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Y ' " ' THE ' Continued jsBBEAi-•*¦¦*-*•...
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(Continued prom our sixth page.) __ .. ,, . .,
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Y ' " ' The ' Continued Jsbbeai-•*¦¦*-*•...
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(Continued Prom Our Sixth Page.) __ .. ,, . .,
( Continued prom our sixth page . ) __ .. ,, . .,
Cnlttop-Tsalton The Tail Of So Shy A Bir...
cnlttop-tsalton the tail of so shy a bird as Sir Robert p _^ out be thought thathe had done it now , when he 1 jroaDc-d an opinion of -bis thatthe Minister ought tO _y l -fcis ears open to the complaints ofthe agriculturists , ana to give them a share in any relief which he was enabled to dispense to the community . He gave notice that , oa a future day , he should propose to extend the _jn-^ _rae and jropertr-taj : to Ireland . The MarqHis of Gbahbt ttought thatthe _manufac . _turas would not feel satisfied if the same answer were _jetnro « d to them which Sir Robert Peel had just _reamed to the agriculturists . " Would -they think _fhemsdves _wefl treated if they were toldt that their distress mr _&& be alleviated in consequence of the general prospe rity which would overflow the country , when the remis-30 n of _fte ta _^ es on agriculture came into full operation !? _i _& gt a few words -from Mr . _CoDett
_Xj ., _roebcck caned the attention of the country to this 60 , mat every Member on his side of the House had _W _ade * - _uiea the income and property tax—had deprecated } I j ; a permanent tax—and had expressed his expectation _jjjat " _twould be permanent ; and that , nevertheless , every 0 Il £ 0 -I them had come to the conclusion that he would _rtte-T orthetax . jjj . ( J . Bulleb . said , that this tax must now be regarded ; : aKi * --iie * itt ! U 5 * and seeing that it must be so _rezxti ' eA , he felt himself at liberty to oppose it _" The sutary -was « hen cleared for a division , when there < jpeatid— Tor the amendment 55 Against it . 263 Majority against it 203 Mr . CraTEts moved that the Chairman do report progress , and ask leave to sit again . * " Mr . Roebuck said , he was about to move that the income tax be extended to Ireland .
Mr . _Sheil . —Yes ; to give the Hon . and Learned _Member for Bath an opportunity of reading Edmund Burke ' s _g * ech on the conciliation of America . ( A laugh . ) LordHowiCK observed , that if the Hon . Member for Bath meant really to move his amendment , it must be _flone in the present stage of the bill . Mr . Roebuck said , be seriously intended to move it . » lr . Cubt £ i 8 repeated bis motion . After 3 few words from the Chancellor of the Exchequer , on the inconvenience that would attend delay , Mr . Roebuck said , he felt all that inconvenience , hut there _wooia be quite as much inconvenience in hasty _Ifgislafion . Mr . SHrra observed , that there seemed some reason in the proposition ofthe Hon . Member . Mr . W . _ITii . tiAiti' supported the postponement .
Sir B . Peel said , if the Hon . Member for _Bathpersevered _, hemust of coarse give way ; bnt he begged to re . _nicd tie Hon . and Learned Member that at the same time the income tax was proposed , he had atSo proposed additional stamp duties for Ireland . He should decidedly _vppe-se the Hon . Member ' s motion-Lord J- Rcsseu , supported -the postponement He hoped afew days would be allowed to members to consider the Government propositions with regard to the _sd- ' wX duties . The CHJJMiivN- then reported progress , and obtained leare to sit again on Wednesday . Adjourned at half-past one . Tcesdat , Feb . 18 . _TheHouse met at four O ' clock .
The " . Hon . H . Fitzroy took the oaths and liis scat on Ms re-election for the borough of Lewes . Sir . W . IIeathcoie brought up the reports of the committee to wliich several petitions for railway bills had been referred ., From these it appeared fiat i _» the case of the London and York Railway the standing orders had not been complied with . This report was referred tothe Committee on Standing Orders-In ike Cases Of tho folhwin" petitions for raUway buls _, the committee repoiied that the standing orders had been complied with , and the parties obtained leave -to bring in their respective bills : — . The Leeds and Bradford Railway ; the Manchester and Rirwingbam Railway ( Ashton branch ); the Tork and _Seariwrough RaUway ; the London South-Wcstern Railway ( Metropolitan branch ); the Leeds and "West Riding Junction Railway ; the Manchester awd Leeds Raflway ( Birley branch ); the Leeds , Dewsbm-r , and Manchester Railway ; the West Yorkshire Railway , and the North British Railway .
Mr . lorxc * moved that a new writ should be issued for the election of a knight of the shire to serve in this Parliament for the eastern division ofthe county of Kent , in the room of the _Rklit Hon . Sir Edward _Knaiehlrafl , Bart ., who since his election had accented the Stewardship of the Chiltern Himdreds . ( Hear , hear , and a laugh . )—Ordered . Mr . Yorao next moved , that a mew writ should be _Isned for a burgess to serve in this Parliament for the borough of _ThetfowL in the room * of the Hon . W . B . Baring , who since his election had accepted fiie office of Favmaster of her _ifejest / _s fortes . — ( _Ordered . »
Jlr . Cowpee gave notitc , that on the 4 th of March be would move for leave to brim-fin a billfor the allotment of field gardens to the poor . Mr . Williams gave notice , -that in the Committee . f _" n ~ aj 3 andMew _* n 3 hewonld more a resolution to tius effect-T- "That all persons receiving public money _inlnimd should pay the same amount of income tax as persons in like _cirenmstanees were obliged to pay : ia Great Britain . "
_-EmO-f-JIEYr OF CHILDRE . V Ef CALICO _PBTSI-WOIIKS . Lord _Ashletjtosc to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice , and addressed the House to this effect : —Sir , the subject which I feel bound to bring under thc consideration of the House is so much akin to others which I have had the honour to bnnsforward , that I fear X _cannot-protDise _-gm-ytmng ia ihe - » - _** r of novelty in _thg evidence I have to adduce , or in the arguments derived from it ; but , aercrthwless , I do hope that the House will extend to ne its patient indulgence while I bring before it _fittcasftof a lasgfe class of onr _feilow-subjects -who tare never yet been represented here . I am abont to speak in behalf of a large body who have been osdi oppressedand Imay sayhave been altogether
, , &* gotten—but whose interests Tare of great value _totlemselves _, and , if taken in connexion with their - -rtenroorary labourers , are calculated to hare a P-Ternd influence on the destinies ofthe empire . It _•* ffl be recollected that in the year 1840 , 1 had the iflaonr to move in this House for a commission to _ajoise into "the employment of children in the various _dep-rtmentsof labour . That commission made a -Rrv voluminous report ; and in a summary of _% ai report , from which I shall read a few extracts , % Stated what "was the condition of many _fiausands , I may say hundreds of thousands , « children . I do not here mean those employed in ft *? factories , but those employed in the various fcades and branches of labour in ihe realmand who
, * tt Compelled to commence labour at very tender _Jtais . There are many instances of their beginning is work at the Tery early age of three and four T _& R ; many more between five and six , and in many _irufanees , regular employment began from seven to _-pllt , and in most instances between eight and nine . _» nh _respect to the employment of girls , the report " _-ateJ _, that " A lai _* ge proportion of the children and _Ttaw _-oersons employed in this branch of trade are 5 ns , the proportion in _lancs-sMre being _iipwards of | _^ _-di ird ofthe whole number under -thirteen . " It « amer appears , from the report , that the young girts _b arked as long each day as the adults , which _soine-•^ _aes extended to sixteen , seventeen , and even _^ areen hours consecutively . Schools were whollv
™ t ofthe reach of these poor children in consequence wthe early age at which they were set to work ; and _h * result is , that the greatest demoralisation exists _^ tu ote < wistriets . _^ This was the summary presented * ? the commissioners , and adduced from a close _arey of large _uumbere employed in various trades * tue realm . Of all these cruel and pernicious em-J _^ ments—penurious , I mean , in the extent to which _% ey are carried on—only one has been brought under * - « consideration of the House . I had the honour _? _Imposing to the House the removal of feniales _2 _** a employment in coileries - but of all the trades _fc-i manufaefiires that have been inquired into , that •» " _& - oniy one _wffth respect to which , any measure of re -K f lea been afforded , or any motion made . In all Oiaer
respects nothing has been done , —or , rather , _e _vm-fla-ag _hag been left undone ; not one hour has _W -n struck off from their term of Jabonr , — -not an _^ _" _^ to their recreation . Thev have not had i- « i . , adva ntage of public opinion being awakened _™ 1 ! _£ _tT _vcF _' _-that _puhhe opinion , which has such pwertal _mfluence when bronght to bear on other £ kw it bsea _^ no advantage to those on whose * f Baa l have Tentured to come forward . I am , oo t « ? _^ _P- _^ pared to take up the snlgeet , and I mis . that in consideration of tiie urgency of 'the _^•« , and also of the moderation of what I am about 1 _rojflCSe _, the House may be Induced to give me _Sp . g not the wliole , of what I ask on behalf of tiim ! _i ? ai , gpeisons * Ihopeitwillbeborneinmind , _^ _Woutthe whole ofthe discussion on tliis _quesaijja | . t ed my demand entirely to _chudivm under tt _» _£% - ! aat _« _i-, "Which are children according to _gl _*™^™ of the _* , Factory Act . Avast number of
ai _^^^ * _" * females , and therefore entitled to _tlaHrt protection of _thisHouse . I donotconsider _ficinrt , - _^^ on of those of more advanced age tkt _^ - _^ * ftnem _* ja surewM _^ 3 _$ - _?^ _Mdhnmanity will be satisfied , butthe _de--ftk + _ti , - * now _Hbake is more in accordance with _CahW _^** -- _^ tito VS . _£ * ' _wlucl 11 - ° ow _* eg to call the attensiorJ _^* * ne -Boi _» se , is thus described in the _commis-C _^ ; - ; ' Calico printimj , -with its suboc to * fin _* 86 es of Weataiing and dyeing , is carried _Unca-w - _^ _a * -stent in the cotton districts of . _Vj _flana ' ' _wjeshire , Derbyshire , and the west of _•^ _ldrni * _.. j ere are also a few print-works near tae ll _£ _2 _$ _** _eral near Dublin . " With respect to _h hh » L _:-,. _^ _-iren employed the report said"W _^^ - _^ _^ eahire , and _Herbyshire , instances _^ _entaT _^ T diadren hegin work in this _employ-Ween _^^^ _'e en four and five , and several - _^ _Ww - udus » Te » many begin between t - < ' _"rrai _^ _H- _^ ulmore between sevenand eight , and _^ _ivim" _^ _* *? _tetween eight and mse . " From _wzwd . & om print-works is _I-Mcash-ie ,
Cnlttop-Tsalton The Tail Of So Shy A Bir...
_Chrahire _, and De _rbyshire , the children under thir _SrrM _* li _^ " But this _estimate , " toll _™ _X U 1 USaon _! Jr - h _* no _^ _n 8 _Eludes the total number . . - . - Thpre an > _apvoral _StwSahrt _^ _" _^ _W _&^ _ss 3 $ k r tha -as _tierera , many children are employed . The works at West Ham ; in Essex , are on the largest _sraJe and those at Carshalton , in ourrey , are considerable . " Total number as stated in the report , 13 , 492 . But this is confessedly much imder the truth ; and when we add the number employed in bleach-fields and calendering departments , sometimes detached from printing-works , we cannot putthewholeofthenumbersatlessthan 25 _, 000 . Inow peg to call the attention of the House to what must
have an important effect on the moral character of _wwset employed—I mean the state of the places in which this work is carried on . On this point the _eommksionere state— « . « There is perhaps no description of manufacture in which the convenience and comfort of the places in which the various operations are carried on differ so materially in different establishments , and even in different departments of the same establishments , as in calico-printing . " In great numbers of cases these conditions of the place of work are deplorably neglected . The hooking and _lashmg-out rooms , and the singeing-Tfotjins , are also veiy _disagreeableplaces _, the air of which is filled with dust andin the latter with small _burntparticles , which irritate the eyes and nostrils _excewlin' . ly . ' On _uoini _?
into this room with a friend / says the sub-commissioner , ' we were both instantly affected , our eyes began to smart , and we felt a ticklish Beraatioil in the throat and nostrils , much the same as that produced by taking snuff . 1 noticed that all the children who were employed in this room werc more or less affected with inflammation and copious discharge from the eyes . The temperature of the workshops usually varies from 65 to 80 degrees . . . the stoves are often overheated , and I have occasionally seen them red hot . The temperature to wluch the stenters are exposed ia very high , from 85 to 100 degrees . I have iound them between eleven and twelve years old _workingfourteen houre . The temperature at which / says the commissioner , ' I usually found these stoves , when the girls were filling themwas
, as high as 110 degrees , or fever heat , and the steam rising from the wet goods as they are hung up is still more suffocating and oppressive than dry neat would be . '" To give a complete picture of the case I have to present to the House , I must likewise show them what is the nature of the employment in which these children are engaged . It is quite true that the labour is not iu itself heavy ; it is the continuity of it during so many hours that produces a debilitating effect on both body and Brdnu . Sir , I now quote from the Report of the Commissioners : — " The work of tlm tiercrs does not -require muchmuscular . exertion , while it admits of some -variety , as they occasionally bring the colour from the colour shop , and it is also their duty to wash the blocks and cleanse the sieves :
but , on the other hand , their exertion ot attention must _Jbe almost unremitting ; 'they must keep their arms in a continual rotatory motion , and during the whole time they are at work they must be upon their feet . " And -what are the hours of work ? " The regular hours of work in the different departments of ihe print field are rarely less than twelve , including the time allowed for meals , but it is by no means uncommon in all the districts for children of from fire to six years , old to he kept at work for fourteen , and even sixteen , hours consecutively . " " In those of l-ancashire , Cheshire , and Derh _^ hire , the nominal hours of work are twelve , including meal hours ; but there can scarcely be said to be any regular _-lOUTS , for all the block printers are in the habit of
working over time , and as they are paid , and are independent of machinery , they are at liberty to work what hours they please . " Thomas Sidbread , block printer , says , * 'I began to work between eight and Hllie o ' clock 0 _U W _<^ esch . y night , but the boy had been sweeping the shop from Wednesday morning . You will _scarcely believe it , but it is true , I never left the shop till six o ' clock on the Saturday morning , and I had neTer stopped working all that time : I was knocked up , and the boy was almost insensible . " Henry Richardson states , " At four o ' clock I began to work , and worked all that dav , all the next night , and until ten o ' clock the foUowing day . I had only one tierer during that time , and I dare say he would be about twelve years old . . . 1 have known
children made ill by working too long hours ; the boy that worked for me at the Adelphi was sometimes unable to come to his work from being sick with over working . " The sub-commissioner adds , "instances were found of girls working at the steam cans for thirtyeight hours in succession . " The occasional practice of night work in print grounds in all the districts is universal , while in many it is so general and constant that it may be regardedas a part of the regular system of carrying on this branch of the trade . In _Lanca shire , Cheshire , and Derbyshire , night work is stated to be so common that those establishments in which it does not exist are exceptions to the general practice . " But here comes the fearful and important consideration for the Parliament and the country—the physical
suffering is bad enough , butthe moral degradation is worse . The commissioners state , and this is their general report , that "the evidence collected in the Lancashire district tends to show that the children employed in this occupation are excluded from the opportunities of education ; that this necessarily contributes to the growth of an ignorant and vicious population ; that the facility of obtaining early employment for children in print fields , almost entirely empties the day schools ; that parents without hesitation sacrifice the future welfare of their children through life for the immediate advantage or gratification obtained by the additional pittance derived from the child ' s earnings . ' * This is not my language ; it is the language of the report . . . "Of the same class in Scotland , it Is stated that the ease with
which parents are enabled to rid themselves of the burden ofthekchUdren ' s support weakens all parental and domestic ties , saps the foundation of morality , and stops all progress in the mental and moral culture of the chflurcn . " I shall not weary the House with any further evidence as to the moral condition of those engaged in the print works . But I will ask if that be a state of things which should be allowed to continue ? Any effort we may make , may in the outset be imperfect on account of the difficulties that stand in the way of all legislation on such a subject ; bat at any rate we may strike at the main evil , and correct the lawaa far as we can . In the first instance I should propose the total abolition of night work for all females of whatsoever ages , and aU of both sexes
under thirteen , to commence in October Hext . I am quite sure that in this I am not proposing anything that can be in the least injurious to the interests either of the workmen or their masters . If the House will allow me I will state on what evidence I found that opinion . Morally and p hysically nothing can be more injurious than this night work . _A- _.-deputation of calico printers say— " Night work is doubly distressing on this account , where a great quantity of gas is burning in a room badly ventilated , the air is hurtful to breathe and bad for the constitution . Children of delicate constitutions are obliged , in a long succession of night work , to desist from coming to the shop , otherwise they die off . " "When children first come to work , froni _bennrrobust ther will become pallid and weak . "
" Almost all classes of witnesses in all the districts concur in stating thatthe effect of night-work is most injurious , physically and morally , on the workpeople in general , and on the children in particular . Nor is night-work necessary or advantageous to the trade . The report savs , — " No countervailing advantage is - ultimately obtained from it even by the employers . ' Again , — ' "In working in the night it is generally considered that more work is spoiled than in the day , and an abatement is made for bad work . " _^ Mr . Robert Hargreaves , of Accrington , one of the highest authorities in the kingdom , says , — " I do not like the principle of night-work ; there is danger of fire , and a necessity for a double set of superintendents . The work done is much worse . " The
sub-commissioner for the West of England reports tbat " the great nuyoritv of printers would not object to a prohibition of night-work for children and young persons . " Jlr . Gilbert Jones , manager of Cogan printworks , "is very strongly of opinion that ovcrhours are _iniuiious both to workmen and employers . " He " considers that a law reducing and regulating hours of work in print-fields would put all on a footing , and so would soon produce no inconvenience . " Mi * . Kenned v , the sub-commissioner for Lancashire , Cheshire , and Derbyshire , reported—and this is a most valuable statement— "I have been favoured by an influentialhousewith an inspection of thosebooks which show rates of production in their roller printingmachines , during a period of four months , whenthey
worked fifteen hours a day . . . . Theproportion of spoiled workfrom the beginning ofthe first to the end ofthe fourth month , actually doubled itself , whilst the average production of the machines decreased from 100 to 00 percent . In fact , the ansount of spoiled work increased to such an alarming degree , that the parties referred to felt themselves compelled to shorten the hours of labour to avoid loss , and as soon as tho alteration was -made the amount of spoiled work sank to its former level . " ( Cheers . ) I am informed , he adds , "the general experience of this branch of trade is , that under whatever circumstances nig ht-work is tried , the produce is _distmeuished by a larger share than ordinary of spoiled work . " Itis clear , therefore , that a law must be proposed to save these unfortunate children from tho effects of such a system . I would next propose a reto those
duction ofthe hours of labour with respect under a certain age-under the age _ of _^ thirteen , lor instance , Ipropose , therefore , thatin October , 1840 , allowing , thereby , nearly two years before the operation of the enactment , none under thirteen years ot ace shall be allowed to work more than eight _honrs a 3 lav for six days in the week , or more than twelve hours a-day for three alternate days in the _weet _i shall propose also , in conformity with _^ the provisions of theFactory Bill , that two hours a _^ day of schooling should be required with respect to those children wno work eight hours a-day for six days in the week ; anu three hours of schooling on wdternate days wita respect to those who work twelve hours a-day tor three davs in the week . Should more labour be required , * it may be obtained by relays , to which tne trade is accustomed . I do not know whether it is
Cnlttop-Tsalton The Tail Of So Shy A Bir...
necessary for me to notice the number of arguments which Imay anticipate as likely to be urged against my proposed provision with respect tothe education ot the chddren . In the first instance , I may be told that parents may be safely trusted to attend to the p hysical and moral welfare of their children . Now , in answer to this I may refer to the results ofthe investigations of the commissioners , which prove the utter carelessness of the parents of those children in reference to their education , even when they have ample means for providing for Mb education . Mr . liennedy says— " One of the chief points for observation is the carelessness of the parents as to the luture welfare of their of & pring , as shown by depriving them ofthe advantages of education . This thev
invariably do without reference to their ample means of supporting them . " Mr . Grainger savs , many of the , parents are utterly indifferent to tho moral and physical welfare of their offspring ; and it would be a serious error to mistake this indifference lor desperation arising from distress and misery . In this deplorable state the population is being brought up . It must , I think , be evident to every one , that unless parents themselves receive the beneht of education , they will be indifferent as to the education of their progeny , and yet we are bringing up a race of parents in an entirely demoralised condition , and who will be ignorant of the great advantages which would accrue to their offspring from proper attention to their education ; for we find the
present generation of these children neglected as far as their physical and moral condition is concerned ; and we find also that such a complication of evils has been suffered to accumulate , that even the powers of this House will scarcely be able to extricate the Population from them . ( Hear , hear . ) I am at a loss to consider on what ground opposition can be offered to the motion with which I shall conclude . It cannot be said that I have selected one interest only to legislate on . This is the third in the series of reformations which I have introduced to the notice of the House . I have , I hope , been careful—for such was my intention—in my language respecting the character and conduct of individual masters . I have endeavoured to expose a pernicious svstem , without
imputing to them either the authorshi p or the encouragement of the mischief which afflicts the present generation . It has come down to them byihheritance , ( Hear , hear . ) In all debates on subjects analogous to this , it has invariabl y been conceded that protection should be conceded to very young children . Their helplessness , the deep interest which the state has in their moral and physical welfare , were urged as grounds why protection should be afforded . There may be sorae though verv few , who thought differently , believing thatthe children might be safely left to the affectionate solicitude of their parents and guardians . But these objections were overruled , and the legislature affirmed by various enactments the nrincinle which I now contend for .
I now ask no more than that principle ; tor I must again observe , that this bill will affect children of tender years—children whom the Government of 1833 protected to the extent of eight hours of labour a-day , and to whom they gave the advantage of a regular system of education . In the various discussions to which I have alluded , perpetual endeavours were made to drive us , who sought the aid of legislation , from our ' point , and to taunt us with taking narrow and one-sided views . I have been told that there were far worse things than those I exposed—that I left untouched much . It has been in vain for . me to reply -that I could not travel through the whole . On the first introduction of the Factory Bill , my opponents
directed me to go to the collieries , and when I went to them I was then told to go to the printworks . Now , I have got to the printworks , i know not where I may be sent next ; but from all that I have _obseryedpassing , I think it may be concluded that it wm be to the Gorn Laws that I shall be sent . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , let . me ask the most zealous friend of the abolition of the Corn Laws what that abolition could do more in his opinion for the manufacturing population than perpetuate the present state of commercial prosperity ? Yet , in favourable circumstances , what is the actual condition of these children ? The repeal of the Corn Laws would leave the children just as it found them , neither better nor worse . They would be precisely in the condition hi
which the children are in those countries where there are no Com Laws—Belgium , for instance . But I will most solemnly declare , if I believed that the repeal of the Corn Laws would place these many thousand children in a condition of comfort , and keep them there , that in spite of eveiy difficulty , and in the face of every apprehension , I would vote at once for their entire abolition . ( Hear , hear . ) It has been said to me more than onee—" Where will you stop ? " I reply without hesitation , that whererer , and so long as any portion of this great abuse remains to be remedied I will not stop . I do confess that it is my desire and ambition to bring the labouring children of this empire within reach of education , and within a sphere where they mayacouire . the habits and
usefulness of citizens ( hear , hear ); and if I had a hope of your confidence and support , I would devote the remainder of my life to the accomplishment of tliis work . Will any man deny that this object is well worthy the attention of this legislative assembly ? Do look to the increasing number of your children—I speak not of one class or of another —manufacturing or agricultural . The principle is alike aa regards both , though the danger may be less in one case than in the other . The march of intellect , as it is called , brings forth fruits either for good or for evil , according as it is directed . Do what you will , it will be of little use if you will not , as a nation , undertake the task of applying a remedy to a system under which the population is hrnncrht un in a _ststn nf _nDtrlnnt fits _VfttarAa _flipiV
mom welfare , and which almost renders _frnitless all private exertions for then- improvement . Does this state of things afford us any security 1 The time was when many believed , or maintained , that Utter ignorance and excessive labour were the best guarantees for the tranquillity of the people . Awful delusion to suppose that men brutally ignorant could not find time and intellect for mischief ? I have endeavoured to impress on this House the dangers of the present system . I may be thought somewhat dogmatical , but I cannot disguise the truth , that we are standing on a very rotten foundation . You may increase your fleet , and extend your commerce—these are excellent things in their way , but all you may do will be unavailing unless it rests on the moral and
physical prosperity of the great mass of your people . ( Hear . ) It may flourish for a while , and we may exchange congratulations , but an hour of difficulty will soon discover that we have done nothing . But while there is life there is hope ; and while the facilities for mischief are rife , let us not neglect the facilities for good . The powers of science are now stimulating the energies of mind and body ; and the very condensation of the people into masses and large towns may be converted into influences of a mighty nature , it the state only performs her duty . Let her show herself to be the great and pious parent of the population . Her efforts , be assured , will not be lost in the sight of God ; and " her children will rise up and call her blessed . " ( Hear , hear . ) Thc Noble Lord concluded by moving for leave te bring
in " a Bill to regulate the labour of children in the calico printworks of Great Britain and Ireland . " Sir James _Ghaham said , that though it had been frequently his lot to oppose the Noble Lord on measures of this nature , lie had always acknowledged the purity of his motives , the singleness of his heart , the importance of his objects , and the touching eloquence of his statements . Lord Ashley said that 25 , 000 children were employed in this branch ot manufacture . Now , not undervaluing what he had stated respecting the moral condition and thc education of these young children , lie still tnOflgnt that , considering the great increase of our population and the great competition for labour , it behoved Government to be cautious how it interwhich would affect their
fered with any measure physical condition , and so affect then- means of labour . If-we were to proceed at all with the regulation of the labour of young persons , nothing could be more moderate than the Noble Lord ' s proposition He then proceeded to point out the distinction between this labour and factory labour . The first was a healthy , and the latter an unhealthy , occupation . In calico printing , when the process was once begun , it must be carried on till it \ vas completed , otherwise it ran very great risk , and mi ght suffer an irreparable injury . In factorv work the labour was earned an by machinery : you might calculate yonr time , and then _stoiaour machinery without any injuiyto the work you were conducting . Again , factory _^ vkms mnal . uninterrupted , and continuous . In puntwnicn
works there were three months in the year in work was slack : whilst in spring , when there was a demand for new patterns , there was a great demand for labour , and the work must be continuous , ihe mixture of the work of young children with that of voim" pensons and adults was indispensably necessarv to eawy _^ _**¦ If V _•*• _folce of _7 l . e _» lsla ' tion , vou compelled the labour of children to be _suspended , you compelled the suspension of the _wboie operation , or else the substitution ot adult labour at lusher wa"es , which would cause a great diminution in the profits of the trade . Again , factory labour was concentrated , inspection was easy , and evasion ot the law difficult . It operated , therefore , equally on all manufacturers . In calico printing there was no machinerv , or atleast no machinery worked by steam nower : and the labour was , in consequence , not contnereiore
centrated , but dispersed . Inspection was difficult , and evasion easy ; it would thereloretaKe place , and the effect of your legislation would be , that honest menwoidd obey it , andwouldso beplaeea nnderthe most cruel disadvantage , when compared with the dishonest men , who would disobey it . ine Noble Lord had said , that night-work was not necessary , and not advantageous . If it was not advantageous , it would not be necessary , and tne persons engaged . in carrying it on wiia not have recourse to it . He ( Sir James Graham ) contended that night-work was necessary , and therefore the House should be cautious how it interfered with it . He had gteat hesitation in consenting to the introduction of this bill ,
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He saw thc impossibility of advancing further , and even of stopping here . " If the Noble Lord would not stop here , he had serious apprehensions . of tho effects tt i ! _wouW ' 0 < luce 0 Xi the interests of trade . He could net refuse his consent to the introduction of the bill , on account of the moderation of the Noble Lords proposal ,- but , in consenting to its introduction , he reserved to Mmself the utmostlatltude _ofdistt ' etion as to his mode of dealing with it hereafter . ¦ Mr . Wallace expressed his satisfaction that the Government had consented to the introduction of the _rvoble Lord ' s bill , and said that he should endeavour on a future occasion to prevail upon the House to include within its provisions the bleaching and the dyeing trade of Scotland . ! Mr . Hume was glad to hear Sir James Graham
express his reluctance to interfere by legal regulation witlVthe management of our manufacturers . The working classes were at this moment too much trammelled by the fetters of our legislation on their means of employment ; Mr . _Cobdbjt denied that there was anything demoralising in the employment of children in calico printworks . They obtained Ss . a week for their labour , whereas in the agricultural districts children did not obtain more than ls , 6 d . a week . Mr . _Wakiky said , that as an act of political civility to the Noble Lord , the Right Hon . Gentleman had determined that the Noble Lord should bring in his bill ; but he ( Mr . Wakley ) thought it was quite clear that it was the intention of the Right Hon . Gentleman strenuously to oppose the second reading of the
bill . . : .. -.. v .. ™ Sir J . _Giu & _tM . —I studiously avoided making any such declaration . ( A laugh . ) Mr . Wakley continued . —The Right Hon . Gentleman did so , but he ( Mr . W . ) as studiously inferred , from the manner ofthe Right lion . Gentleman , and he thought he wits not mistaken , and he believed the result would prove that his anticipations werc correct —that the Right Hon . Gentleman would most strenuously oppose , upon the part of the Government , the second reading of this bill . It was right that people out of doors should know the state of things in that House ; and he anticipated for the Noble Lord , ifithe friends of humanity would move in the matter , a splendid victory . He called upon the Noble Lord
not to be dismayed when he obtained it . ( Hear . ) He entreated the Noble Lord to push forward to the final goal , when he did obtain the second reading of tliis bill , because he ( Mr . Wakley ) did not forget what happened in that House last session , when the Noble Lord did not anticipate success , and was dismayed when he obtained it , The facts of tho Noble Lord were true , and the subject was one of the most painful character ; and was it possible for that House to entertain such acute sympathy with reference to foreign skives , and not to protect ouv infant slaves _uvthis country ? ( Hear , hear . ) The Noble Lord said that 25 , 000 were so employed , and the Hon . Member for Montrose said that the parents in this country were at liberty to make such cntrasements
as they pleased , and then the Hon . Gentleman went on to say that children could do the same . That was a novel doctrine to him . He was not aware that children had any such liberty . In fact , it was notorious that they had not , and , from the statements of the Noble Lord , if was certain that theirs was a state of infant slavery , Could that House , then , act in a more praiseworthy manner than in removing those infants from such a species of thraldom as was described by the Noble Lord ? It would be disgraceful if the House allowed such a state of things to continuo without making an effort to remedy it . The Noble Lord said he would not allow anything of this sort to last without endeavouring to bring it under legislative remilation . He thanked
the Noble Lord for that pledge , but he constantly found that When the Noble Lord made any of these efforts in the manufacturing districts , he always referred to the agricultural districts . But it was not because greater evils existed that you must not deal with lesser ones , and he strongly recommended the Noble Lord to take the evils of the agricultural districts in hand . ( Hear . ) If he did not , his motives would be misrepresented and thwarted by some person or other in that House . ( Hear , hear . ) Let the Noble Lord go into the agricultural districts , and see what was the state of the people there . His belief was that they were as badly off in their labourers ' cottages as they could be in any ofthe manufacturing towns in this country . ( Hear , hear . ) The Noble
Lord would find there every evil , with winch he must grapple in some way or other ; and he advised him not to postpone doing it , but at once , in the present session , to move for a committee , or take some other means with reference to the labouring classes of this country in the agricultural districts . The Right Hon . Gentleman , in the remarks he made , stated , with that peculiarly imposing and solemn manner wliich he could always exhibit when appealing to the commercial interests ill that House , that it was a question of profit ; it would interfere with profit . Granted . But were we to love our children or—profit ? ( Hear , hear . ) Were we to sacrifice thousands of children in this country , to make a few pounds of profit ? ( Hear , hear . ) What they were doine thev
were neglecting education . An Hon . Friend of his said , educate the men ; but he said , educate the boys —they might make a boy a _» ood man , but they never could make a man a good _noy . ( Laughter . ) Educate the child , and we should then have a good and respectable member of society . The Noble Lord had opened the case with reference to another branch of the _' _coinmunity . They had proofs of the awful condition in which part of the population were placed ; and he therefore entreated the Noble Lord to pursue his labour , and he would live to see the happiest results from his exertions ; but he must not be again dismayed—he must marshal his forces , and go on to a eopipietion ofthe object he had in view . ( Hear ,
hear . ) After a few remarks from Mi * . M . Philips , Lord Ashley observed , that he was willing to make any alterations in his bill which would meet the views of Mr . ; Cobden , as a practical man , provided that those alterations did not affect its principle . Mr . Labouchebe hoped that the Noble Lord would fix as early a day as possible for the second reading of his bill . At the same time he must express his regret that , on a question of this importance , which must have undergone the consideration of her Majesty ' s Government , Sir James Graham had not thought fit to express a more decided opinion as to its merits than that with which he had favoured the House that evening . Leave was then given to bring in the bill .
POST-OFFICE . —LETTKK-OPBSISO . Mi * . T . Duncombe rose to redeem the pledge he had given of calling the attention of the House to the unsatisfactory and evasive character of the report of the secret committee appointed to inquire into the opening and detaining of letters . The report had not been presented till such a late period of the session that it was impossible to call the attention of Parliament to it ; and he regretted that it had not been so full , and so satisfactory and straightforward , as . thc committee had the power _rf making it . He had last session presented a petition from Mr . Mazzini , and other Italian gentlemen , complaining that their letters had been detained and opened . This complaint had then been treated with positive indifference by
the Home Secretary , who decunctt giving any information , beyond stating that he had certainl y opened letters of one of the parties who had joined in petitioning , refusing to tell whose or whether he had issued any warrant . A short time afterwards he had presented a similar petition from a Captain Stolzman , & Polish gentleman , and had moved that the petitions be referred to a select committee , in which he was defeated , the Government using all their influence to stifle inquiry . His motion had been for a committee on the secret or inner office of the Post-office and the conduct of the parties engaged therein , and to report their opinion thereon * , and whether any alterations t n the law were advisable , as ' to the opening of lettei _* s . He had
been met by an amendment on the part of the Right Hon . Baronet , who had persuaded the House that the object all had in view would be riiet by the appointment of the committee he proposed . I objected ( continued-the Hon . Member ) tothe constitution of that committee , and to the course the Government had taken in appointing , without a single exception , cveryinemberuponit . I , who had brought forward the question , was not allowed to be upon that committee , and I shall be able to explain to the House and the public the reason . There was not one single gentleman on the committee with whom I could communicate in respect to the conduct of the inquiry . I objected , further , to the secrecy of the mquiry , knowing well that secret inquiries never proved satisfactory . But
when the committee had performed its part , as I had hoped fairly and impartially , it waste be expected that a report would have been presented which should have set this question at once at rest , and that the House would not have allowed the statute authorizing such proceedings as I had revealed to remain a single moment longer on the statute-book . The Right Hon . Baronet _tookcai'e to appoint his * own jury , professing to refer to them the whole question along with "his own honour , " yet reserving for himself an appeal to the House , supposing the report proved not quite satisfactory tohim . And I , who was excluded from the committee , had the right to reserve to myself , in thc same manner , the power of reopening the whole subject if the report appeared unsatisfactory . I now appeal to tlic House for another and a searching
inquiry , which cannot be refused me when I have made out that the committee even disobeyed their instructions ; that there are gross inaccuracies in their statements ; that they have mystified where there were the clearest / proofs ; that they have omitted most important points ; that they have been evasive where they might have told simple , straightforward truth . What werc my charges ? As I stated them before the House , I repeated them ( and from my own notes ) before the committee . I charged , that there existed a secret department in the Postoffice , where fraud and forgery were practised , and private correspondence violated ; that in that department letters were reseated ( hear , hear ) , and forwarded to their destination , the recipients not having any idea of what had occurred , or that their correspondence had been violated by the Home Secretary —( hear , hear ); thatthe Right Hon . Baronot
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had exceeded his . powers , and had made a most unscrupulous use of them ; more letters having been opened in his time than under any former Secretary of State ; that the letters of certain exiles in this countiy , while claiming the hospitality strangers ever found in England , had been opened at the instigation of foreign powers , to whom the contents had been communicated ; England having thus become the spy of continentalstates , where thc result had been imprisonment , banishment , and death—( hear , hear ); nay , further , that the correspondence of foreign ambassadors had been inspected b y the Minister ; that a roving commission of inspection had in 1842 been sent into the manufacturing districts , seeing who had written , and to whom ; and that , among others , my letters had been opened and detained . ( Hear , hear . )
That was the bill of indictment I was called on to prefer before the committee , and which they took down on their notes , and I maintain it was their duty fully , frankly , and freely to tell us how far those charges were proved true or false . ( Hear , hear , ) But how have they met those charges ? Not one of the allegations I thus made has been contradicted ; and the committee have not fulfilled their duty . Their instructions were to "inquire into the state of the law as to the detaining and opening of letters , " « fcc . I declared at the time the terms were not comprehensive enough , but the Right Hon . Baronet declared that they would be found so . I declared that we should know the circumstances under which each warrant was issued . The Right Hon . Baronet
_affinneu the truth , and the whole truth , would come out . But how have the committee begun their report ? As to the state of _theiaw , they simply tell us , that they presume it is the same as it was in the year 1 W 1 _, under the Act of Queen Anne ; and that is all they say as tothe law— -in " preference to discussing which , " they proceed to " thehistory of the practice . " And then they go back as far actually as Edward II . —( a laugh ) , and they accumulate much valuable antiquar ian research—two-thirds of their report , indeed , being full of such matter—and warrants being supplied , of the Duke of Newcastle , the Earl of Carmarthen , & c . ; when what we wanted was the warrants of Sir James Graham . ( A laugh , and Hear , hear . ) In 1742 , the report says , "The secrets of Sir
R . Walpole _' s Government were somewhat rudely pried into by a committee . " ( A _laughi ) Now , I suppose that is the modern phrase for describing a committee wliich performs its dut y ably and faithfully —a compliment , by the by , which cannot be paid to this committee . ( Hear , hear , and laughter . ) But perhaps it is one which I shall be considered as being deserving of before I sit down . ( Renewed laughter . ) Nevertheless I shall discharge my duty . ( Cheers . ) Wc did not want to know that the committee of 1742 had somewhat rudely pried into the proceedings of Sir R . Walpole's Government , But what was this extreme rudeness ? The committee teU you that there was this veiy secret office , of which I complain , then established . They tell you every thins * . that
happened 200 or 300 years ago . In short , the report is one of the greatest "takes-in" possible . ( A laugh . ) You would say , on perusing the first portion of it , that it was a most valuable report , and now interesting it would grow in proportion as it came nearer to our own times . ( Laughter . ) Why , it would be _^ natural ior you to do SO , the committee having displayed so much research , and told the House so much of past days . It would be quite natural to expect that , if the information was within their reach , they would tell the House much more of present times * , but as they approached nearer tlio nineteenth century , Instead of exhibiting greater research and completeness , they suddenly increased ia reserve and concealment . ( Hear , hear . ) Thev have
divided the warrants ofthe last century under the dates of the years and classified tliem , and also the wan-ants of the present century . And now I think I I have satisfied the House that they have not obeyed our instructions as to their inquiry into the state of the law ; they have made no report on it . They state in another page of their report , the 16 th , I think , with respect to the mode in wliich they wero to examine the warrants , that they declined to follow the warrant from the time of its reception in the Post-office to its execution . They have , therefore , evaded explaining the law , and then they tell you that with regard to the mode of operation they do not think proper to follow the warrant from the tune of its reception at the Post-office to its execution . Why , _thatis
one of the specific points ot the complaint that I made before this House , and one on which the publie require information , and without that information they wUl not be satisfied . ( Hear , hear . ) They have not followed the warrant from the time of its reception at the Post-office till its execution . Why ? _Beeause it would have carried them into this secret office . ( Hear , hear . ) They have not said one word of that ; but if they had gone on they must have laid bare the whole of the iniquities of that . office , ( Hear , hear . ) But they have escaped that by not following the warrants ; and , therefore , I think they have not obeyed the instructions of the House . Then , secondly , I say , _the-Right Hon . Baronet has exceeded liis powers , and made an unnecessary use of them .
More letters have been opened by him than by any former Secretary of State . _^ ( Hear . ) Without intending it , the committee , it appears to me , have rather " let the cat out ofthe bag" in respect to this circumstance . ( Hear , hear , and a laugh . ) A good deal of my charge is proved by their report . In the three years from the summer of 1841 , when the present Government came into office , to the summer of 1844 , when this committee made their report , three years ofthe Right __ Hon . Gentleman ' s administration , the following is the number of warrants issued :-In 1841 there were eighteen warrants issued , but I give half of those to his predecessors and to hini ; the case , therefore , will stand thus : — In 1841 were issued 9 warrants .
In 1842 — 20 — in 1842 — 20 — In 1843 — 8 — In _18-ttandahaIf ... ... 7 — Making in all ... 44 — - Forty-four warrants in the short space of three years ( Hear , hear . ) Now , on looking over the whole of the list Dreeeding will you find during three years of any administration forty-four warrants issued ? Singular enough it is , but the _greateit number was in the time of Lord Sidmouth , whose entrance into office was marked by flagrant opening of letters . It appears that the warrants issued by him were , in 1812 28 1813 8 1814 ' 3
Total ... ... ... 39 Why , the Right Hon , Baronet beats Lord Sidmouth by five in the number of warrants issued . ( Hear , hear . ) That , then , is part of my case against him as originally stated by me in this House , namely , that he had opened more letters and abused and exceeded his power more than any preceding Secretary . ( Cheers . ) With regard to the case of Mr . Mazzini , which comes first , I stated my grounds of complaint to the Government , which were that the Government had opened the letters of Mr . Mazzini at the instigation of a foreign power , and had communicated the information they received through those letters to some foreign power . The committee acknowledged that a warrant was issued on the lat Of March , and cancelled on the 3 rd of June , last year , for opening the letters of Mr . Mazzini throughout that period . "The facts ofthe case , " say they , " so far as your
committee feel themselves at liberty to disclose them , appear to be as follows . " Now , mark this . There is an error in this report , and a gross error , which is fatal to its validity . The committee say that the warrant was issued on the 1 st of March , and cancelled on the 3 rd of June . Now , the House will recollect , that when I moved for the appointment of that committee , _tllO Right Hon . Baronet said that Mr . Mazzini had ho grievance to complain of , because the warrant had been withdrawn . My Hon . Friend behind me asked the Right Hon .. Baronet when he had withdrawn it ? and I undertake to say that Mr . Mazzini ' s letters were opened the day before I presented his petition , afterwards , and that from Christmas , 1843 , to the 13 th of June foUowing , in 1844 , the system was foing on , and it is in my power to prove it . ( Hear , ear . ) An Hon . _MuMnun ( on the Opposition side ) . —Was there any warrant ?
Mr . Duncombe . —Why , no ; I believe the warrant was fabricated for the occasion . ( Hear , hear . ) I do not believe that a legitimate warrant ever existed . ( Hear , hear . ) I believe thc whole system was conducted in such a loose manner that the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs or the Right Hon . Baronet sent down their messages to open those letters . ( Hear , hear . ) The committee limit the existence of the warrant to three months , from the 1 st of March to the 3 rd of June ; but , unfortunately for them , the Lords' committee contradict then * statement . The Lords' committee say— " It is true that Mr . Mazzini ' s letters were for about four months stopped and opened . " ( Hear , hear . ) There is a material difference then between the committee of the Lords and
the committee of the Commons . { Hear . ) . There ; is a difference of a whole month . ( Hear . ) Does not that call for further inquiry and investigation ? ( Hear . ) But I carry it further , and say that the practice wa 3 continued for between five and six months . ( Hear . ) I do not care what was laid . before this committee ; I will undertake to prove that these letters were opened by the Post-office authorities , by men high in office in that department , for the purpose of inspection , prior to the time at which this report says the warrant was issued , and subsequently to the time when it says that warrant was cancelled . ( Hear , hear . ) There is , therefore , gross misrepresentation in this _renort . ( Hear . ) Then I say also
that the contents of Mr . Mazzini ' s letters were communicated to foreign powers , and that lus letters were opened atthe dictation of foreign powers . A portion of that charge is admitted by the committee . It is said by them , " Representations had been made to the British Government from high sources . Who were the high sources * One _wouldsuppose such a phrase would be used with regard to the monarch of a country , ' or his immediate representative at least . But the committee could not speak plain English , and sav that they meant the Austrian Ambassador , or SaroUnian Minister , or some other person of authority in connection with some foreign court . They
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say— " Representations had been made to the British Government from high sources that plots , of which Mr . Mazzini was the centre , were carrying on , upon British territory , to excite an insurrection in Italy . " Now , nothing can be more false than such a charge against Mr . Mazzini . ( Hear . ) Had the committee givenhim an opportunity of being examined , —as he had aright to expect , and as he petitioned to have ,--before that committee , he would _^ have shown his ability to disprove that charge , and have produced a very different impression on thc minds of the committee . ( Hear , hear . ) But the report proceeds— "And that such insurrection , should it assume a formidable aspect , would , from peculiar political circumstances , disturb the peace of Europe . The British Government , considering the extent to which British interests were involved in the maintenance of that peace ,
issued on their own judgment , but not on the suggestion of any foreign power , a warrant to open and detain Mr . Mazzini ' s letters . " Not ou the suggestion of any foreign power ? Well then , what will become of the high sources ? ( Hear , hear . ) I suppose there Will be some quibble about the word " suggestion , " and it will be urged , perhaps , that it was not positively said — " Open his letters , and perhaps you will find something , " though no doubt thc Right Hon . Bart , haa found out a great number of _things . _^ Alaugb . ) "Such information deduced from those letters as appeared to the British Government calculated to frustrate this attempt was communicated to a foreign . power ; but the information so communicated was not of a nature to compromise , and did not compromise , the safety of any individual within the reach of
that foreign power ; nor was it made known to that power by what means , or from what source , that uiformation had been obtained . " The report says that the information given was only such as was calculated to frustrate the attempted insurrection . What a way to frustrate any such attempt was this ! Was this worthy of England ? ( Hear , hear . ) Was this the course that a great nation like you ought to have adopted to frustrate this attempt ? ( Hear , hear . ) Are you proud of taking this course , which has caused the lives of ' men not only to be endangered but to be forfeited ? You have asserted that Mr . Mazzini was the centre of this insurrection . Had you allowed him to come before the committee you would have found by his correspondence , as I can prove , that there were certain
statements made in letters to him proceeding from those misguided and unhappy men in Italy , then residing at Corfu , to the effect that they wished to make a descent upon tho states and dominion of his Holiness the Pope , and also upon a portion of the Neapolitan territory . Mr . Mazzini , in his letters to these individuals , said and did all he could to dissuade them from it . Re told them it was a rash attempt , and must fail ; he implored them to desist , and they in reply wrote , saying , "We will desist ; we will follow your advice . " But unfortunately the poison had gone forth to thc Neapolitan Government ; the British Government had informed them of the intelligence of the purport of the first letters , and it was too late to recall it . The Austrian Government sent ttieir spies among
those unfortunate people ; they resided at Corfu , and they told those people that in Calabria the peasantry were ripe for the enterprise , and waiting for . them . ( Hear . ) These men were thus induced , notwithstanding their assurances to Mr . Mazzini , to leave Corfu . They went into Calabria , where , instead of finding the peasantry , ready for them , they were conducted into the mountains , where they became easily mastered by organised _troopi which had Been sent there by the Neapolitan Government . Seventeen of those persons were tried by a military commission , and condemned to death , and nine of them were executed the following day . They were persons of noble family ; two of them , the Bandieras , were the sons of an Austrian admiral of that name . The _Ba-ndievas arid their seven
companions with a calm and happy bearing bore good witness to their faith , and died like martyrs , having slept peacefully on the night before their execution . " If we fall , " they said to a friend , " tell our countrymen to imitate our example , for life has been given to us to enjoy nobly and usefully ; and the cause we die in is the purest , the holiest , and the best that ever warmed the breast of man . It is the cause of the independence of our country . " Such are the men whom you were thus leagued with Austria to crush . Those men were executed , and this is the way you adopted , and the end for which you gained information , with a view of ( as you call it ) "frustrating that attempt . " Why did not you send nobly and generously to these individuals and
state to thein , — " You are plotting on British ground ; you are running into danger ; this must inevitably be your ruin ; let us persuade you to desist from such a course ? " They would have listened to you , and you need not have supplied another Government with the means of entrapping men and putting them to death . I say that they are the victims of thin system , and their blood is upon the heads of her Majesty ' s present Ministers , as much—aye , much more , than it is upon those whose duty it was to pull the trigger that launched them into eternity ; and if a monument be erected to their memory at _Cosenza , where they fell , as I hope it will , it ought to be inscribed upon their tombstone , that they fell in the cause of their country , and of liberty , through the treachery of a British Minister . ( Cheers . ) Mr .
Duncombe then stated , that though Captain Stolzman had discovered that Aw letters had been opened by the Secretary of State , aiid had demanded redress and inquiry , he had never been called before nor examined by this committee . If the House would grant him another inquiry , he would undertake to prove that at the period of the arrival of the Emperor of Russia in this country a set of spies fabricated , at the cost of honourable men , conspiracies against him for the purpose of ingratiating themselves with the Russian Embassy , He said ' . —Sir , if this matter goes before another committee , I know that what I now state would be proved—that there were spies here at the time the Emperor of Russia was paying that visit , which we have been told he paid at _re-ry great personal inconvenience ( hear , hear 1—spies who , being exiles
themselves , and wishing to ingratiate themselves with the Russian Embassy , at the cost of honourable men , and to return to their native country , told of foul calumny , about a projected assassination to the Embassy , upon which a communication W _88 made to the Secretary of State for the Home or the Foreign . Department , and that suspicion is what the committee say would justify the imputation of the crime of murder . ( Hear , hear . ) The Emperor Nicholas came here—our Government partly benevedtheinfovmation and opened the letters ; but "the committee have not learned that there appeared anything to criminate those gentlemen . " The spies have returned to their native land , having got an amnesty immediately after the visit of the Emperor ; and these gentlemen are to remain here , I suppose , with this foul stain
attempted to be thrown upon them by a committee of the British House of Commons . ( _Cheei-s . ) I say that this is a most unpardonable portion of this report , and what the committee was not justified in reporting . ( Hear , hear . ) I do not believe that the British Government are aware of what they are doing sometimes , when they are imparting the correspondence that passes between individuals in Poland and the exiles here . Suppose they are requested to get soma information respecting one of these Poles who is here ; they open his letters ; they state to tho Government at whose instigation they havo done it that there is notliing improper whatever in those letters , or in the correspondence of Mr . So-and-so ; that the communications relate entirely to family matters , and have no reference at all to that Government . Now , are
her Majesty ' s Ministers aware what they are doing in giving even that information to . Russia ? ( Hear , hear . ) Why , thero-aro in Poland those decrees , — ukases have been issued prohibiting any person' in Poland from corresponding with an exile ; and if he do so , it matters not upon what subject , ho is visited with imprisonment- and flogging . ( Hear , hear . ) By One Of those decrees it is high treason to correspond with certain exiles named in it who arc resident'in England . ( Hear , hear . ) Now listen : under this decree the wife of General _Slobinsl-i has been imprisoned on suspicion—only on suspicion—of corresponding with other . Polish ladies in exile . ' Another Polish lady has also been imprisoned for writing to her husband in exile . Another has been imprisoned , and received fifty severe lashes for corresponding
with an exile . And this has all been done under . the orders of that sovereign upon whose visit here _^ at great personal inconvenience , " at a great sacrifice of private convenience , " the British House of Commons has recently congratulated her Majesty ! ( Cheers . ) Sir , I am . satisfied that the Government are not aware —no man , no Government would _susfeet it—that they are doing these individuals in ' oland so serious an injury , when they are even telling a foreign power that there is nothing criminal in the correspondence ; for the very fact of the wife corresponding with her husband , if he is an oxile , subjects that unhappy and unfortunate woman _topuhishjoent by Imprisonment , and that most brutal of all corporal punishment also—by the knout . ( Hear , hear . ) Besides which , their children , if they
have any , are taken from them ; and 'these also have themselves on some occasions been sentenced to the lash , ( Hear , hear . ) I say that it becomes this Government , to be very _cautious ( cheers ) how they communicate any information whatever to the foreign power which may be receiving what is called our hospitality . ( Renewed cheers . ) Another charge which I made is , that the correspondence of foreign ambassadors was subjected to inspection here . I know perfectly well , when I stated that the bags pf the foreign ambassadors were opened here , previously to their being received by them , or sent out of the country , people doubted it * they
, thought it must be perfectly imaginary on my part , and totally impossible to be a practice existing here . ( Hear , hear . ) But what do we find in * this report ? "On the subject of the foreign department at the General Post-office , the secrecy _' Of private correspondence , your committee are assured , is kept inviolate . Certain warrants bearing respectively the signatures of the Right Hon . Charl-3 James Fox , when Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs , in 1782 ; and of hia successor , the Marquis of Carmarthen , were laid before your committee , which being of a very com-( Cmtinue _^ in _oitr eighth page : ) _^
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 22, 1845, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_22021845/page/7/
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