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Northern Star (1837-1852), 18th March 1848, Edition 3 of 3, Page 1, 7 / ^S0^ H ^ £e ^-^a / A^m/ k^^^ ^^ a^l^...

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    • n-n THE IMPERIAL CHARTISTS.
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      N-N The Imperial Chartists.

      _n-n THE IMPERIAL CHARTISTS .

      P Jfy Very Dear Fltlexds, The Time Has N...

      p _jfy vERY DEAR FltlEXDS , The time has now arrived when ou have a rig ht to expect a simple , plain , and _definitive exposition of the future views and policy fr 0 " 1 one * whom you have so long and _. _renerously confided ; and fearless of all _confluences , and regardless of the taunts of all factions , I shall now proceed to a review of the _ , it . and -to the developement of my future p olicy-Manv laughed at the extravagant notion of

      a union being ever formed between the English „ _nd the Irish working classes , and the hope of the severance and dissatisfaction of that class ffas based upon the slavish , the corrupt , and p _rostitute mind of our Irish brethren , created hr the venal , corrupt , and prostitute Irish _leaders , who , from the origin of agitation to t he present moment , have systematically _jjmsrht their own _aggrandisement 1 at the expense of their country , which they have -uined , debased , and destroyed .

      When I addressed my first letter to the Tjpperial Chartists I was mocked for my precnnip tion , and laughed at for ray ignorance "; j , ut 1 was aware that out of evil comes good , and that the Irish people , though slow to acknowled ge their own criminality , would be the first to retrace their steps . Who will now doubt that a union of brave and _sympathising hearts is about to take place , between the oppressed of both nations , against the common oppressors of both countries ? and , _assent _' _insr to this , who will say that my true teaching ; of the En-dish people , and the false tei chuuv of the Irish pe o ple , has not produced aood fruits for bath countries ?

      Often deceived by the . prospects entertained from revolution , whether physically or morally achieved , I was slow to comment upon the cood results to be anticipated from the French Revolution . Past history made me sceptical as to whether that change was to present great _jjppe which could not be subsequently realised , or whe ther the change was to be one of permanent national benefit . These circumstances , operating upon my mind , impelled me to natural caution , and not

      an unjustifiable reserve . I watched not the mode bv which a tyrant—despot—robber King W 8 _S overthrown , and his plundering accessories put to flight , but 1 waited for the developement of that system which was to be established upon the ruins of the strongestbecause , for the time , the most corruptdynasty in Europe . And now , from the change I derive hope , consolation , and ample reward for all my services , _because I see in the _exposition of the French mind the resolution that

      Labour , that achieved the victory , shall be the first partaker of its fruits ; and beeause I learn from the declaration of the Provisional Government that France , strong at home , and strengthened from abroad , is henceforth to be the nurse and protector of weak nations , rendered weak not more by the corruption of their rulers than by their own disunion . After a quarter of a century ' s agitation , the

      French Revolution is the only one which _brinas consolation to my mind , because , whether moral or _pnvsical , the English and the Irish people , as 1 shall presently show , have been robbed of every promised benefit from even- change produced by their courage , inf jamed by their oppressors with the hope that they should be participants in those changes ; but , in every instance , they have been deceived .

      In the case of France , it is different . There , although deprived of the power of meeting and conferring together , they have adopted every principle of the People ' s Charter ; thus giving the nation the assurance that Labour shall be represented in the French House of Commons , anil giving you the proud assurance that , from vour deliberative assemblies , from yonr speeches , and your sufferings , great nations have learned wholesome lessons;—lessons , the benefit from which , although others have reaped the first fruits , have not been lost upon

      you . Perhaps , there never was a time in the history of this or any other country , when courage , resolution , and perseverance were more required , because , if we retreat an inch , the enemy will take advantage of our fears ; and if we stand still , they will laugh at our quiescence . We have no other course , therefore , left but to advance . And now , let me show you how the people have been robbed of the fruits of the four great revolutions which have taken p lace in this country within the last quarter of a century .

      In the year 1822 , the Irish people , _crushedjby war-rents and war-tithes , waged what is called the ' White Boy Revolution . " They fought tl * army of the oppressor in several pitched battles , and although many of them were hung like dogs , and althoug h I was obliged to fly my country—but not , till tbe struggle was overfor thirteen months ; yet the Government of that day , forced by the courage of the people , made many changes from which , however , the tools of the oppressors were the only gainers . In 1829 , Catholic Emancipation was gained hy popular power being brought to bear upon political influences , and the only effect of that measure was , to ticket the emancipated representatives as Treasury hacks , to be bought and sold like stock upon 'Change .

      We had reform brought about by political influences , promising " Peace , Retrenchment , and Reform "—but its fruits have been ' War , Extravagance , and Corruption ; " because the _present House of Commons is , out of all comparison , the most corrupt that has sat for the last half century , and because the Minister supports his influence by the votes of corrupt placemen and pensioners . We have had Free Trade , the promised fruits of which were ** High Wages , Cheap Bread , and Plenty

      to do ; But the results of which have been " Low Wages . Dear Bread , and Little to do . ''This also was procured by political influences , and all these changes were severally contended for by the besotted working classes , who howled in the wake of treacherous politician ? , artful and _designing knaves , trafficking beggars , who , being too idle to work , and too poor to live without labour , sustained themselves upon the credulity of a confiding people , whom they have ever and systematically deluded .

      Sow , mark my reason for anticipating _^ better results from the next change . It is because you have been instructed in the value of a new Social system , of the fruits of which you have resolved that you will not be robbed . I have told y ou a thousand times , that from a perfect social system alone can a perfect representative system spring ; and , in this teaching , I have shown you now tbe greater value than ever existed before which you will derive from a complete _political revolution , because you have adopied the social system , wliich is _ to be made national instead of sectional by the political change .

      Look to the present state of unhappy _Ireland , and there you will find that , alter the ravages of pestilence , disease , fa nine , and the _allows , the tvrant oppressor still hopes to _uphold his * wav bv the bayonet and the bullet ; and « o debased has the mind of that country become bv the false teaching of hypocrites and knave-- , that a young and enthusiastic _Irisn-»«« is compelled to place him _> elf within the

      Yen- _fai-is of the law , and to dare and invite the ' oppressor ' s persecution , for the purpose of _destroying the vice engendered by Ireland s teachers for half a century . And the Press , the authorities , oppre ssors , and tyrants , call the man mad , and demand his life as a sacrifice ; but should he fall in the cause of his _country ' s _regeneration , he will be the victim , not of " his oivn but of his country ' s folly . Of _course I mean John Mitchel , the prop rietor of the I ' uiicd- Irishman , a gentleman whom an exterminating Saxon landlord ( Lord _Lansdowne ) , has described as one destitute and _devoid of character .

      _in _^ li iiiL ' _^ ' , lavl V " - vs looked _° eeplv into the motives and objects of those who profess to lead the public mind , I naturally informed myself as to the former position of this characterless destitute patriot , Mr Mitchel , and you shall have the result of my inquiry from the very best source . Mr John Mitchel is the son ofa Unitarian clergyman , of Kewry—a man remarkable for his sagacity , intellect , honour , and love of justice . At the age of seventeen , our voung patriot and hero—fop as such I wish tocharactense the characterless and destitute

      Irishman—at the age of seventeen he married . He became partner in the firm of Fraser and Mitchel , solicitors , of Newry . He carried on his own department of the profession at Banbridge , within ten miles of Newry , where hehad a comfortable and happy home , and was in possession of every comfort . His mother still lives ; and , as if the whele family imbibed the _* patriotism from her breast , his three sisters—all lovely girls—are as devoted to the cause of Ireland as himself . He is not now more tban thirty years of age—has five or six childrenis a fond father , a kind brother , and an obedient son—all characteristics of a great and good

      man . When the promising Nation was launched upon the flood of disturbed opinion created in Ireland , its proprietor looked to the intellectual market for talent , and rinding none equal to Mr Mitchel , and that gentleman believing that his country demanded bis services , and that the editor ' s desk was preferable to the attorney ' s counter , he abandoned a profession which brought him in from 800 / . to 1 , 000 / . a year , broke up his establishment , left his happy home , and tendered his services to the proprietor of the Nation .

      This aspiring genius soon discovered tbat the fetters of the press were as galling as the fetters of the law . He discovered that Mr Duffy was a PHRASE MERCHANT , and that his wares were cut down and altered to suit the Nation market . The patriot could not stomach this galling masterdom—this menial situation —and he resolved upon creating a new mind in Ireland . Now , my friends , without ever having seen , or without ever having received a line from Mr Mitchel , this is the true bio

      •• _raphy of a gentleman whom the worst Saxon landlord in Ireland ( Lord Lansdowne ) has designated as " an -adventurer , without character ; " and you will draw your own conclusions as to the motives and objects of a highspirited young gentleman , who abandons a profitable profession , and breaks up a happy home , and embarks the prospects of a famil y that is dear to him upon the troubled waters of politics , at the very time when the oppressor ' s appetite is whetted for revenge .

      __ I thought it hut right ta put you in possession of so much , because every man in Ireland , who dares to deviate from the old Conciliation Hall policy , is looked upon , or rather fantasticall y described , as an enemv to his country . For my own part , the debased state to which political crotchetmongers had brought the English mind ia 1835 , induced meat that period , or rather compelled me , to adopt a pretty nearly similar course , in order to destroy the influence of the Press of this country , which had misled and brutified the mind ofthe _wording classes .

      Mr Mitchel ' s object is a thorough reform of the institutions of the country , and , so long ago rs 1 S 41 , I told you from my dungeon , that I was not for a Repeal of the Union , but that I was for a total separation—a divorce ; and that advent is near at hand . Were I to adopt the language and the tone of Mr Mitchel with reference to your movement , I should be hi ghly culpable ; but he has found the Irish mind now in precisely the same

      state that I found the English mind in 1835 , and , therefore , I have different materials to act with . I am in a movement strong in moral power and organisation , and resolute in courage—a movement which could only be damaged by tbe folly , the madness , or the treachery of its members , while Mr Mitchel has found a movement destroyed by those vices imbibed from treacherous leaders . However , let sycophants ' revile Mr Mitchel as they may , I shall not be found amongst the _numlen

      ihe Press of this country has been thc greatest enemy of the institutions of this country and of the rights of the people ; and if ever the system should tumble about the ears of the aristocracy when they are unprepared for the crash , " the ruin must be attributed to the Press , whose purpose it has been to keep them in a state of ignorance as to the popular mind and p assing events .

      It will scarcely be believed that the speeches reported in the Press , as made in the House of Commons , are as foreign from the truth as if a man had turned the back of his head for his portrait . Each prostitute journal reports its own fobl , or rather prints its own fool ' s speech as supplied by the fool himself , while , if the ablest tongue and soundest head pourtrays oppression in its proper colours , the portrait is confined to the members themselves .

      Now , my friends , these are the things which require correction ; and I defy you to correct these abuses _otherwise than by having your own representatives in your own parliament , and let me now call your attention to the ignorance of your rulers , who , in pandering to the trading , manufacturing , commercial , professional , and landed interest of the country , insolently tell you that there is no escape from taxation—that there is no hope for labourthat there is no resting place for industry beyond the clemency of the _landlord and the mercy ofthe speculator—a fallacy which I will now proceed to expose .

      As I have observed in the House of Commons , I repeat it here—that "it is unfair and unjust that ministers should receive their salaries for the performance of certain denned duties ; and tbat the same ministers , wben opposed in their extravagance , should turn upon their opponents , and ask them to propose better and more salutary measures . ' ' What would the farmer think of the ploughman , who , upon being scolded for doing his work badly , told tbe master to " PAY HIM , and do

      the work better himself ? ''"What would the manufacturer think of the spinner or the weaver who , upon being scolded for spoiling his work , should tell the master to " PAY HIM , and do it better himself : ' ' This mode of-dealing with the public and the public money , I look upon as a great injustice—an injustice , however , which is met with cheers in the House of Commons by the tools of ministers , the p lacemen , and pensioners , who are actually called upon to vote the people ' s money into their own pockets .

      Under ordinary circumstances , I , like others , might remain dogged and sulky , merely making myself popular by taunting the Chancellor of the Exchequer , in tbe House , with his incapacity or indifference ; but , when I see the clear road of escapewhen I see my wav out of the labyrinth—1 will not , schoolboy-like , rest satisfied with pouting and complaining , but will propound my remedy at once .

      My friends , as it is likely that this , my _manifesto , may be extensively circulated , it is not only desirable that I should point out the remedies for the present evils , but that I should also show the source from whence tbey

      have arisen , and the causes which are likely to perpetuate them , if the public mind is not seriously led to , and convinced of , its own power to destroy them without revolution or bloodshed ; but , on the contrary , the change making the rich richer , and the poor rich ; and then , if l can convince plain and sound understandings of these facts ; and if the great majority , whose united co-operation could realise the results , shall withhold their assistance , let them hereafter bear all their sufferings without a _IMUrmur .

      Firstl y , I lay it down as a truism , that Ministers , paid out of the taxes ; that noblemen , anxious to preserve even a feudal dignity ; that landlords , anxious to preserve foolish and aristocratical privileges ; that bankers , whose wealth is realised by the speculation of traders ; that commercial men , whose wealth is dependent upon the same source ; that manufacturers , whose losses in trade are made good out of reduction of wages ; that admirals , and naval officers upon half-pay and looking for promotion ; that generals , colonels , majors , captains , and lieutenants , on full-pay and halfpay ; that lawyers , whose wealth depends upon the mystery of laws , and upon the convulsions

      of society , that placemen and pensioners , who live upon the taxe ?—k-contend for it _* that it is as impossible for those parties to represent Labour , or to pare down expenditure , as it is to turn the sun from its course . Upon the other hand , as Labour is the only source of wealth , and as its application to the developement of the natural resources must inevitably confer benefits upon all classes of society , except those of the legal or military professions , I contend for it 'that , if Labour alone was represented , every other class of society would be benefited , and that through a more equitable distribution of property , the taxes necessary for the support of the State could be equally imposed .

      I have laid it down a thousand times for you , that these facts are known to many—but that those many have an interest in their suppression , because the capitalists , who speculate in unrepresented Labour , would rather realise a profit ofa hundred millions a year , preserved to their own kindl y use , tban see an annual distribution of a thousand millions , if their share was likely to be a fraction less under the more extensive and equitable system .

      My friends , you must bear these facts in mind , and you must not be continually asking for knowledge , upon which I have written scores of volumes , and which I have thoroughly sifted ; but , having led you from the A , B , C of politics , to that state of education , when every working man is a philosopher , and when all understand the true principles of political economy—namely , political economy based upon RECIPROCITY— the one element omitted by the Free Trade school—I say that , having brought your minds to this state

      of maturity and thought , the time has now arrived for enunciating bold and unequivocal truths—truths which I have been prosecuted for proclaiming , both in England and in Ireland ; buttruths so palpable and irrefutable , that they now defy prosecution . If , then , I am able to show that , from your own property , you are enabled to save , not only your own class , but to confer a boon upon all classes of society , have I not a right to demand your cooperation in the realisation of that plan which 1 shall now propound ?

      THE CHURCH PROPERTY , of every descri p tion , in this country amounts to over 10 , 000 , 0007 . a year;—that is , in tithes ' , Church lands—which , in consequence of imperfect tenure , do not realise anything like their real value—and from all other sources , the Church property in this country , if applied to its proper purposes , would realise more than ten millions a year , and would save a large amount in litigation . Indeed , it has often struck me as an anomaly , that , while philanthropists complain of being burdened with 18 , 000 , 000 / . a year for the support of an army and a navy , that no one is found bold enough to declaim against the payment of over 20 , 000 , 000 / . a year , paid to the Church , and as poor rates for the support of unwilling idlers .

      This question is so extensive—its results are so monstrous—and its injustice so palpable—that it is impossible to dispatch its consideration without a word ] or two by way of comment ; a word or two which will strike the mind of the reader with amazement and horror . The interest of the National Debt—the permanent National Debt—apart from about three millionsayear interest payable upon Long and Terminable Annuities , wbich expire in 1859-G 0 , is 24 , 400 , 000 / . a year ; and the amount paid to the Church , paid in Poor Rates , and in litigation consequent upon those two funds , amounts to fully twenty-two millions a year . Now what becomes of your national faith , so far as these funds are concerned ?

      The first—the Church fund—belongs to the people ; and in the olden time , before the adulterous murderer , Harry , stole them from the people , they were administered by frugal _, pious , charitable men . and they constituted the poor relief fund of your ancestors . But when the murderous monarch stole them from you , and conferred them upon panders and hypocrites , who supported him in his lewdness and depravity , his daughter Elizabeth was obliged to find a substitute for that fund which was stolen from the poor , and that fund now ranges between six and seven millions a year .

      Well , national faith is extensively paraded in support of the fundholder ' s rig ht to his 'interest , and upon the same faith—as there is no statute of limitation against the right of a whole people—I base your title to the restoration of Church property , which is your property ; and to the proper application of Poor Rates , which is your property ; and which you could hold in trust for your successors , and with which Parliament—wherein your order is not represented—has no right to deal . Keep tbis figure ever before you , that while the fuiidhnlder ' s title is based upon national

      faith , guaranteed by Parliament , in which you are not represented , I base your title to Church property nnd to Poor Rates upon Divine faith , upon God ' s covenant with man at his creation , when He also created the earth , and commanded man to subdue it for his sustenance and support , commanding him also to live in the sweat of his own brow , covenanting with him that the husbandman should be the first partaker of the fruits of the earth , and making it the first duty of man to " comfort and _assist the weak-hearted , and raise up them that fall . "

      But here is the injunction upon which your indefeasible title is based : — " The Lord saith , Thou shalt not reap all the corners of thy field , neither shalt thou gather all the grapes in thy vineyard , _thouahalt leave them for the stranger , the widow , and the orphan . " Merciful , justice 1 How divine , how holy is this , the injunction of the all-wise Creator of

      man , and how the tyrants who blasphemously attribute famine to the dispensation of God , must blush at the reflection that famine affects the industrious , and only the industrious and producing classes , while to the money-mongers it furnishes a profitable source of speculation . Indeed , so conclusive is Scri p ture as 't o the right of man to live upon the produce of the soil , that we are *< dd that _.

      "They who die by the sword are better than those who perish from hunger , for their bodies pine away , stricken through for want ofthe fruits of the field . " Let me , now , test the justice ofthe working ¦ classes . We are told that clergymen are educated upon the faith that they shall receive compensation for what has been expended upon ; th ¥ ir education . But it is no part of national faith that an archbishop shall receive 15 , 000 / . a , year for living sumptuously ; it is no part _owiational faith that one idle pauper in a parish shall nip up and devour all that was intended for the sustenance and support of the

      willing husbandmen of that parish ; and , therefore , the adjustment that I would make is this , in order to show you with what facility and justice the proper adjustment of our financial affairs may be arranged . I would allow every working clergyman , "" during his life , 300 / . ayesr , making them all equal in the eyes o (' man , as they are in the eyes of their Maker . I would arrange the parishes so that England and Wales should be divided into ten thousand , with a working clergyman to each , which would _imount at a salary of 300 / . a-year to three millions per annum , —thus making a saving from that source of seven millions per annum . We will . estimate the Poor Rates at six millions

      per annum ; and as they are mcontestably the property of the poor , they should , under the present exigencies of the times—and all other channels are closed against labour—be devoted to the opening of the only natural channel for the national industry—THE LAND . These Poor Rates I would divide into three classes . Two millions a-year I would allow the landlords to purchase at thirty years' purchase , which would produce sixty millions , and those landlords , who were not able or who did not choose to release their estates from the

      burden—that annual amount of their property may become security to those who would lend the amount to Government , and the best security too . Two millions a-year I would strike off altogether , as an inducement to the landlords to purchase ) and the remaining tiro millions a-year I would allow to remain as a lien upon tbe Land , to meet those charges which do not wholly belong to the Poor Rates , and for the maintenance of the old , the infirm , and the disabled , who have not been able in youth to realise wherewith to live upon in old age .

      All the bastiles I would turn into agricultural schools and colleges , renting a sufficient amount of Laud to enable those institutions to be sustained upon the self-supporting principle , and upon the completion of each young man ' s education in college at the age of eighteen years , he should receive his fair proportion of those profits realised by his labour from fifteen to eighteen . In those colleges youths shonld learn the science of agriculture , of chemistry , geology , and should receive il good , sound , practical education .

      The sixty millions realised by the sale of two millions a year of _Toor Rates I would apply to the purchase of Land and the building of houses ; and those localities being freed from the payment of taxes altogether I would charge rent at the rate of 6 J . per cent ,, which would be lower than 41 . per cent , under . the present system ; and then our account of savings would stand thus : — £ Realised from Church property . 7 , 000 , 000 Retained of Poor Rates . . 2 , 000 , 000 Rental _produeed from 60 , 000 , 000 at six per cent . . . . 3 , 600 , 000 £ 12 , 600 , 000

      VT 1 ... it . " 1 . 1 . 1- T l . « _il . „ T ) ¥ > .. _! . Now , hy this table , I make the Poor Rates realise within 500 , 000 / . a year of their present amount , while I relieve the landlords of two millions a year , and this I am able to effect by apply ing the sixty millions , realised from the sale of Poor Rates , to the full develoepment of the national resources , by the application of the labour of the unwilling idler , while I am able to establish the principle of reciprocity , charging 6 / . per cent , for the outlay , by releasing the occupant from the payment of rates and taxes .

      My great object , as you are aware , has ever been to realise the whole benefit of unrestricted Free Trade for all classes—that is , as we have declared in our thousands of resolutions , tbat we are for Free Trade , but that we are for turning tbe advantage to national and not class-purposes . If , then , we can preserve national faith , by carrying Free Trade out in its entirety , based upon the principle of reciprocity , we are the real Free Trade party . And now I proceed to establish our ri ght to deduct twenty per cent , from the property of the fundholder , showing , nevertheless , that he will be a large gainer by the change .

      What I propose , is to produce an amount of income from other sources , equal to that produced by Custom and Excise Duties , and to sweep those duties away _altogether and establish complete Free Trade upon the principle of reciprocity . Mr Cobden , in his speech upon the Income Tax , showed the manner in which those duties pressed upon consumerB , and let the reader peruse the plain , the simple and incontrovertible statement , submitted by Mr Cobden , who

      said—What amount do the _peeplc pay on articles consumed ? For every ids . the working classes expend on tea , they _p-ty 10 s . of duty ; for every 20 s : they expend on sugar , they pay 6 s . of duty ; for erery 20 s . they expend on coffee , they pay 8 s . of duty ; on soap , 53 . ; on beer , 4 s . ; on tobacco , I ** - ' , on spirits , lis . ot duty , on every 20 s , they expend upon these articles . and be will learn that the annihilation of all Custom and Excise duties would be a _savinir to

      the consumer of more than fifty percent ., an ? . therefore , national faith is not of that sticky nature which would make it unjust to reduce the'income ofa national faith fundholder by twentyfive per cent ., if the necessaries of life were reduced by fifty per cent . He lent this money upon the faith that he-should pay a very much hig her per centage than he even pays under the present system , and upon this arrangement the account would stand thus : ~

      Received from Church Property £ and Poor Rates . . . 12 , 600 , 000 Deduct twenty-five per cent . from the interest on Funded Debt and Exchequer Bills , and , in round numbers , you effect a saving of . . . .. 7 , 000 , 000

      M aking a total of . . . 19 , 600 , 000 fr _HTfi-ijLi ) i ' . _XT » _TiiM _^ ir _^ j a year , or , as nearly as possible , covering the deficit occasioned by the remission of our Excise and Customs Duties . In the case of the working clergyman receiving 300 / . a year , his revenue would be equal to 400 / . a year under the present system ; but suppose that the pious may object to touching Church property by the abolition of Excise and Customs Duties ; we would save in

      their collection , and the amount of patronage consequent upon their existence , a sum equal to tbe amount that I propose to realise from Church p roperty . The amount saved in the collection does not rest with that paid upon Excise and Customs Duties , for I am now going to show you another grievous , onerous , and unequal tax , which also costs an amazing amount in collection , and which I would con . solidate into one single office—I mean tbe _Assesed Taxes . Those I would wholly abolish and would substitute a graduated _' scale of tax « ation to meet tbe deficit .

      We are told that out of 3 , 500 , 000 houses , only 500 , 000 pay the Window Tax ; and , therefore , I will make my scale of direct taxation from that number , and having relieved them of all other taxes—Excise and Custom Duties _. ' and the collection of those taxes , what I propose is to establish a Property Taxthus : — The 100 , 000 of first clas 9 proprietors of the 500 , 000 who now pay the Window Duty , whether they be 1 aniled proprietors , bankers , _merchants , _; distiHers , brewers , barristers , or belonging to the wealthiest class of the 500 , 000 , without

      reference to the description of property , I would tax to the amount of 100 / . a _yeai-jwhich would make . . 10 , 000 . 000 The second hundred thousand of that class I would tax to the amount of of 30 / . a year . . 3 , 000 , 000 The third hundred thousand I would tax to the amount of 20 / . a year , f making 2 , 000 , 000 The fourth hundred thousand of that class I would tax 10 / . a ' year , _making . . . . ' 1 , 000 , 000 The fifth hundred thousand of that class I would tax at 51 . a year , making 600 , 000

      Making from this source . . 16 , 500 , 000 per annum , and relieving the payers from all other taxes whatsoever . __ We may presume that a million of the occupiers not now paying Window Tax , and the wealthiest of the three millions occupying bouses , and following trades and professions , not only pay some tax , but would be great gainers h y the remission of Excise and Customs Duties , and that they may fairly pay 51 . a year "

      taxes , or . . . . " . . " 5 , 000 , 000 The next million we presume would make a saving of at least 2 / . a family , and from that class would be realised .. .. . 2 , 000 , 000 And the last million of the 3 , 500 , 000 whether working men , lodging house-keepers , shopkeepers , or small tradesmen , should pay a tax of 1 / . a year each famil y , or . . 1 , 000 , 000 Thus making a total of . . 24 _^ 00 , 000

      per annum , leaving to be added the sale of Crown Lands , the revenue derived from Stamps , from the Post-office , Foreign Bills of Exchange , and other accounts , from whicii the payer would derive a direct profit , making in all about 6 , 000 , 000 / . ; thus leaving a revenue from those sources alone , independently of the Church Property , of 44 , 500 , 000 / . a year , leaving 21 , 000 , 000 / . a year to be paid as interest _ on funded debt—three" millions a year of which will' be extinguished in the years ' 59-60 , and leaving the enormous amount of 20 , 500 , 000 / . to provide for the exigencies of the State .

      Of course , I presume _^ that the people of this country will not much longer consent to pay idle placemen and pensioners . The reader must bear in mind that though I have classed the property-tax payers in numbers of a hundred thousand in one case , and a million in the other , that , nevertheless , it would be just and fair that those members should pay according to a graduated scale , producing in the bulk the amount that I have stated , and to accomplish which , as every thing is easy when money is to be raised , the Chancellor of the Exchequer would find no difficulty ; nor do I

      think that any of theclasses , from thelowest million paying 20 s , a family , to the highest hundred thousand paying 100 / . a family , could complain ofthe impost when relieved from every description of taxation and duty ; especial ! }' "when it is borne in mind that the payers of the duties upon Excise and Customs , now amounting to nearly twenty millions a year , make a profit of the consumer of more than thirty millions a year * ay ! forty millions a year . Of course , I propose to abolish the Probate

      and Legacy Duty , and every onerous and inquisitorial duty ; the tax upon dogs , horses , carriages , servants , windows , auctioneers , game licenses , bar licenses , spirit licenses , and all other taxes wbich now press so heavily upon the poor , as the rich invariably make them pay them . To remit the duty upon timber and bricks , and all building materials ; and will the render for one moment reflect upon the impetus that this change would give to every branch of trade , commerce , and manufactures ; the number who could then afford

      luxuries , who cannot now procure the common necessaries ' of life—tbe _^ impetus given to coachbuilders , house-builders , and all descriptions of trade , and the honourable competition that would be created amongst shopkeepers , whose interest it would then be to realise moderate profits upon the principle of quick sale and light profit . Now , my friends , in my general calculation I have left the Church property untouched ,

      whereas if you were to draw five millions a year from that source , which legitimately belongs to the people , yon would have a surplus , after paying the fundholder his interest , of 25 , 600 , 0001 . a year , and a further saving of two millions a year upon the Long and Terminable Annuities , which expire in the years ' 59-G 0 ; and which , if made permanent now , should not be set down at a million a year ; and in the mare extensive view , the account would stand thus : —

      Received from Church property and Poor Rates .... 12 , 600 , 000 Saved on collection of Customs , Excise , and taxes . . . . 6 , 000 , Graduated Property Tax . . 24 , 500 , 000 Stamps , Post Office , & c , and sale of Crown Lands .... 6 , 000 , 000 Difference between terminable annuities and fanded debt , at tbe present price of stock . . . 2 , 000 , 000

      Leaving a total income of 50 , 100 , 000 ¦ _»«""""¦¦"' Or a surplus , after paying the interest of the funded debt , of . 29 , 100 , 000

      Ample , I should think , to meet all the exigencies of the State ; and more than the peopio will presently consent to pay . Now , my friends , you have my definition of Free Trade , based upon reciprocity ; you have my mode of setting all the springs of _' indnstry at work ; you have my mode of throwing all classes upon their own resources ; you have my mode of producing national loyalty to national institutions ; you have a table set before you , which does not profess to be complete or

      unsusceptible of improvement ; and if the sceptic tihauld scoff , or tbe alarmed should quake , 1 tell them , that there is more danger to every institution in the country , by a dogged perseverance in the old and corrupt system , than would attend the adoption of my proposition . And , if attachment to the present old boroughmongering system is based upon custom , precedent , or antiquity , let us , in God ' s name , extinguish our gas , and return to the farthing candle ; let us abolish our railroads , and return to the jog-trot coach ; let us abolish our steam

      navigation , and depend upon the temper of the winds and the elements ; let us destroy the printing press , the electric telegraph , and the penny postage ; for , as sure as fnig ht follows day , means must be adopted to cultivate the natural resources of this wealthy country ,

      a _^ l _^ t must _^ e an equitable _distribu . _*;«« _« _4- _« _-i _, a _nrncoods _elsp will th ft hand of the anoftlrfft there must _Ife an equitable _distribution of the proceeds , else will the hand of the unwilling idler be raised in strife and enmity against the pampered , idle pauper . My friends , in this our struggle for complete and entire Free Trade , based upon the principle of reciprocity , you must convince the shopkeepers that their interests are identical with yours—that tbe mechanical power which makes a pauper of the unwilling idler is not their friend—and that the well-emplyed and

      well-paid labourer is a better customer , a better friend , and a better subject , than the system-made pauper who is consigned to the workhouse and made a burthen upon their industry . I have now placed my budget before you ; road it—think of it—suggest what mprovements present themselves , " and let your delegates be prepared to discuss it . I remain , Your faithful friend and servant , Feargus O'Connor .

      7 / ^S0^ H ^ £E ^-^A / A^M/ K^^^ ^^ A^L^...

      7 / _^ S _0 _^ _^ _^ _- _^ a / _A _^ m / k _^^^ _^^ there _v * /» _vSr / Si 1

      ^5w]F 4ft\ A 7 / ^S0^ H ^ ^-^A ,_.,.__ M...

      _^ 5 _W ] f 4 _fT \ A , _ .,. ___ _M ) NATIONAL TRADES JOURNAL YOLXI . No 543 _^^ " _lONDOmTWuBDA _^ M _^ H " l 8 _, 18487 PiTe _^^^^^^

      Carlisle Election. Great Excitement Has ...

      CARLISLE ELECTION . Great excitement has prevailed at Cailiile on occasion of tho electoral contest . On tho nomination day , the town presented a right rarely witnessed . A forest of hands were raised for Dr M'Douail . A poll was demanded , and the following is the result : —¦ Hodgson ( Tory ) ' . 477 . Howard ( Libera !) , -lit Dixon ( Liberal ) 323 M'Douall ( Chartist ) oo A second edition of the Carlisle _Patriot states that soon alter four o ' clock the _successful candidates and their friendB , and Dr M'Douall , repaired to tho hustings to be present at the mayor ' s declaration . Tha crowd in front was immense—12 , 000 , at ihe least ; and the pressure even upon the hustings was almost unendurable . After much difficulty , aad a good deal of inconvenience , the mayor annonn . ed the numbers as given above .

      The conduct of tho Chartists appears to bave been admirable in the extreme , and though unsuccessful this time— ' wait a little longer . ' The following is the worthy doctor ' s speech trom the _hustings-Dr M'Douall , who was received with deafening cheers , next came forward , and said—Citizens of Carlisle and electors—Nothing could be more gratify ing to ray feelings than the honourable reception you havo now given me , which is not merely flattering to my feelings as a man , but is still more gratifying because I believe that you do not cheer the person but the principles he advocates . ( Great applause . ) You have heard the different candidates address you . You have been told by Mr Dixon that he is thinking about making improvementsand I never knew a

      , Whig that did not begin with thinking , and end bydoing nothing . ( Laughter and cheers . ) They aro continually thinking but never acting ; and as for Mr Hodgson , all ho seems to have come forward for , is to blush —( laughter and cheers)—blu _> h for the corruption ofthe freemen of Carlisle , I shall therefore leave him before you with his blushing honours . ( Laughter . As for Mr Howard , he comes forward much in the same way tbat an auctioneer would go into a huxter _' _a shop , for the purpose of knocking down a number of what he calls the household suffrage ? . ( Hear , hear , and loud cheers . ) So truly ignorant are vast numbers of the people of tke nature of the Charter , that when I asked a free and independent elector tha other day , what was its meaning , he said— ' It means triangular Parliaments , universal _eufferinL ' , and vote

      by bullet ! ' ( Laughter and loud cheers ) Now , it strikes me very forcibly that the interests of this city , someway or another , are in n very triangular position _jast now , for the candidates seem to be neither Whig : nor Tory , and what with one thinking , another blushing , and a third _promising , none of them advance a single step . ( Cheers . ) We all know that there is greater danger at the present timo as far as the interests of this country aro concerned , and I would direct your attention to this return by way of proving and showing how far it is to be feared—though , if I point out those evils , we must not either think er blush , but must all act . ( Hear , hear . ) It we think , we must think for a good purpose ; if we blush at all , we must , blush because we are not doing our duty . ( Cheers . ) I will lay before

      you a statement of the greatest importance to the manufacturing interests of this country . I find that we exported in yarns and thread , in 1845 , six millions nine hundred andsixty-threethousand two hundred and thirty-five pounds ; in 1847 , the iast year , it waa only five millions eight hundred and thirty-seven thousand pounds , which speaks plainly of the serious injury the country has here sustained . ( Loud cheera and great uproar . ) This shows that there is something rotten in the state of Denmark—something radically bad even in the very principles Mr Dixon has kid down for you—for whilst he , as he says he ha ? , assisted to unshackle commerce , and expatiates upon the advantages to be secured by free trade , ho forgets to point out the wav in whicii we are to procure them ;—( hear , hear)—in fact , he contents

      himself with only thinking—and thinking , he fails to Bhow us the way . ( Hear , hear . ) I shall act . ( Cheers . ) If we want to secure ourselves in the present proud position which we hold in the scale of nations , if we desire to continue first and foremost amongst the nations of the earth , I should say , give scope to our growth , and lighten the heavy load upon ceraaiercc by throwing overboard as speedily aa you can some twenty or thirty millions of taxes . ( Loud cheers . ) When , for instance , Cobden came forward to propose the repeal of the Cora Laws , I warned him of the effect without a reciprocity of intercourse . I told him that if lie could not rcdnce tbe taxes , the manufacturer would fall back upon wages , for he must either diminish the one or reduce the other . ( Cheers . ) Such is the position of thia

      country that if we repeal the corn laws or the tariff duties , and open our ports , without , at the same time , lowering our taxes , we shall never do- ( Hear , hear . ) I will just tako yeu now to the home consumption , —the go < --ds consumed by the people in this country in 1845—in which year the working classes expended of their wages , in the purchase of goods , nineteen millions six hundred and ten thousand six hundred nnd fifty-seven pounds sterling , whilst in 1847 wo have come down to nine millions five hundred _thousiind . ( Sensation and groans . ) The cause of this is that the manufacturer found his profits lessening and trade decreasing , bo that he was compelled to diminish wages , and to fall back and exist upon the savings of years of industry . Mr M'Douall proceeded to state his opinions upon the

      various questions of political interest before the country in almost the same terras as he used when addressing the meeting at thc _Athenseuni a few days ago . Before concluding his long , and certainly eloquent speech , he hoped , ho said , that he should have the honour of seconding a motion in the House of Commons , proposed by Mr Feargus O'Connor , for the People ' s Charter , It was his lull Mention to go to the poll , and he intended to canvass this very afternoon , by taking 10 , 000 men with him , and respectfully _soliciting the votes of the shopkeepers uf Carlisle , by which means he had no doubt at all he should be returned at the head of the poll . Tiie only man in Carlisle whom he had canvassed was Mr Hodgson , and he believed that gentleman would be down early at the poll to _reeor-i his vote in his favour;—( laughter)—he should be glad to

      See Mr Howard And Mr Dixon At The Same T...

      see Mr Howard and Mr Dixon at the same time . ( Cheers and laughter . ) If they conducted _themselves with so much good grace and sense on the polling day , he declared it would go a great way to palliate tlieir past offences . He trusted the middle classes would lay aside thc prejudices and fears with which they regarded the Charter . He knew that itwas a bitter pill to some of them , but if they only swallowed it they would find it , though bitter to the mouth , sweet to the stomach ; and he could only say that if the people of Carlisle returned him

      they would find him ready to advance their interests in every possible way . Alter reverting to the subject of taxation , and denouncing the system of capital punishment , Dr M'Douall implored his auditors , whatever they did , to be peaceable and orderly , for if he saw any one of his supporters attempt anything like an attack upon ptopcrfy he should be the first to oppose him and deliver him over to tho hands of justice . Once move he honed his friends would rally round his standard , and that to-morrow a signal triumph of Chartism might be recorded . Vociferous cheering hailed the conclusion of this speech .

      Preston Tea Party And Ball.—In Our Sixth...

      Preston Tea Party and Ball . —In our sixth page wo give the report of the Preston meetine , botli from tho Preston Pilot and the Prestos Chronicle . We thank both tho Chronicle and thc Guardian for their accurate report of Mr O'Connor ' s speechwhile we equally thank the prostitute Pilot for Its attempt to throw disrepute upon the opinions of his townsmen . We admit the right of the press to canvass the opinions and speeches ef public men , provided they report them accurately , as tbe Guardian and Chronicle have done . This is all the working classes demand—this is all tbeir cause requires .

      Dalrt , Ayrshire —A large publie meeting was held here on Monday evening last , called for the purpose cf adopting an address to tho OltlzeOS 01 Paris , and also for ad pting tho National Petition . Mr James _Orr , an old veteran in the cause of Chartism , was called to the chair . Mr M Ghee , having read the address , delivered a very pithy speech . The addresB , whieh was seconded by . Mr Sneddon , was agreed to , amidst loud acclamation . Duncan Robertson , after a few pointed remarks on the French Revolution , read the National Petition , after which lie spoke at considerable length on the People ' s Charter . The Petition was then seconded by Mr John Bingham , and carried _unr . _nimously The report of the delegates , sent from London to Paris , was read from the NoR'riIKRN Star , which wm heartily cheered by the meeting .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 18, 1848, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_18031848/page/1/