defend . He would not oppose the motion , but trusted that thc House would agree to the addition sought to be made to it by way of amendment .

      Sir W . Molesworth , who followed , went into an analysis of the expenditure of Ceylon , which he characterised as extravagant , and which had , of late years , greatly increased . Extravagant and increasing expenditure had led to financial embarrassment , and this again had led to thc enactment of bad laws . He then proceeded to sustain , at great length , most of the charges preferred against the Colonial Department by Mr . Baillie , and concluded by recommending the transfer of Ceylon to thc East India Company . Mr . Adderley did not think that this motion was in reality an attack on individuals . As for Earl Grey , so far from proposing a vote of censure upon him * , he would readily give him a vote of thanks , as to a man who scented to have been raised up by Providence for tho express purpose of damning the system with wliich he was connected .

      Mr . Scott , in supporting the motion , complained ofthe denial to the colonies of self-government , and of the mismanagement of their affairs by the Colonial Department . Sir It . Peel then rose and observed that , in his opinion , public advantage would accrue from an inquiry into the state of some of our colonies ; an inquiry to be conducted , not with a view to inculpate this or that Colonial Secretary , but to be calmly entered upon , in order to ascertain what could ' be done to give peace and contentment to tho colonies . The stato of more than one of our colonics required that such an inquiry should take place * and if another reason wore wanting for _institatins it , it might be found in the challenge

      thrown out by the Under-Secretary for inquiry into the condition of all the colonies . He wished that the motion had more correctly specified the object wliich the House should have in view insetting such an inquiry on foot . _Xor did ho sec any reason why the motion should be saddled with an addition , which the circumstances of the ease did not require . He liked neither the motion nor the amendment as thoy stood . Thc inquiry shonld be a simple one , tending to a simple but a great object ; and into such inquiry the House should enter , without seeking to pledge itself to this or that economical policy , when economical policy was not necessarily involved . He would bo a party to no motion which might give rise to the

      idoa that a return was meditated to tho system of protection . But they might inquire into the case of thc colonies in question , without involving that question afall . He well knew the difficulties with wliich colonial governors had to cope , particularly when the scene of their administration was at a _trreat distance from this country ; but he was bound to say , that in thc papers before tho Houso in relation to Ceylon , thero were ample grounds to justify the mo tion submitted to tho House . The documents had left a most unsatisfactory impression on his mind . The Under-Secretary had alleged that there was no connection between the rebellion in Ceylon and the ordinances of taxation which the local Government had passed . For thc sake of

      argument he granted this , but it was a consideration whieh created all the more alarm in his mind with regard to our tuturc government of Ceylon . It appeared that thc rebellion had a wider and deeper root than tliis ; that , in fact , the native priesthood were engaged in it . Under these circumstances , was it politic , or rather was it in accordance with common sense , that when a priest was condemned for tho part which he took in tho rebellion , he should be shot in his sacerdotal robes ? If anything was calculated to alienate from us the feelings of a population entertaining a religion which was jealous of neglect or any contempt which might be heaped upon it , it was such a course as this . Again , when a native prince was condemned to transportation , wherefore was ho subiccted to corporal punishment as

      preparatory to Ids undergoing it ? Thoy had in Ceylon a jealous native religion , and a jealous native aristocracy : and it appeared to him that a . n unnecessary outrage had been visited upon both . If thc rebellion , " as the Under-Secretary had assured them , had had no connection w _* ith the ordinances of taxation , but with feelings of alienation from us porvadimr tho native mind , what course could havo been pursued more calculated to increase that alienation tban that pursued , on the two occasions alluded to , bv thc local government ? He could not agree to thc _inqutrr without exprcssiug how deeply these circumstances had pained and alarmed him . Lord John Russell observed that , although he did not feel , after what had fallen from Mr . Hawes ,

      that the conduct of Lord Grey required any further vindication —( a laugh from tho Opposition)—he could not agree to the committee demanded without making some remarks upon thc observations which had fallen from Mr . R . Baillie , and upon some of those wliich had just been made b y Sir R . Peel , The noble lord then proceeded to criticise very severely thc speech of Mr . Baillie , whom he accused of every misconstruction , and of suppressing the truth whenever the enunciation of the truth would have proved favourable to Lord Grey or Lord Torrington . He then came to a aubicct , wlvidv _lve awvd was painful to him , that of thc insurrection in Ceylon . Lord Torrington had g iven , in his opinion , the correct version ofthe origin of that insurrection . It did not originate , as Mr . Baillie supposed , in the taxing ordinances of tho local government .

      It was to Lord Torrington _' s energy , promptness , and efficiency , that . they owed the speedy suppression of the insurrection ; an opinion not only entertained by thc government at home , but by influential parties , best capable of judging , in the colony itself . As to the punishments inflicted , he confessed that he did not feel competent to judge of the extent of punishment whicn was necessary for tbe preservation of the lives and properties of her Majesty ' s subjects in the colony . It was his own belief that the proposal made b y the Chief JuBtice of Ceylon was politic—a proposal in which Lord Torrington had virtually concurred . As te tlie two eases of punishment alluded to by Sir R . Peel , he ( Lord J . Russell ) must decline g iving any opinion whatever . Taking the facts merely as they stood , they might appear to be unnecessary but he was far from thinking that it was impossible

      -»0*Vd-"--Y,^Eb. 19. Ttnr?E Of Lords.—Ca...

      WvA there might be pecuhaY circumstances in tho case which rendered thc facts justifiable . Lord _Torrington was accused of not paying sufficient regard " to the religion of the natives . If ho disregarded that religion , he ran the risk of alienating the natives ; whereas , if ho paid any great attention to it , a crv was raised in this country that a Christian srovcrnment was countenancing idolatry . With regard to the colony of Guiana , the noble lord rested the ease of the government upon the statement made bv Mr , Hawes ; and contended that Mr ,

      Barkl y had done the very contrary of sacrificing his character for consistency in accepting the governorship of that colony . Mr . * Baillie had chosen to make this motion—a motion whieh might lead to useful results—the occasion of a bitter personal attack on Lord Grey and Lord Torrington ; but he would nevertheless agree to the appointment of the committee , although he thought it advisable that sonic words should be appended to the motion which would indicate that the House did not contemplate any alteration in its commercial policy .

      Mr . Disraeli would occupy the House but a few moments , in order to explain the exact position in whieh Mr . Baillie was placed b y the amendment proposed , and the observations which had been made upon it . Tho motion , as proposed by Mr . Baillie , did not involve commercial considerations at all , nor did he touch upon commercial topics lest it should be supposed that it did so . __ Yet he was charged with an attempt at economical reaction , and was met by the amendment , whieh placed him in a posi / tion of some embarrassment . If the committee ' could only be granted on the condition of the amendment beinif accepted , those who supported the motion _COUld not take the _committee subject to sueh a condition . As to Lord Tomnrrton , when ho beard of tho attack upon , and the defence of , him that evening , it appeared to him that tho noble lord would prefer the attack , to tbo defenoe . He did not then wish to go into the merits ofthe case , his chief , if not his sole , object being to vindicate the terms of the motion . Tho amendment of

      Mr . lticardo therctorc , was a piece of strategy , whieh afforded Mr , Hawes an opportunity to tack to thc motion a condition which ho knew would not be accepted , and which it wonld not be creditable to the House to accept . After some p layful remarks _upon thc _qualifications of Lord Torrington as whimsically described by Mr . Hawes , Mr . Disraeli concluded _, by vindicating the motives of Mr . Baillio in bringing forward this subject . Mr . LAnouciiKKE thought it would not be difficult to frame a motion for a committee that should not , on the one hand , send out an impression to thc colonics that there was nn intention to make the committee a vehicle of free trado discussions , and on

      tho other deprive thc colonics of tho benefit of inquiry * he , therefore , proposed to omit the words , " to inquire into tho grievances complained of , " so that the committee would have to inquire and report as to measures for tho better administration and government ofthe two Crown colonics . Mr . Osborne protested against thc subject of free trade being employed to hoodwink the House . The object of the inquiry ought to be to examine into a colonial system wliich sat like an incubus upon the energies of thc colonies . A discussion of some length and perplexity then took place , several members proposing changes in thc phraseology of the motion . At last

      Mr . Ricakdo withdrew his amendment , Mr . Baillie consenting to puthismotion in the following form : — ¦• Tliat a select committee be appointed to inquire into thc grievances complained of by tho Crown colonies of Ceylon and British Guiana , in connexion with the administration and government of those dependencies ; and to report theii » opinion whether any measure can bo adopted forthe redress of any grievances which they may have shown just reason to complain of . " To this motion Mr . Hume suggested adding the following words : " And to inquire whether any measure can be adopted for the bettor administration and government of those colonics for tho future . " This addition was accepted by Mr . Baillie , and thc motion as altered was agreed to . The House then adjourned at half-past twelve .

      WEDNESDAY , _Febbvaui' 21 . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Tho House did not meet until two o ' clock , being Ash-Wednesday , and nearly the whole of the sitting was occupied by a debate on the second reading of tho _Briiiuuv at Elections Bill . —Sir John _Paiuxotox explained the views upon which ho founded it . After the scenes at the general election of 1 * 341 , this subject had assumed a new and pressing importance , and it was apparent that thc existing laws for preventing bribery and corruption at elections were ineffectual , for this reason—that thc detection and punishment of bribery were primarily dependent upon the , presentation of election petitions ; and , wherever bribery prevailed , there was always a combination of powerful motives deterring parties

      from presenting petitions . The Bribery Act of Geo . II ., though a very stringent law , had virtually become a dead letter , and the Acts brought in by Lord J . Russell in 1841 and 1842 , required to be put in motion by a petition . A bill upon this subject was proceeding in the House of Lords , the principle of which , however , was essentially thc same as that of the bill of last session ; namely , the discovery and punishment of bribery by means of commissions ; but it was open to the same objection as Lord J . Russell ' s acts—a petition was necessary . Tho hon . baronet then proceeded to give some curious details which liad reached him confidentially as to the gross bribery which had prevailed in several towns at tho last general election in 1 S 47 , and asked whether such a wholesale system of

      corruption was to continue unchanged and uncontrolled , which must bo the case unless they tried some other remedy than trusting to the presentation of a petition against the return which , in such cases as thoso he had referred to , they could not obtain ? They must not trust to wholesale disfranchisement , which was highly unjust , as confounding the innocent with thc guilty , or to election petitions ; they must direct their efforts to thc conduct of the candidate , and not alone to that ofthe voter . He intended , therefore , to propose that no member should take his scat in that House until he had declared at the table that ho was entirely innocent of all corrupt practices ; and if , after such declaration , it should be decided , either by a committee of the House or a court of law , that he had been guilty of bribery ,

      then that'for ever after he should be disqualified to sit in Parliament . Also , that it should be competent for two electors , duly qualified , to demand the declaration from the candidate on tho hustings , and that in the case of the voter , if he should be proved guilty of having received a bribe , he should suffer the penalty of disfranchisement for tho rest of his life ; that was the only disfranchisement to which lie would be a party . The only other remaining provision of importance was , that in grappling with thc oflence of bribery , as the candidate was the proper person to be attacked , he contemplated doing away with tho bribery oath altogether , wiiich only affected the elector . Colonel _Sibthorp objected to the bill in toto , and had given notice of moving that it be read a second

      time that day six months ; but as it was to be referred to a select committee , he should refrain from so doing . Thc hon . baronet had talked ofthe purity of public men . Purity of public men Nonsense ! Stuff ! ( Laughter . ) For his own part , ho had always looked upon the Treasury Bench as the greatest nest of corruption in the world . Sir J . _Haxmee trusted that if the bill was to be referred to a committee upstairs , the terms of thc reference would not be narrow , but that the inquiry would be extended to the state of the law of elections generally , and to those cases in wliich tho decisions of committees of that house had conflicted with those in the courts ot law . Lord Maho . v though not in hostility to the measure , for he thoueht the House much indebted to

      the hon . baronet for the attention he had paid to the subject , would state some objections to it in its present shape with a view to amendment . He wished tho House to consider how dangerous it would be if by the decision of a majority of a committee of the House of Commons , when party spirit ran high , a member declared to have been guilty of bribery should be for ever after incapable of sitting as a Member of Parliament . Again , as regarded the disfranchisement of tlie voter , there was also a danger of party spirit interfering . He would suggest that a party should be disfranchised only when the committee was unanimous in convicting him of bribery . With regard to the substitution of tho declaration for the bribery oath , there might

      perhaps be some advantage in the proposition provided the committee should consider that any declaration at all was necessary . He had great satisfaction in concurring in tlie course proposed , of referring the bill to a select committee . Mr . AcLio . vnv would g ivo his support to tho bill , oa _accownt of its title , having swppovted every measure introduced since ho had been in Parliament professing that object . He thought the declaration clause , however , was like setting a trap , m which the conscientious and sensitive would be caught , but from which thc unscrupulous and-dishonest would easily escape . He should like to know if such a declaration were required from the hon . members

      now present , how many of thorn would bo in a position to make it . How many of them could declare that tbey had never applied to the treasury for some place or office for some favoured supporter . For himself he had not flown at very high game , but he must confess that he had succeeded m obtaining for one or more of thc electors of Cockermouth situations as postmen at 20 s . a-week . If they wished to meet the real difficulty , let them extend the franchise , and there would be no need of bribery bills . Bo away with the old freemen and extond the franchho to all householders , and it would bo worth no man ' s while to attempt obtaining votos by sueh means . Sir G . Grf . i thought that great credit was due _. to the hon . baron _« t for tbe pains he had taken to re-

      -»0*Vd-"--Y,^Eb. 19. Ttnr?E Of Lords.—Ca...

      medy a serious evil , and ke should be sorry to oppose the second reading of the bill , or its reference to a select committee . There seemed , however , to bo a desire to east upon the committee the office _ofreeonstructincr the bill , and reviewing tho entire subjects of bribery and treating ; he had not oolleoted that any member supported anv single clause . With respect to the declaration , ' ho had heard nothing to convince him that it was dcsirablo to impose a tcstat whieh some men , not _iiuiltv of any moral offeneo , might demur ; and he _.-i-rl-ee d With Lord Mahon , that it would be monstrous ' that men convicted of bribery by a committee of that House , should be for ever disqualified to sit in Parliament . With regard to thc disfranchisement of electors , ho entertained , in a certain degree , tlio same objection in principle to that power being _lodrrod in an election committee .

      Mr . _TunxEii considered that the disfranchisement of tho ancient freemen would be most prejudicial to the interests of the country . He was decidedly in favour of punishing the agents guilty of corrupt practices , but as to tlie declaration it should have his most determined opposition . He moved that the bill be read a second time that day six mouths . Mr . _GocKmrnx supported the bill . Mr . _He . vlev seconded Mr . Turner s amendment , and , after a few observations in favour of the measure , bv Mr . S . Chawfoi-i * and Mr . llonosox , Mr , i \ O'Coxnou said the discussion showed that the measure of the hon . baronet , thc memher for Droitwich , would , in the long run , be a sort of conscience-refining bill . He agreed with the hon . member for Southampton , in thinking that all

      questions having _I'cfei'oneo to the criminality oi" a memberof the House , ought to be _dccidutl by a eourt of law . The hon . member for Montrose seemed to think that the electioneering agent or attorney ought to bescvorcl y punished , but he appeared to forget the just and truthful legal maxim , Qui facit per alium facit per se . ( Hear , hear . ) The member for Cockermouth had asked whether any honourable member of that Ilouse could lay his hand upon his heart and say that he bad never been < "uilty of bribery ; but ho ( Mr . O'Connor ) had stooiltwo se vere contests for thc county of Cork , and he neither asked any man for his vote , nor would he go to the hustings until his electioneering expenses were paid b y the voters . A deputation o ' f publicans had once _, waited upon him to ask whether , if returned , he

      would undertake to pay thc expenses incurred at the previous election by a ri ht hon . baronet , the then President of the ' Board of Controul —( loud laughter)—which OXpOIISC , including the bribery and corruption of the voters , amounted to at least - £ 20 , ( 1 ( 10 . Of course he had declined to comply with the request . ('* Hear , " and a laugh . ) He was glad that a distinction hsd been drawn in the course of the debate between Nottingham as it was and _Nottingham as it is , for at the last general election himself and his hon . colleague had heen returned for that borough without either of them knowing that they had even beon proposed as candidates . If the

      cesspool of election was so muddy as described by some hon . members , ho would purify it by letting in a fresh current . He would extend the franchise , and thus render bribery too expensive a process . Sir J . Pakixotoh replied , and the House divided , when the second reading was carried by a majority of thirty , the numbers being 110 to SO . Lord Joux Russell , in reply to Mr . Hume , on the subject of Colonial Lighthouses , said the subject was a practical one , anu , therefore , he thought the opinions of those practically acquainted with the subject should be made known preparatory to legislation . Thc Ilouse then adjourned at six o ' clock .

      French Trials. (From Le Courrier De Feur...

      FRENCH TRIALS . ( From Le Courrier de FEurope . ) Military Jurisdiction—Second Council of War—Insurrection of June—Murder of General Brea and Captain Mangin—Judgment . President . —Daix , have you anything to add to your defence ? Daix . [ with energy ] Yes ; Daix shall speak for the _sslvation of his soul—for the sake of his conscience During forty-eight hours of unheard of anxiety , Daix has protested against the accusation of murdering an old general . I shall yet protest before you 8 gainst this infamy . I am innocent ! Yes ,

      gentlemen , I am innocent ! I swear it by tbe grave of my father , ex-captain of the empire , and old soldier of the Republic ; Yes I am innocent ! I shall swear it standing on the brink of my own grave—a crucifix in my hand . before God and man ! [ agitated ] —Ah ! brave and honourable General Brea , arise from thy tomb , and come like a _gua'dian angel , to crown my judges with truth aud justice . ' Come , and say to them , 'Daix is innocent!—Daix encouraged me with words of consolation 1—Daix said to me , the first ball shall be for me an d not for you ' . ' —at the last moment his body served me as a wall of protection ! ' Yes ; my brave general , thou wilt s ' -y truly ; and it was not until thy body was pierced

      with bullets that I was forced to abandon thy defence , by the bayonets which stretehed me on the bed of eartb . I do not demand pardon or _indulgence—Daix is incapable of committing a crime ! I ara innocent ! Yet I am guilty—yes , guilty of insurrection , and , for this crime condemn me to death ¦ —to the gallows—to perpetual or temporary imprisonment ! 1 shall undergo my sentence with cour ? ge—with eagerness . Go , gentlemen , pass sentence upon me ; I confide myself entirely to the honour of the tribunal . But , first , I COlliign to eternal misery those who have here raised their perjured and E & _crilegic-us hands against me , for their impure souls belong not to the skies' .

      _GuUlaume , Coutant , Beaude , Gern , Moms , Goui , _Boulley , Paris , Quintin , Vappreaux , senior , and _Duiias , declared they had nothing further to urge in their defence . President . —And you , Lebeuegny ? Lebelleguy . —I think that the Council should know that the sword of the general never having been plunged _inta his body , I cannot be condemned for a crime which lias not been committed . President .- Chopart _, have you anything further to add to your defence ?

      Choi-art — Gentlemen of the Council , after the eloquent aud noble words of my devoted defender , little remains for me to say . At the solemn moment in which yougo to decide upon my fate , upon my life itself , I owe it to myself , 1 owe it to the princi p les I profess , to protest energeticall y against all participation on my part in the frightful drama of the barriere de Fontainebleau . It is wished to make people believe that it is a duly of the Socialist to assassinate the reactionaries ; the falling cause , here , gentlemen , is more than an error , it is a crime . Socialism—tliat is fraternity — is not assassination , it is not theft , it is not robbery ; shame to men so base and wicked as impute to us thoughts like

      these ! We may be in error ; but our error pro . ceeds only from loving and sympathetic hearts , Viewing the moral ar . d physical degrada'ion of the working class-if it be _" a crime to ruminate on their regeneration—this crime I have often committed ; and ray only regret is that of not having had talent enough to aggravate it , if I may thus express myself . I speak to you , gentlemen , as I would speak to God , the sovereign judge of all — although Socialist , being persuaded thatit is Christianity—my hand on my heart , I declare gentlemen I took no part in the murder at the barriere de Fontainebleau . During that frightful day I dealt death to no one . I swear it by all that is held most sacred . On the contrary , I lost twenty minutes during which I was

      attempting to save the life of one of ray comrades . My conscience is at ease . It reproaches me -with _n-jtlting ¦ for me that is the chief thing . No ! I repeat it ; I ara not , and could not be aa assassin . Do not think , gentlemen , that the Vines which I read are designed to make you conceive a change in my position ; t ' aat is not the thought which dictated them . I demand neither pity nor favour , 1 demand nothing but justice . If you believe me guilty of murdering & defenceless man , have no mercy upon me . I prefer death to dishonour ! . But that will not preveut me from crying from the bottom of my heart , with my last breath [ with energy ] ' Vive la Repuhlique ! ' Next day Daix , Nourrit , Chopart , Larh _, and Vappreaux , juuior , were condemned to death .

      Miens , Gautron , and Lebelleguy were sentenced to perpetual imprisonment with hard woik , by a majority of four to three , who voted for the punishment of death . Guillaume , Coutant , and Quintin were acquitted . A great many other prisoners were sentenced to different period * of banishment and imprisonment for insurrection .

      Asciest Irish Coix.—A Curious Silver Coi...

      _Asciest Irish Coix . —A curious silver coin , a halfpenny of King John , A . D . 1217 , was dug up , in tho neighbourhood of Scwry , a few days ago . It weighs about ten grains . On the obverse is the head of ihe king , in a triangle , and the inscription . "JohanRex . " In the centre ofthe reverse there is a crescent and cross , in a triangle also , with the mint-master ' s name , "William on Dive . " Itis now in the possession of Mr . Corry , Post-office . — Neury Telegraph . A Smart Place . — The Knickerbocker says — " East Albany is one of the smartest p laces in tbe world . Although there are only ninety-nine women in the place , ninety-eight babies have been born here since tho lst of April . "

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 24, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_24021849/page/7/