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Northern Star (1837-1852), 18th April 1846, Edition 3 of 3, Page 6, ii isiv sueins "Tiik Duke" and his CoRiiKsroxoKXTs. —A DrDr?

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  • Departments (5)
    • Fiiexch ADVEUTisEas.—Advertisers, as a class, are not remarkable for modestv : nerhaDs it would ba no
    • Election,—Mr. Rich, a reformer, has been re turned unopposed for the borough of llichuioiid, Yorkshire.
    • TIIE LATE MALTUS (WESTELL RYALL.
    • The late Mb. Liston.—The will of this late popular comedian has just been proved iu Doctors'-com-
    • ii isiv sueins "Tiik Duke" and his CoRiiKsroxoKXTs. —A DrDr?
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      6 The Northern Star _ April > 'G*&

      6 tHE _NORTHERN STAR _ APRIL > 'g *&

      American Working Mfints Movement. Emanci...

      AMERICAN WORKING _MfiNTS MOVEMENT . EMANCIPATION OF LABOUR AND THE LAND . , The New York National Ref ormers are steadilv progressing . They have two or three lecturers oui , and an agent at _Washington , labouring to enlighten the people and their legislators-on the all-important question of * free soil . Recent numbers of 1 < h «<<* America contain reports of a number of meetings , from which wc give the following extracts : — Mr . _Beisbaxe said , we come to claim a _i-i'lit which lays at the very foundation of human rights ; to can- } out in practice the political system of this country , which politicians have not understood . Men argue for the sacredness of contracts , forgetful of the original fraud which lias forced men into them . No contract is Mbding which is an _ontrage on justice . In Turkey men an _., women are trained to belicveit right that some men * hall have a hundred wive ? , and now and then bag one up and thrmr her into a river : hut no laws or contracts cau

      justify sueh practices . Tho poor must rise and assert their rights , for the rich cann _» t he expected to do it . "We have got rid of a military tyranny , and now we must get rid < rfa commercial anu manufacturing aristocracy , -wliich promises to be more powerful oven than that . Eternal ri"ht is at the bottom of this movement for the soiL Be belonged to no political party , and did not thiuk this movement could be carried by an amalgamation with either ; but by going straightforward with a determination to do justice . ( Cheers . ) _Horace'Greeley was a Whig , and contrary to the advice of his friends , and guided only by his own strong sense of justice , he has oome out iu favour of this movement , and his was the first influential daily paper that has done so . He believed that the mass of the people were hpnest , and had no great confidence in the leaSers . He would say , keep aloof from the parties , and put confidence in men who hare been long devoted to thc cause . Appeal to the hearts and the common sense oithcp _~< ip ! e , and triumph we must .

      3 ir . _Bcn-cii said thut his subject was the labouring classes of Great Britain ; but he had not had the time he bad expected to devote to it . He had been three time ; in England , and had made the condition of the labourers the subject of his inquiries . He _was _^ aware that _theenterprisejof the National Reformers was looked upon by some as visionary , famaiical , Jn * u wrong ; but there never was a new enterprise , however just , that had not met with similar opposition . We grow up to admire what we are taught to lore and admire when young . If , then , tlie National Reformers are satisfied that they have promulgated a greattruth , let them go on ; and it appeared to him that their measures were so expedient and so right in themselves that nothing was wanting bnt their promulgation to obtain the assent of a large majority of the

      Am ? rican people and give light to all the nations of the earth . ( Applause . ) He then read from a manuscript a brief plan of making the public land free to actual settlers , according to his view of the subject , ( which _dhfered iu no essential particular from that of the Association , ) and which he thought , if fairly presented , would be pushed on by thousands of _ablefjadvoeates , and in u ¦ ve ry few years we would be able to elect a President aud a Congress to pass the law , which would do away with the evils of the renting system , and secure one portion of our territory , at least , from the possibility of aristocratic domination , hy prohibiting the possession of land by any individual who would not occupy and cultivate it for his use . ( Cheer * . ) And why ! Because he had been to Europe , and seen the only class who were worth

      anything , the producers , trampled under foot by the lordlylaud aristocrat of these couutries . In England the tiller of the soil must pay the landlord an anuual rent equal to what he ought to pay for a permaneut possession , to build up an aristocracy of lords , dukes , and earls , who held the land by no right , human or divine , but simply through conquest and robbery —( cheers)—an _ati _** cracy of birth , who then _required enormous taxes on every thing the poor man makes use of to keep up their distinctions , and who must have a priesthood taking one-tenth of ail their produce , as a part of their system . After dwelling upon the enormous taxation ofthe English people , to provide for the sons and daughters of the "landed aristocracy , and tokeep up the distinction of class , he narrated , from his own observation , the case of a mechanic ' s _daughter who had married in-. o an aristocratic family , but nevir been recognized by any but her husband , become a widow . Theologians had charged the devil with beiug thc author of many bad things , and the cause of much misery .

      suffering , aud crime , and he had not a word to say iu his behalf ; but when he compared what the devil could do witu what aristocracy can do , and is doing , he was compelled to decide agaiust the aristocracy , if not iu favour of the devil . What can the devil do ! Ue cannot tike , bread from anybody . If a man plants a hill of potatoes , and there are ten in the bill , tlie devil can ' t take one of them . ( Laughter . ) He never did do so ; it was never charged upon him . ( Increased laughter . ) He cannot _get even a single grain of corn from the farmer . But what does the aristocracy do ? It takes at least one half the poor man ' s earnings in England , and a great deal of them iu this city . ( Cheers _i < nd laughter . ) It compels them to commit sin . Tbis the devil can ' t do ( Cheers . ) Therefore aristocracy is a thousand times more to be detested even than the devil . ( Loud cheer ; and laughter . ) Let us , then , establish one spot on this earth whtre aristocracy shall for ever be kept away . ( Cheers . )

      Mr . Bbisbam * was then called upon . The misery now prevailing in society , saia he , can ' t be reached by charity . Give men their rights and ihey need no charity . _2 _*( > "boon is needed . If justice prevailed , misery would disappear . There is a wholesale robbery _somen-here , and the National Reformers believe it consists in the monopoly of the soil ; to pat an end to which they propose , as a first measure , the freedom of the public lands . ' Wc will take these land .-, say they , because tliey belong tu the people . In this movement , most especiall y , did the . Rational . Reformers have his sympathy . For the first time on this earth have the working classes asked for the fundamental right of man to the soil ; and if they can establish that , monopoly is done away with , and poverty is at an end . The now starving millions of

      England would produce an abundance if they had thiehance of tilling their own soil . It is because tbeir iands are confiscated that they are poor . Only to ask for justice would vio ' ate no law of God or man . ( Cheer ? . ) The question of the freedom of our public lands is not a question of policy ; it is not a mere question of obtaining a farm without an outlay . It is a great question ol human right . Man has a right to thc soil , because he kas a . right to live . To dispute his right to life is to impugn the justice of God . If the Creator had given man wants without the means of supplying them , he would have been a wicked Creator ; therefore , the very endowment of man with facultits and capabilities proves that he has a right to supply his wants , dcvelope his faculties , and to assert bis manhood . If man has not a right

      to a part of the earth , he cannot say his body is his onn ; therefore , the right of man to his body implies a right to Soil to go with his body . Deprive him of his soil , and you make him a _wanderer , aa outcast , and au exile , aud thereby Commit an enormous outrage . A man is a sovereign ; and he has a right to say , "My home is here . God has seen fit to place me here , and here I have" a right to stand as much as have the angels a right to dwell in heaven . " ( Cheers . ) A contest has been going on for political rights , and we have obtained some of them . This right te the soil is the ultimatum of political rights , and when we have obtained this , we have industrial rights to obtain , and should proceed to form a new Industrial Charter . The truth was that the aristocracy growing up in this Country were just as vile as any in Europe . He had travelled in Germany , and found less aristocracy there than lure . Hehad seen au humble engraver mixing iu societv

      with such men as Rothschild and Humboldt , who would not have been admitted to the society of the merchauts and bankers of Hew York . We are about to _begiu a new social history—to write a new chapter in political economy . In conclusion he would briefly explain his _po-iiticu with the National _Hefonnsrs . He had been spoken of asa Whig . He had never voted with any political party , simply because he could not see anything radical in their measures , while he could see much selfishness in their desire to seize upon the substance of the _people through the offices . When in France last year , a friend had sent him a copy of the " People ' s Rights , " and he saw at once from its perusal that the "National Reformers had planted the seed of a mighty revolution , and he knew frein that day that it must succeed . ( Great applause . ) He at once wrote a letter expressing his views on the subject , and last spring he had given his first vote for the National Reformers . ( Loud cheers . )

      Mr . Tihjis addressed the audience with much effect for half an hour . In concluding , he said he had been a warm advocate for negro emancipation in England , bm having discovered tbat some of its prominent advocates had pocketed immense sums by the _operation ; aud that the planters , having got rid of the expense of supporting slaves in sickness and old age , were enabled to obtain their labour cheaper than before , his eyes had been opened ; and when he came here and heard men advocating the abolition of southern slavery , who were the owners of thousands of spindles , and forcing their labourers , even Uttle children , to work fourteen hours a day , he thought he could not be again deceived , aud it 6 eemed ta him that the best way to commence the abolition of slavery was to obtain a free soil . ( Loud cheers . ) The _Secbetaet said we had done a good deal of talking lately , and he thought it was now time to act We had soon to choose Charter officers and candidates for the Constitutional Convention , and it was necessary for

      the _general _associatinu to nominate mayor and constitutional delegates . He advocated at some length the land imitation principle , showing how it would settle compactly onr agricultural counties that arc now depopulating , and enable people to make tbeir own roads instead of being perpetually tased for them by companies chartered to make th « n with the proceeds of land monopoly ; how it would gradually take the city populations into the coantry , rill every family , both in city and country , could be master of a comfortable homtscad , which not one ia twenty can now secure . He also advocated the abolition of all laws for the collection of debts , or government interference with voluntary contracts , showing . that families Stationed on their own homesteads would have a character to sustain that would be a much more efficacious security for the fulfilment of contracts than laws which sustain a host of official non-producers on what would otherwise go to honest and lenient _credit ors . These two measures he thought of vastly more _importance than all others that could come before she Convention , and he

      American Working Mfints Movement. Emanci...

      thought the association might agree upon these while they might differ upon other important but minor questions . Tc these , therefore , and to an aot of justice , the liberation of all men imprisoned for reftstance to land monopolv _, he would pledge the deb-gates . ( The audience evinced their approval of these views by repeated demonstrations of app lause . ) CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM . At the second series of meetings , called for the purpose of discussing what principles ought to be embodied in the new Constitution of the State ot New York , Mr . Evans , from the "Business Committee , " presented the following

      KEPOKT . The Business _Committea appointed to report to the meetings for the discussion of Constitutional questions , priuciplei to be embodied in thc new Constitution , in the order of their relative importance , respectfully report-That , in their opinion , the great truths necessary for the foundation of a perfect Constitution are found in our Declaration of Independence , in the asserted inalienable right of man to self-government , to life , liberty , and the pursuit of happiness . These rights , they think , were well considered , and enumerated in th _« r proper order ,

      by the authors of that great national document , and all that is lucessary is to carry them into practice . It would not , they believe , be of much utility to discuss incidental questions before settling upon fundamental principles For example : the details of a judicial system depend much upon the Constitutional security of the right of life , and the means and materials necessary to support life ; therefore , the latter should be considered first . And with this view your coit _. _mitti-e offer the following resolutions , as , in their opinion , embracing the subjects first in order : —

      Resolved , Tbat in the new Constitution the powers of the State Government should be strictly defined and limited . Resolved , That the first right being the right to life , the Constitution should prohibit the taking of life , except in self-defence , or in defense against foreign aggression . Resolved , That the second right beiug the right to the means of supporting life , and tbe means of supporting life mainly depending on the soil , the right to the use of the soil ought to be restored to the people . Resolved , That the right to the soil may best be restored by limiting the quantity of land that any individual may acquire after the adoption of the Constitution , leaving those holding uuder present legal titles in possession for tbeir lifetime _. The above report was accepted .

      MOVEMENT IN PHILADELPHIA . For some reason or other , probably for want of a leader , there has till now been no public movement in favour of National Reform in Philadelphia , and Young America has not had as many subscribers in that city as in several of the villages of Pennsylvania . A few weeks ago , however , a Bower of "Young America" was organised there , and information has just been received ofa public movement which has probably established a National Reform party of a thousand strong to begin with . The news is , that the _Jtffersonian Democrats , a " progressive " _narty of about four hundred , split off from the Old Hunkers , and the Social Reformers , another pioneer band of about six hundred , have united on the

      question of the freedom ofthe public lands , and will term the advance army of National Reformers in the Keystone State . — Young America . The Si ice-jobbers . —Whenever any great national convulsion is expected , or predicted , we hear scarcely anything bat conjectures as to the probable effect it will have upon " commerce" and the '' stock market . " The newspapers too , seem to think that _scvernment has no need of any solicitude for the interests and welfare of any portion of its citizens , but such as are professionally and unceasingly engaged in amassing princely fortunes by plundering their more worthy aud useful fellow creatures through

      the various indirect modes of legalised fraud , which the present corrupt , unjust and oppressive system of society so abundantly furnishc _** . The fact of one hundred families who arc willing and anxious to labour being in absolute want of the commonest comforts and necessaries of life , is most bitterly lamentable in the reflection , and immeasurably more important in its consequences than the bankruptcy of every merchant—the sinking of every ship , ( without any loss of life , ) and the hanging of every broker and usurer on earth . Palace-dwellings are but little benefit to those who live in huts aud dress in rags , and the rise and fall cf stocks are of very slight importance to honest and industrious men who know not where to get a dollar or a dinner . —Mike Walsh .

      WAR . The following appeared recently in the New York Express , in the course of an article commenting on the threatened war between England and America : —

      " CONSEQUENCES OF WAR . " The banishment of our merchant ships aad coasters from thc ocean andlakes ' . " suspension of specie payments ! " cnives 6 ai . hag honey j " bieect taxes ! " so _betences fboji the custom ! ! " no _comhekce ! " Taxes on Farms 1 Taxes on Cattle ! Taxes on Crops Stamp Taxes ! Taxes on _everything ! " A NATIONAL DEBT OF TWO HCNDBED MILLIONS , FOB A WAS OF FOOT TEARS ! " The bombardment of New York , Oswego , Buffalo , Detroit , Chicago , aud Charleston . " The blockade of all our Forts , Rivers , and Sounds . Constant plunderings upon the sea-coasts . " Repeated summonses to arms ! Conscription among the militia !

      " Widows , orphans , hosts of men with one kg , one arm , one eye , maimed , mutilated , & c . " These are but partial pictures . All will end in the resumption of negotiations , and if the negociators cannot agree , in arbitration—the point we start from . " With peculiar consistency the New York Express is the bitter enemy of the American Land Reformers , the men wbo would put an end to the warspirit by making the land thc property of the people . This " Oregon question" i 6 a struggle between two governments for land , each wanting to monopolise it to the exclusion of the rightful owners . The way to prevent all tentorial wars is clearly to take the land from governments and classes , and make it the _property ofthe people . If the editors ofthe New York _Express desire that there should be an end to wars and unnecessary taxes , let them Join the National Reformers .

      _DECLINE OF THE WAR PARTY . [ From the New York Sun of March 7 . ] The Oregon War Hope is failing rapidly . The persevering efforts and anxious wishes of its friends cannot restore it to vigour ; for it is now evident that patience and parchment will secure everything that could be obtained by war . A war between two great members of the European iamily , between descendants of the same indomitable race , would be the greatest calamity that man could inflict upon the civilised world . To both nations , it implies triple taxation , debts of hundreds of millions to be cancelled by posterity , destruction of millions upon millions of property on the ocean , the ruin and mourning ofa hundred thousand families , and the severance of commercial ties aud ties of friendship which

      should unite the two countries in cordial amity . We were in such a state of unexampled prosperity—new states came to us so naturally , like children to our western homesteads—that we wearied of so much unbought power and joy , and longed for Btrange excitements . Our statesmen , too , longed for a mora rapid and noisy fame than the calm fulfilment of their duties brought them , and thought if they could "hurry up" a national qnarrel , it would come to them on the trumpet shout of battle and the gauds and flashes of triumphal processions . They believed that millions of intelligent freemen would bend their necks to heavy burthens and _iive their sons to the sword , for no better cause than to hare a _dozen demagogues styled " brave patriots , " half a dozen more ' heroic generals , " and one out of them all , the " war-president . " When the honour of our common country is assailed , there will be but one voice in the

      land . Our women would rise and bid their husbands go forth and dry theirtears while they armed their first born for the defence . But when politicians attempt to make this unanimous and sacred thought the instrument of _personal and political agrandizement , they evoke a dangerous spirit . It will look—it will understand the useless call—and then it will rebuke and rend tbe wanton _, _n'jss that called it forth . At this day , noone , who reads with careful impartiality the state of onr foreign relation ? , doubts that our government , if guided by calmness and sound policy , will obtain in peace and honour all we can ask in justice ? Will any man say he wishes war merely that he may swim on blood to a higher station ! We do not make personal application ef these questions . We never do sueh tldugs willingly . Besides , if there are no truths at bottom there can be no personal application . A cus verrons .

      Fiiexch Adveutiseas.—Advertisers, As A Class, Are Not Remarkable For Modestv : Nerhads It Would Ba No

      Fiiexch _ADVEUTisEas . —Advertisers , as a class , are not remarkable for modestv : nerhaDs it would ba no

      Calumny To Say, That They Are Tolerably ...

      calumny to say , that they are tolerably impudent . But the British section of that interesting community are in a fair way to be outstripped by their Parisian brethren . One ofthe latter for instance , coolly advertises that people who won ' t buy his walking-canes , deserve public whipping in the marketplace . Another solemnl y warns fathers of families , that if they don ' t buy his religious and moral books , their children will go astray , and at last commit crimes which will bring them to the galleys . "What , fathers of families , " asks the virtuous advertisers ,

      " what will be your feelings when you see your children drugging tbe chain of the galley-slave , and bothink you thatit is allyour fault for not having taught them the Family Instructor , price only Od ? " A third indignantly remonstrates with parents for not purchasing his " patent _anti-taking-in-the-waterboots . " " You will hill your children , " he cries ; " and when the blessed babes arc dead , you must writo on their tombs , "died in the flower of youth , from the hardhearted refusal of the worthless parents to disburse 3 a . 61 ] . in the purchase of a pair of the excellent boots of the illustrious Snooks , boot-maker , RueSt . Honore . "

      More Shoemaker Struggles. The "Self-Empl...

      MORE SHOEMAKER STRUGGLES . THE "SELF-EMPLOYING SOCIETY" OF MR . KEN . BALL'S MEN , AND OUTRAGEOUS INTERFERENCE OF THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT TO FUT DOWN A SIMILAR ATTEMPT AT MARSEILLES . To the Editor ofthe Northern Star . " From the ranks of _Laboob must arise the constructors of that social machinery which shall insure thc nccumulatiou of popular capital . "— William Howitt , in tho People ' s Journal , No . 15 . Sir . —As you will probably notice yourself the pamphlet called "The Master Mastered , " and _m this way put your readers in possession of some ot thc facts ofthe case as connected with the rise ot the society first above named , so I shall merely here observe that the workmen forming this society have been now out of employment for nearly ten weeks ; aud that the only causeas alleged by then * hue

      , employer , Mr . Kendall , Strong Boot and Shoe Maker of Drury Lane , and other places in London , for . discharging these his men , has been simply because they refused to give up their trades ' union , tbat they might become his easier prey in his desire to do , in true Duke-fashion , just "whathe liked with his own , " for so , it would appear , he wished to consider his workmen . But , independent of this _particular treatment , ihey have long been a most ill-used class ; and now as their only means to baffle the fell designs of their oppressor , even in the stronghold of his selfishness , tliey have determined , as the Belfast Shoemakers have already began to do , to become THEIR OWN EMPLOYERS . On last Wednesday

      evening ( writing as I now do on Tuesday , ) they and their brother workmen of the same branch held a meeting , en masse , on the subject , having held another one before , at which the following resolutions were agreed to ; and by the publication of which in the Star the members of oilier trades will have their attention drawn to the scheme , while the men themselves may be thereby otherwise benefited , seeing , from one of the resolutions , that an appeal is about to be made for money _assistawce to other trade societies for the purpose of immediately and effectually carrying out this noblo project of the Strong Boot and Shoe workman becoming his own employer , and thus at once and for ever to master his master !

      BESOLUTION 9 . 1 . That three or four members be now appointed to act as a provisional committee for the carrying out ofthe proposed "Shoemaker ' s Self-Employing Society , " as connected with those workmen now on strike from Mr . Kendall ' s ; and that it be recommended to be careful in the choice of these individuals , as being sober , prudent , and intelligent men , seeing tbat so much of the success of the undertaking must depend on the character ofthe selection made ; and that Mr . Devlin be requested to act with this committee in order to secure the further benefit of his services .

      2 . That the committee so appointed , in addition to the code of Rules already in part formed and agreed to , and to the fulfilment of every other requisite duty ot their office , have also the power to use such means as may be thought best towards creating a fund for the purpose contemplated , either by waiting upon , or ordering communications to be sent to , other associated bodies of working men ; or to such individuals as by their character , wealth , position in society , or known sympathy with the sufferings of the oppressed , may warrant any such application .

      3 . That asa commencement of this fund , and so that some portion at least of the parties now unemployed may be put as soon as possible to work , there shall be laid on a levy of sixpence pur member , iu addition to the present one for strike support , the first payment , to be made thu first week after the time of voting , and every other payment on the next following week ; and that these _payments , when paid up in whole , be carried to the account of each paying party , as their first instalments ( if they so choose ) in the character of shareholders . This levy to be kept on for five weeks , and then to be subject to a reconsideration as to its further continuance or not .

      ¦ 4 . That a report of progress , faithfully drawn up , and signed by the secretary and committee , be laid before every section of the district once in every month , and thus the better to keep the attention alivo te every matter connected with this important social struggle . The nanic 3 of the committee appointed were , in addition to Mr . Devlin , Messrs . Hennesy , Walker , and Groom , with power , if necessary , to add another to the number . I now , Mr . Editor , como to the second heading of my present communication , and here the further information I would wish to convey to your readers may be very soon stated . This has just come to me from the hand of an earnest and kindly friend , Mr . Thomas Ireland , the secretary oi

      the " Central City Provident Society , " a well devised and most serviceable institution , lie has taken the account , he says , from a French paper called Le Populaire , and as lie has translated it , it thus runs : — " In Marseilles there are nearly two hundred and forty boot and shoemakers , and two thousand four hundred journeymen . The latter lately got up a new book of rates , being a trifling rise on their former prices , and presented it for adoption , when a hundred and sixty-two of the masters agreed thereto , while the remaining seventy-eight who refused , _combining together , bound themselves , under a penalty of 300 francs , not to employ any workman who should demand the increased rate of wages , and a hundred and thirty of the number were discharged . On thia

      all the other workmen spontaneously quitted their employment , though in the most peaceable manner , and some of whom attempted to form a co-operative workshop . The employers , seeing such an endeavour , now appeared to give up their opposition , and agreed to the demands otthe workmen , and thus the matter continued for about two months , when tbe police * interfered , asserting that it was the workmen who should submit to tlie masters , and not the masters to the workmen . Seven of thc men were then arrested , and twelve others who had fled the town were likewise indicted , and when , on the trial coming on , which continued for three days , the whole nineteen were condemned to imprisonments of one , two , and three months . The king ' s solicitor maintained thai

      TnE WORKMEH HAD NO RIGHT TO BKCOMB MASTEKS , in forming together an industrial and commercial society . "We have been informed , " says the editor of Le Populaire , "that the president said to the accused , it is quite useless for you to revolt _•] for there are thc gens d ' armes ; and if the gens d ' armes are not sufficiently strong , there are the soldiers , —a picquet , a company , a battalion , a regiment—all that is necessary . " This transaction , observes Mr . Irelaud , shows the miserable dependence of labour on power and capital , under the present social

      arrangements m France , as well as in England , and also in every other country . " We , of the working cbsses , are , however , a little better off here in England than from this account it would appear they arc in France . Government has not yet , in the same summary manner stepped in to take the side of the master , when about to be mastered by the former mere dependent workman . Sir Robert Peel , himself , has long ago said that the "working man must take his own affairs into his own hands ; " nnd lately again , in the concluding debate on the Corn Laws , he has enunciated his own desire , as chief minister ofthe Crown , of

      ADDING . MOST MAIERIALLT TO THE _COMFOKTS AND ENJMMBNT 8 or _tue MiLLUOSs . " Be it , then , the great business of the " millions" themselves to help to the like "adding ; " and in London , Marseilles , and in every other place , to try and try on—no matter how many failures may intervene—till thev have thoroughly MASTERED THE MASTER * ( whioh is a most evil name in itself , ) whether tyrannically ruling on a throne , or domineering from behind a board over his low seated victim , in the person of the wages-enslaved operative shoemaker . This , truly , is a high and holy work , and God will assuredly knit the nerve , and iufusc the intelligence to bring about this priceless accomplishment !! Yours , « Sic , The Editor oa the Cokdwaiser ' s Companion .

      CLOSE OF THE BELFAST STRIKE . P . S . —Since writing the foregoing , wliich was to have appeared in last week ' s Star had there been room , information has come to London that the strike in Belfast has been settled . The employers have agreed to give the former wages , and to acknowledge the union of the men but have refused to discharge those few parties who have hitherto been "illegally " working for them . Thus , then , it will be seen , that this severe contest has resulted , after all , in a sort of "drawn battle , " the men , at last , throwing by their resentments for all the bitter sufferinand

      gs losses wliich have been occasioned to them , and thc employers made to forego the aggressive for the conciliatory and the just—a wisdom which it is a pity they bad not better weighed before they rushed upon the bad and rash attempt of making the journeyman the mere slave , and more effectually to do so , to enmesh him in the expensive and intricate thraldom of the "law . " So far , however , has there been a failure ; and well it were if this same " lav" could now afford some authority to enforce an adequate compensation for all thc money so lost , and pain of mind bo created . April 14 . Ed . C . C .

      More Shoemaker Struggles. The "Self-Empl...

      * The authority defined under this word " police" has a much wilier bearing in France , and on the continent generally , than it has in England , as in the instance hero given , the text itself will testify , where it will be _soi-n that it was the government whieh , in this case , was the interfering party ; the subject at issue , having during the two months which transpired from the time the employers gave their temporary adhesion to the demands of the men till the vengeance of the law wns brought to bear upon these same men , being , no doubt , most earnestly debated upon in sundry ofthe close-closcttings of tho Tuilleries _, between the revolution-enthroned Philippe and his sa & e ministers " of all _wm-k ; " anil this specimen does , indeed , appear to be as disreputable as it certainly is undignified .

      Election,—Mr. Rich, A Reformer, Has Been Re Turned Unopposed For The Borough Of Llichuioiid, Yorkshire.

      Election , —Mr . Rich , a reformer , has been re turned unopposed for the borough of llichuioiid , Yorkshire .

      Ar00613

      Tiie Turnouts In -Lancashire. National A...

      TIIE TURNOUTS IN -LANCASHIRE . NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OP UNITED TRADES "FOB THE PROTECTION OF INDUSTRY . Address of the Central CtmmtM to the Trade Societies and Working Classes generally of Great Britain and Ireland , Fellow CouNTRTMEN _. _-The combination of master tradesmen of Liverpool and Birkenhead having at its meeting , March 23 rd , 1840 , thought proper to issue a placard containing various reasons why unions oi journeymen should he " completely broken up or rendered powerless , " and the following resolution tor that purpose having passed at that meeting : — That each ef the masters new present wi » require every workman in bis employment to sign a declaration that he doeinot , and will not , belong to , nor subscribe to the funds of any Trades' Union , and will discountenance any appropriation of the funds of any Sick or Benefit Society to the support ofa turn-out of their own or other trades .

      And each employer now present ( testified by his signature to this resolution ) hereby declares that he will not ojnploy any workman who refuses to sign such a declaration . John Tomrimsos , Chairman . The Central Committee of the Association for tho Protection of Industry feel it their duty to offer a few remarks thereon . Thc above resolution is accompanied by a long statement , to the following effect : — Tbat there nre forty . nine firms in this combination of employers , representing which there were sixty-one persons present at that meeting . That thc strike at Birkenhead still continued ( with tho exception , as they state , of the Joiners ) . without any prospect of its termination . That this strike was caused and carried on by Trades ' Unions , and that many workmen in Liverpool wore

      contributing to the strike ; and that as many workmen arc dissatisfied with the proceedings of Hie clubs , and would willingly abandon them , they , thc masters , by the foregoing resolution intend to broak up their Unions altogether ; and that to meet the difficulties connected with the strike at Birkenhead , they had two alternatives , one to suspend all work at Liverpool while that strike lasted , the other to require every workman to sign tho declaration above mentioned ; that as the former would be unjust towards those of their workmen who are not members of the Union , ( anu tuey KtJoicE to know that _tubbe am : MANr _socn ) , they have adopted the latter alternative , as it would give to every man a free choice and afford him on opportunity of quitting these dangerous combinations which are the bano of every community where they exist that as far as they are concerned they would rather pay high wages thanlow , but , as it ' s THB PUBLIC AND

      NOT THE MASTER TRADESMAN , WHO HAVE EVENTUALLY TO PAY THE WAGES , thoy aro determined not to submit to dictation be the consequences what they may—and while they hope thc majority of workmen wilt accede to their proposition , yet , if unfortunately they should be disappointed , they confidently appeal to the community that the erection of buildings may be suspended until the workmen as well as masters are relieved from the thraldom of such tyrannical combination . Working men , here you have the singular anomaly of a combination of employers , meeting for the purpose of suppressing by the most arbitrary and tyrannical means the combinations of workmen . The right to combine is assumed by themselves and exercised in every line their placard contains , while they deny in thc strongest , and most offensive terms , the

      same right to their men . These " master" combinators _, in denouncing the combinations of tbeir workmen as "baneful ; " as being secret and irresponsible tribunals ; as repulsive and unjust in all their tendencies ; as exercising tyrannical dictation * as being dangerous ; as interfering with the freedom wliich is the inalienable right of every man ; as causing uncertainty to rest upon every transaction ; as preventing all security in making contracts ; as contrary to the spirit of the times _; as repugnant te every principle of justice and humanity ; remind us of the defenders of negro Blavery who always denounce the abolitionists as dangerous enemies of the publie peace , as foes to mankind , to justice and humanity , and the declared will of God .

      We reply to this abuse by stating the true reason why working men combine . They combine , because iu the bargain for the sale of their labour , their employer has a great advantage over them . His necessities are not so immediate as theirs , he can without much inconvenience stand out in the bargain while they are compelled by want to submit to his terms , f o correct this inequality of position , so disastrous in its results , workmen combine . On their part , therefore , combination is only to prevent their being deprived of what is justly due to them . We entirely agree that labour as well as capital should bo free , and that every man ought to be at liberty to dispose of his labour when , where , and how he pleases ; and that it cannot be for the advantage of the working classes , that irresponsible agency , and dictatorial inquisition , should exist to create _monouoiy and tax industry . But on the part of the

      workmen we deny that their combinations assume or exercise any pernicious influence . From the nature of things , combinations among workmen must lie purely voluntary , they have existed , as the statute book attests , for centuries . Tbis long continued practice in spite of legal penalties is irrefragable proof of their voluntary nature ; and proof of this fact , if any were wanting , is also afforded by theso _master unionists themselves , for tbey refer at tho close of their statement to " those of their workmen who are not members of the union , and they rejoice to say that there are many such . " It is clear , therefore , from their own statement that many of their men are free agents , and that dictatorial inquisition , of which they so loudly complain , has no existence , and that " no man can dispose of his labour without having first enrolled himself as a member of a union" is without foundation _.

      , These master unionists call the union of their men " secret tribunals "—thi » they must know to be untrue . There has been no secrecy whatever in the application at Manchester and Birkenhead for the advance of wages sought by the workmen . Two months' notice was given in both places , though the masters kept their intentions secret until the moment they refused the advance . We agree that all restrictions and prohibitions upon labour are in thc highest degree pernicious , and that they ought , wherever practicable , to be resisted , and yet these master unionists arc themselves attempting a prohibition ; they are endeavouring to restrict labour to non-unionists , and to create a

      monopoly in favour ot such men tor then * own ulterior advantage—this we say ought to be resisted to the utmost , as a most pernicious monopoly founded upon a tyranny , whose injustice is only equalled by its insolence . The motive for this tyranny , evidently , is to aid the employers engaged in opposing the claims of the men at Manchester and Birkenhead . It has been a constant complaint against the unions of workmen that they , to the injury of themselves and their employers , interfere with the laws of demand and supply , in attempting the impossibility of keeping up wages against a falling demand for labour . This complaint hns been re-echoed through the press until it lias become a standard argument against Trades' Unions .

      Now , however , there is a demand for labour in these two places ovei ; supp ) y , and the men are simply availing themselves of what their public instructors have told them to wait for— " Wait until the demand for labour exceeds its supply , and then your wages is sure to rise" —has been the injunction of all tho political economists , and now tho workmen are met by the masters Trades' "Union , formed by their own showing expressly to prevent Kny rise uuder these very circumstances taking place . What is the indubitable inference from this ? Why , clearly , that all attempts to better their condition on the part ol the working classes are on some pretence or other invariably opposed by vast numbers of the class above them , who vainly think that in keeping down the labourer they elevate themselves .

      We now come to that portion of their statement which is as amusing as it is extraordinary , namely , that it i 3 notfor their own interest that tho masters thus form themselves into a Trades' Union and commit these acts of tyranny , but for the public . It is for tlie sake of the public that they are determined not to submit to dictation and interference . Tliey , indeed , would rather pay high wages than low , only for their regard for the public . In reply to this patriotic aspiration , wo r . eg to assure them that the public will not call them to account for acting upon their expressed , and , we hope , strong inclination to pay high wages . If they would rather pay high wages , we beg of them to do so , and we will answer for it that the public wrath will not be aroused against them .

      They say this , no doubt , to excite sympathy in tkeir appeal to the public , without , in reality , caring a single farthing for anything but their own interest . We also appeal to the public , and we submit that a more unjustifiable interference with the rights ofthe workman was never attempted . They seek to prevent the workman from taking the only measures for placing himself on an equality with his employer as regards the disposal of his labour . There is no state so abject as that where the buyer has the seller completely at his mercy—it is to this state , these Master Unionists wish to reduce their workmen ; a state of things far more injurious to the'PUBLIC , whether as regards its morals , its peace , or its prosperity , than anything we will venture to predict that has yet occurred in England .

      We call upon all classes therefore to assist in opposing this tyranny—we confidently hope that assistance will be promptl y , as well _,-is iiberally given . The case speaks fur itself , and thc working classes may feel assured that their very exi 4 _ence as members of Trades' Societies depends upon the successful issue of tills struggle , and we doubt uufc tbat this appeal will meet with that support wliich the importance of the occasion demands . By order of tho Central Committee THOMAS S . DUNCOMBE , M . l \ , President THOMAS _BAllllATT , Secretary . 30 , Hyde-street , Bloonisbury , London , . _InrtJUeMSlfi ,

      Tiie Turnouts In -Lancashire. National A...

      Post-office Orders to be made payable , and communications sent to the following addresses , viz . : — Mr . James Gouldin , 19 , Simpson's-buildings , Mountstreet , Shaw ' s Brow , Salford , Manchester ; Mr . J . M'Guinness , Cabbage Inn , Scotland-place , Liverpool ; aud Mr . Peter Long , care of Mr . Edward Itodgers , Park Tavern , Wilbraham-street , Birkenhead . P . S . —Wc shall hold our next Conference on Whit Monday and during Whitsun week in Manchester , to which we respectfully invite the master builders , and any other employers , who may honour us with their attendance .

      Tiie Late Maltus (Westell Ryall.

      TIIE LATE MALTUS ( WESTELL RYALL .

      If Business Can Pause In Its Absorbing P...

      If business can pause in its absorbing pursuits to give ear to the unobtrusive claims of patriotism , or the parloured and competenced patron of liberty feel an interest in the fatal struggles of one who gave vitality to it , by establishing it in practice , it will be to shed , with the humbler friends of freedom , a generous tear over the grave of Maltus Ryall ! ****** In the early part of the last year , on my recovery from a protracted indisposition , he proposed , upon a nlan which promised many advantages , that we should establish a paper in Guernsey , ami alternately reside there to edite it . An engagement in Scotland prevented me entering into . the project . I conclude

      now that he foresaw , wnat 1 did not then suspect—the premature breaking up of his constitution , which he probably thought a change of air might re-invixorate . He retired to the outskirts of London , and struggled through the year with what fortune I know not . He was once met by a friend , who reported to me that he admitted having been , ill—but his address I could never learn , though I took special pains to do so . A month preceding his decease , onr common friend R . It . communicated to me ( of what he appeared himself to have been just apprised ) that Ryall was lying in Marylebone-lane , Oxford street , apparently in the last stage of existence and in great destitution , lt . R . requested the addresses of all

      our friends to whom it was due to inform of his condition . They were immediately sent . Dr . Elliotson was called in—and Mr . Phillott and Mr . George Bird were in constant attendance upon him , and every possible assistance was rendered bim . But fatigue and privation had made too fatal inroads . He expired on the 11 th of February in the evening , in the 38 th year of his age . Mr . Bird made a post mortem examination , and found , as was suspected , that his particular disease was achirrosity of the stomach . Ryall ' s bearing in death every way became him . Both in the school of Epicurus , and in the school of events ( which as an Epicurean he was fitted to read ) , Ryall had acquired the true philosophy of

      life—And was not troubled with tho time which drove O ' erhis content those strong necessities ; But let determined things to destiny Hold unbewailed their way . "Why , " it will be asked , " did not Ryall let his friends know his condition earlier ? " The reason does him honour . He knew that the prosecutions in Bristol , Cheltenham , Gloucester , London , Edinburgh , had , during the last , four years , exhausted the resources of our friends , and that now the Hull trial was a new and urgent occasion of demand . There was nothing mediocre about Ryall , and his death was in keeping with his life .

      He realised in his conduct tbe rare spirit of moral _chivalry . His idea of duty was perfect in conception and unwavering in execution . He was equal to deeds of daring when the world looked on—and to the sterner task of perishing alone . The honour of his party was his glory . It was his pride that what was commenced with so much spirit should be followed out with firmness—that when thq government was dared that no man or woman ( for women were included among our victims ) should look back when the law laid its iron hand upon them—though

      fortune , health , and liberty were . their forfeitures , lt was his pride to be an exemplar in the course he counselled . His cenduct is a legacy to the friends of freedom—worth having lived to accumulate , and worth dying to bequeath . The world has to be taught by example , and others roust die yet to enforce tho lessons of liberty . Science has its fatal accidents , and even the base spirit of gain its victims ? Then wh y should we invent for ourselves an excuse for supineness beoausc . _mor _afity demands sacrifices ? Tho fate of Ryall , as was lately heroically said of Poland , is not to be mourned over , but to be imitated !

      Ryall inherited aristocratic tastes in the best sense in which that term can be employed . In poetry ( in which he was fitted to excel ) , literature , and tbe fine arts , his taste was exquisite , and was displayed iu his criticisms and papers in fashionable magazines , with which he was connected . His contributions to our periodicals were characterised by peculiar excellencies . When he wrote invective he gave evidence of the possession both of the fire and fertility of genius . His papers on speculative andgeneral topics were distinguished by a philosophical and felicitous appropriateness of expression , which I never knew equalled . This was seldom discerned by the casual reader , because the copiousness of his ideas often involved themselves in seeming obscurity . For the

      same reason his lectures were thought unattractive , but their fault was the promising one of being too full of thoughts . Had he lived to discipline his powers and concentrate them on special subjects , h « would have carved for himself a lasting name among the " Men of Letters" of this age . This estimate of him is not oue exaggerated by the painful sense of his loss , but one acquired in the course of a happy and familiar intercourse during four years of personal co-operation with him . To a Droud spirit and scholarly qualifications there were united in Ryall a sound judgment and comprehensive intellect . In our conflicts with opponents , whether clerical or legal , we propose to observe absolute , perfect justice . But ot right and wrong ( between whose eternal jars justice resides ) the dim * _, culty with theyoung and enthusiastic is to seize upon the precise point where it dwells . Ryall ' s was the intellect which could almost unerringly distinguish

      it , and _display it lor thc guidance oi his _coadjutors . Of public institutions—the _Bhouldbe productions of the press , popular agitations—his ideas , founded on large experience , wero original and prolific . He was one of those few men who could conceive and depict the boldest outline and define the minutest detail , His great fault lay in the exuberance of his fancy , whicli often wasted itself on projects , always admirable and oftcn | brilliant , but immeasurably beyond our means of reducing to practice . Among his friends , stirring and grateful _associations will ever d acII with the memory of" M . Q . lt . " To our " working circle" he has left a name which will ever stimulate to generous deeds . That one so proud in spirit , so sound in judgment , so unfaltering in purpose , so prompt in action , so fertile in thought —so assiduous , so generous , so devoted , has fallen by one of Progression ' s foremost standards , makes us re-devote ourselves to truth and freedom with new joy , who have numbered Maltus Ryall among their adherents . G . Jacob Holyoakk .

      It is due to his friends to intimate that the subscriptions furnished during R . _' s last days , though liberal , were not more than sufficient for his wants . Some liabilities incurred during the earl y period of Mr- sickness , and the expenses of his obsequies , should be discharged , and some provision should be made for Mrs . R . until she can provide for herself . Any contributions to these ends are to be directed to Mr . George Bird , care of Mr . Watson , 3 , Queen ' s Headpassage , Paternoster-row , London , Mr . Bird having kindly undertaken to see te their proper application . G . J . II .

      The Late Mb. Liston.—The Will Of This Late Popular Comedian Has Just Been Proved Iu Doctors'-Com-

      The late Mb . Liston . —The will of this late popular comedian has just been proved iu Doctors ' -com-

      Mons, And His Effects Were Valued For Pr...

      mons , and his effects were valued for probate duty at £ 40 , 000 . He has left his plate , jewellery , pictures , books , furniture , carriages , horses , _& c , to his wife , absolutely . The residue of his property , which he directs to be invested in the funds in the names of trustees he has left to be enjoyed by her for life , and gives a power of appointment over tho same by will or otherwise ; , and in case so much as £ 0 , 000 is by her unappointed , he gives such sum to his daughter , Mra . Rodwell—the dividends for her own ns _« n » d

      the principal at her death to her two daughters , Emma and Elizabeth , or to the survivor ; and in ease hia wife does not make any disposition of the residue , he gives the same , or so much thereof as remains unappointed , to his son , Captain John Terry Liston . lie appointed as his executors his relict , and J . R . Durrant , of the Stock-Exchange ; C . Turner , of Brompton , and W . Taylor , of Park-street . Grosvonor-square . The will is dated in April , 1 S 12 ; and he made a codicil in January last . German * Students . —Some one calls out fo you by your name , if he happen to know it ; if not , by the name of your country , which he generally gnes _& e 9 with tolerable accuracy;— " £ s komint etmts ihnen , " meaning , " There is something coming to you"

      rais-, ing his glass at the same time , lest you should not understand his object . If you are a novice , you merely bow , and take a sip of your beer , thinking it is all over ; but the ceremony is by no means complete . In the first place , you ought not then to taste the liquor at all , but you must bawl out "Brink !" and then , after the space of ai ' ew minutes , return the compliment , by saying , " Es koma zwruck , "— " It comes back again . " Such is thc process , which it is well to know , as by not following it , although offence is _udve- ' takeu at a stranger , you will _undoubtcdlv lose caste , and be set down for a " blummer junye " that is , a blockhead—a character which , among the . students , is treated with thc contempt it mcri ' ts .-Dublin University Magazine ,

      fcxrouMHoxs to Cni . fA .-By a Parliamentavv teum » , printed in tho present session , it _a- .. pBir . s ' tlmt the dec hived value of woollen _manulW _" exported rom he United Kingdom to Chi ) , ; _and'TC

      Mefhoir Of John Henry Bramvyic I? Of Lei...

      MEfHOIR OF JOHN HENRY BRAMVYIc i ? OF LEiaE STER , THE CHARTIST _* _$$ * _» ( Concluded fr _« m tlie Star of April i _. ) . Experience proves that human beings who rta belong to the tribe of genius , are the most like ! , to exhibit striking religious changes . The prevalence of the imaginative faculty ( Ideality , asthe _. _phronolo _. gists term it , ) in their mental constitution , wM _* _, _t renders them capable of creations and en ) oyn ( _a utterly beyond the power or conception of matter-of , fact men , undoubtedly lays them open to the potency of every high and dazzling enthusiasm . B ramwich for several months prior to his decease , was an ' n ! stance of this truism . He joined the _relijrionU- 'a termed" The Latter-Day Saints" during my _[ JJ prisonment ; and I must confess , notwithstandi

      _ng ihe sentiment I have just enunciated , that until f had had time to reflect on thc circumstance , I was much surprised with thenews when it first reached me . Often , while listening to his sensible relations of West-India life , his descriptions ofthe negroes and his revelations of thc iniquitous oppression practised _, in the army , have I been struck with tho bold and blunt frankness with which he expressed his scorn of " parsons "—the word by wliich he usually characterised preachers of all religions . It seemed to ha a settled maxim with him that a priest was to ba avoided as a man ' s enemy ; and he frequently con . eluded his narratives of the wrong he had witnessed in foreign climes , as well as in his own , by avowing his conviction that " parsons" were thc root of tha evil . To judge from his manly hardihood of bearing _, he was the _leaM likely man in Leicester to become a

      subject of strong religious impressions . His conscientiousness , however , was as largely developed as his ideality ; and he , like the rest ofus must obe _? thc law of bis nature . My friends inform me thai the change in him was remarkable . He frequentl y ' exercised' in public prayer , with loudness of voice , and extraordinary fervour ; and I can conceive the possibility of it all , from knowledge of his deep sincerity of character , and vivid " poetical tempera _, ment . Owing to this direction of his mind , tha Poet ' s last literary efforts were almost entirely of a deeply religious cast . Yet , the jfollowing extract from one of the Hymns which he composed expressl y for his own funeral , will shew that poor Bramwich never ceased to remember the wrongs of his owu class : — ' s bid adieu to brethren dear ,

      And all he loved while travelling here , Where sickness , sorrow , pain and woo His daily cup did overflow ; Till , drooping , ho _reiigned his breath , lo seek a _resting-placd in death _. For here the spoiler wields his rod , "Regardless of the laws of God , — Hoards up his wealth , while pining slaves Droop , die , and fill untimely graves ; But there no care assails the breast , For there the weary are at rest . The prince , the beggar , tyrant , slave , Know no distinction in the grave : Death equalises all mankind : All are of earth , and are consigned To earth again , to wait the Hour When God will _brin-j them forth with power

      In another verse of this Hymn there seems to be an allusion to some peculiar doctrine , relative to the employment of spirits , in a future life . I happen to know nothing about the particular tenets of the ' Latter Hay' people ; but have no doubt some of tha readers in the Star will perceive the Poet ' s meaning ; From worlds above our brother came , Ordained to preach in Jesu's name : His work , though short , is finished hore ; And he is gone to regious where He roust thc -, _'lorious work renew To gain that crown ho had in view !

      Thero are three verses in another of these Hymns , written by him to be sung at his own burial , so full of pathos , so deeply filled with feeling , and so gracefully clothed with poetic beauty , that I cannot forbear to quote them : — Oh , ye saints , _forget your mourning . ' Sing , in anthems loud and clear : He has finished his sojourning , And his toils and troubles here : Now his spirit Lives upon some bri ghter sphere :

      Brethren , sisters , cease your weeping , He has gone to worlds of bliss : Though his shattered frame lies sleeping Ia a pauper's grave in this , Where no tablet Shall tell where his body is . He is gone where neither sorrow , Grief , nor pain , can enter in ; Where no wrinkled , tear . worn furrow Tells the agony within : All is joyous-Free alike from grief and sin . '

      Serious , and yet elevated in expression as these exquisitely-written verses are , my honest and beloved brother bard ' s mind was too truly free to be bon « daged entirely even to religious enthusiasm . On the 24 th of last November he concludes hia letter to me thus : " I feel that I have nearly done writing . This , probably , is my last . Death , I believe , has been by my bedside , aud watching me , while writing this . " Yet the contents of his epistle were two poetical pieces , of which the following light-hearted and pithy sketch is one :

      SOME MEN THAT I LIKE . I like a man whose virtuous mind Is such that he dare tell it ; But who , if worlds wero gold refined , For worlds would never sell it . I like a man who scorns to be A slave to fellows mortal ; Whose spirit pants for liberty . While passing through death ' s portal . I like a man whose buoyant heart Can float in seas of sorrow ; Who , though !< e feels his timbers start , Hop _« s for a calm to-morrow . I like a man that will not run To meet , half-way , his troubles ; But boldly meets them , when they come As fickle fortune ' s bubbles .

      Hike a man of noble mind And independent spirit ; Who _willinij is to raise mankind—But by exalted merit . I like a man whose generous soul Can pity feel for others , Who looks around , surveys the whole , And calls mankind his brothers . I like a man whose thankful heart Can feel a favour given , Who , ere the crystal tear drops start , Reports the same to heaven !

      In numerous letters did the poor suffering man untold to me his indignation at tho vile oppressions oi the monied _clasps . The following extract from i one dated the 0 th oi January is worth quoting for more reasons than one : — 6 " I understand you are making me a present of I your Christmas Rhyme ' but it has not arrived as i yet . May Ud bless you , and strengthen you , so > thai you may live to write for many _Christmases yet fc to come , and be an instrument for overturnin" tha 3 cruel system that causes such heart-rending scenes ia a our beautiful country , whose inhabitants aro pro- * verbal for industry . Leicester is in a state of great t excitement . The men seem determined to avail J themselves of the recent Ticket Act : the hosiers are a mad , mad , mad ; were you in Leicester at this crisis i

      , you would make Bedlamites of one-half of them . i . They have tried every scheme to evade the law . r . Would you believe that men pretending to common _m sense would think to break through an Act of Parlia-1-ment by compelling poor men to sign a paper saying ig they did not want the Act ? Such has been the case , e , I assure you ; and , to save such ' a respectable set of of villains from transportation , thc lawyers told thenun it was a conspiracy against government . A party of of the turn-outs met the county and borough ohie _^ cou _« u _« stables on Monday , and asked them for assistance . io . Ihey both relieved them , told them they had thelaww on their side this time , and if thev were determineded they must conquer . More than " one thousand of of them passed the Board of Guardians on Tuesday . iy . ihe hosiers and middlemen are at their wits' end—

      -And as for poor Winters , They'd blow him to splinters , And send the committee to Frauce ; Or , ere the assizes , Thev'd _seitw _Un-. in as prizes , And teach them on nothing to dance , " I forbear to quote further , fearing I shall tres _passassi on space that will be wanted . I trust the friends aft att Leicester will take care to report the funeral sermomom preached for poor Bramwich , in Leicester markeUet .. place , last Sunday , by Mr . Geo . Buckby , a _sinccrecree and talented working man . Had circumstances _percernutted , I would have gone over and assisted . . _,, ,,, _... Thomas Cooper tue Chartist , r . 131 , Blackfriars' road .

      Ii Isiv Sueins "Tiik Duke" And His Coriiksroxokxts. —A Drdr?

      ii isiv sueins " Tiik Duke" and his _CoRiiKsroxoKXTs . —A DrDr ?

      "Ipeu , , T-Eenpuoiisfiing Gome Plan Rel...

      _"ipeu , _, _t-eenpuoiisfiing gome plan relarehu tive to the payment of the national debt , bv Governerm ment taking m hand the working of all the " raiiroadoad ! m the kingdom . Amongst others to whom he _wrotn-oti ; on the subject was the Duke of Wellington : hi : hii tirace 8 reply is perhaps the best that lias vet apt appeared , as it certainl y is one of the most characiraci terist _' e . Here it is : — " London , November 7 , IS _43 S 4 _J ; —F . M . theDukool" Wellington presents his coiucoiui pliments to Dr . Open ; he has received his Icttcittcn The Duko has no relation with any railroad , and ded dec dines to interfere , in any manner , in then ; concenittnui He entreats Dr , Omen to communicate his opiniomionr to anv other individua l in tbe cwnuiumty , whom im it _pk-isesto select , lie cannot address one whorho move determined than the Duke not to interfere ke j affairs over which he has no control ,

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), April 18, 1846, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_18041846/page/6/