Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 17th March 1849, Edition 3 of 3, Page 5, LETTERS TO THE WORKING CLASSES. XXXVIII....

Page 5
Page 5
5 of 8

On this page

  • Departments (1)
    • <&,Mi&t mt\\iMti&
  • Text (8)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Letters March 17, 1849. M —, „„ , The No...

      March 17 , 1849 . m — „„ , THE _NORTHERN STA & .

      Letters To The Working Classes. Xxxviii....

      LETTERS TO THE WORKING CLASSES . XXXVIII . " _pSft 1 a- _« ia " sn-aU drop of ink aa t _^ r 6 d ( i , w-n P ° n a thought , produces _ -l _ f makeS thousands » P _^ P _* millions BIBON _* . "OUR Indian EMPIRE . Jli _^ P _^ S 0 ld i - ** _S ht a 1 - _ffi e » _*» advance the I ! _*^? a ™ l «™» y of the great ; and tier are called masters of the world , while they have not a foot of ground mtheir possessio ** , ' '—TiB-anjs _Gbaccdcs . ,

      Brother Pboletabiaxs , The three colamns of " guns and drums , " gore and glory , which occupied one half of the second page of last Saturday ' s Northern Star , was but an abridgment of the revolting particulars supplied by the writers of official despatches , the Indian newspapers , and the correspondents of the London dail y journals . But although an abridgment , the Northern Star ' s account was probabl y quite sufficient to satisfy the curiosity ofits readers—a curiosity which , of course would be stimulated by the rumours _aioised abroad of the new dangers which threatened " our Indian Empire . " I think I understand the anxiety my brother Proletarians musthave felt when they heard that " our Indian Empire" was in danger !!!

      " Our Indian Empire " is reported to contain npwards of six hundred and thirty thousand sqtjake miles of land , and thereon a population of ninet y-five millions ! This includes the presidencies of Bengal and Agra , _Jladras , and Bombay ; the province of Scinde ; the provinces conquered from the Burmese Empire — including Assam , Arracan , & c . ; € eykra and other islands . "When I say that " our Indian Empire" contains the above -named quantity of land and population , I speak Onl y of the British Paramount Possessions . I do not include the Tributary States containing land amounting to nearl y four hundred and ninety thousand square miles , and a population of npwards of thirty-two millions . If I include these tributary states , " Our Indian Empire " contains about OXE Mn , LIO > " OXE _HrrKDBED

      KSD TWEXTY THOUSAND SQUARE MILES , and a population ( atleast ) of OJfEinJNBREDAND TWE 3 _JTI-SEVEJf 2 _DXUOXS 111 Certainl y this is tather a large bit of ground , and " our" subjects do make a pretty big figure . Mind , this is exclusive ofthe Punjaub , and those lion-like fellows , the Sikhs . Wh y we should meddle with them and their country is not easy to explain . Believe the Times , the fault is none of ours . We have , according to that veracioug journal , been "the mildest , meekest men , " in our intercourse with the Sikhs , who , according to the same authority , have repaid ns _tvith the bbickest ingratitude . Ah ! my friends ,

      if the human devils who coin lies by the column in the Times , received their pay from Shere Sixg or Chuitur Sixg , there -would Im ? another and a Yery * " different story told in the pages of that triply inlamous journal . As I have already said , exclusive ofthe Punjaub , and the tributary states , " Our Indian Empire contains more than six hundred and thirty thousand spiare miles of land . Tou may form some idea of this extent of territory , by mentally comparing it with the United Kingdom , which ( including the adjacent isles ) , contains about one hundred and sixteen thousand square miles . That is to say " Our Indian Empire , " ( exclusive ofthe tributary states ,

      the Punjaub , and Hong Kong ) , considerably exceeds jive times the extent of England , Scotland , Ireland , and tbe adjacent isles combined ! Methinfe 31 hear some aristocrat , or aristocrat's lickspittle , ashing if this Indian Empire is not a possession worth defending ?—worth living for and dying for ? It may be to those who directly or indirectl y gorge the plunder of that empire . But to you , brother Proletarians , it is a matter of perfect indifference whether Briton or Hindoo , Russian or Sikh , rule the roast . So lar as yon are concerned , " Oar Indian Empire" is an enormous he . Granted that that empire has been won and preserved by the blood of your class ; the winners and preservers

      have not enjoyed the fruits of then * conquest . Disinterested conquerors . ' Tou have p lundered nations only to lay-your spoils atthe feet of your masters ! Tou have seized on hundreds of thousands of square miles of territory , yet yon possess not a foot of soil Cither in England or India , that you can call your own ! Ton have conquered millions upon milhons of far distant tribes , only to extend the " g lorious " yoke under which you sweat and starve , whilst melodiously _cliauntlng « Britons never shall be Slaves !" It " were long to tell and sad to trace" the progress of " our' conquests in India . Some day I may narrate the hideous tale , too little known to

      your class . Prom the beginning even to the present honr , IVaud and Force have been the instruments of " onr progress to supremacy over tbo native peoples of India . In 1773 a Select Committee ofthe House of Commons having been appointed to enquire into the state of East Indian Affairs , and the conduct of the several Governors of Bengal , General _El'SCoi _*** _** _, en presenting the Committee ' s report to the House , observed " That the report contained accounts of crimes shocking to human nature ; that the most infamous designs had , been tarried into execution ly perfidy and r . _mrJer . _- " He went on to show the horrible oppression which bad been practised by Lord Clive and others : and

      charged Ms said lordship with _, taking bribes and extorting "donations" (" over and above the enormous sums hc might , with some appearance of justice , lay claim to , " ) to the amount , in English "money , of two hundred and tlurtu-foitr tlioasand 2 wunds 1 General Bukgoixe showed the wretched situation of thc East Indian princes , who held their dignities on the precarious condition of being the highest bribers . A bribe of five thousand pounds sterling was traced to a ccrtain noble Duke , and one of double that amount was said to have been pocketed by that most pious of kings— George III . Between 1759 and 1763 , Clive and his co-brigands gorged themselves with plunder tothe amount of

      nearly Six Miujoxs Sxekuxg ! Public opinion forced even the Directors to make a clean breast of the villanous misdeeds of their •" servants , " although they took care to conceal their own . In a . public document issued b y that precious fraternity , they acknowledged the " corruption , " " rapacity , and " universal depravity " cf tbeir agents ; and added : — " "We think the vast fortunes acquired in the inland trade have been obtained by the most tyrannic and oppressive conduct that was ever known in any age or country . " Ifthe princes were oppressed beyond endurance , you may form some faint idea of the wrongs of the people . Under English rule almost every article of

      sustenance was monopolised by the Company . Hice , almost thc sole food of the poor , at one time Was raised six hundred per cent . The consequence Was , that the unhappy natives perished by famine to the number of thousands' Such famines have repeatedly occurred since the foundations of " our Indian Empire " were laid . One occurred only ten years ago , in 1835-39 . The Company ' s salt monopoly , existing to the present day , is an atrocity which cannot be too severely denounced , but which I have not space to more than allude to . The grinding land tax is another frightful evil , and the . principal cause ofthe retrogression of agriculture . Other monopolies and

      exactions combine to crush the natives to the dust , and mako them curse the very name of Englishman . India possesses immense , perhaps unequalled natural advantages : a soil of wondrous fertility , producing sometimes three , and even four crops in the year ; mighty rivers rich mines ; a land _producing almost every necessary and every luxury that coulu be named . Yet in such a country , under British Christian rule , the inhabitants have perished to the number of thousands , and tens of thousands , by famine , and pestilence engendered b y famine . The _Xnglish found India covered with temples , tanks , and aqueducts , and rich to overflowing in accumulated wealth , and the choicest manufactures in

      gold , steel , ivory , muslin , & c ., & c . Under British rule one-third of the country , formerl y cultivated , las become a jungle , the home of prowling tigers _IThe tanks and aqueducts are fallen to decay . If lhe temp les still retain the shadow of their former magnificence , it is because the priests—like their " ¦ ' caste * " nearer home—look sharp afterr _jznbcr one . 3 Che manufacturing workmen oi India have been ruined and starved to death by the competition of the manufacturing slaves of this country . How can an Englishman reply to the taunt of MicirciJEr : — ' "What have you done with India , one ofthe finest empires thc sun has seen ? It has withered m your

      lands . Tou remain exterior to it ; you are apara ate bod * - taut will be cast of to-morrow . You found that marvellous country provided with commerce and agriculture . Tet what now remains to be exported , except opium f" . ,, Brother Proletarians , wbat have you gamed by the conquests , the plunderings , the famines , the massacres , which make np the history of " Our Indian Empire ? " Alas , that I should have to write _X—nolhing Ut Infamy ! You are more unfortunate _taan the helots of Sparta , the serfs of Poland , and _^ e pariahs of ( ancient ) India . In aB those _counw _-es , none but a free or nobler class was permitted t 0 bear arms in defence of , or for the _aggrandise-** -etit of the state . If helots , serfs , and _panafes ,

      Letters To The Working Classes. Xxxviii....

      were not permitted to share the rewards Of fi ghting , they were at any rate spared the hard knocks of war . But you , from your own ranks , man the armies and navies of the British Empire to gather spoil for others . In conquering and plunderinoother nations you share the infamy of yonr masters but that is all your share . I beg pardon , I had almost forgot one benefit you derive from wars of aggression—increased taxation . Tou never win "laurels , " but you have to pay dear for them Take my advice , and for tte future ( unless you take up arms for instead of against the oppressed , ) eschew laurels , and stick to the _cultfy-ation of

      irJun _rlT _, ! - T _?^* T _?? CXttl _^ 0 n in _™ _VXuTe ff V , . ° , _mtl # the ambitious and avaricious lusts \ l a _« l . a"stocrats a _« d adventurers . Thc war _™ m _£ 1 . _* w uttCTl y _TO _pwwoked by the people of that country . An able and popular ruler was torn from his throne , and for some years kept a prisoner in the hands of the British , who imposed upon the Af ghans a human lump of infamy l T . Pretext that he was " legitimate ; " but tne objeet reall y sought was the division and demoralisation of the Af ghans , with the view of founding on their weakness a further extension of " Our Indian Empire . For a time Shah Soojah was kept on his throne b y British bayonets . His profligacy , bis unpopularity , aud the fact that he was

      kept on his throne only by British force , was confessed by that " good old" "Church and King " paper , the Standard of September Oth , 1840 , as Follows : — The profligate old puppet who , by the mere force of Bri tish bayonets , now occupies the throne of Cabool , daily grows more unpopular . " But this came to an end , British brutality and insolence put the finishing stroke to the patience of the Anghans . They rose against their oppressors . They slew the wretched tool who had been imposed upon them as ruler and "tyrant of their eountry . They made as little ceremony with " Her Majesty ' s ( most haughty ) representative . " They drove the British from their capital , and as the retreating armv fled , the red right arm of _vengeance followed

      on their track , sweeping them to destruction , until there was scarcel y one left to tell the horrid tale . The subsequent invasion of Aft ghanistan was undertaken to " avenge the insult inflicted on the flag of England . The British took their revenge not merely by combatting and slaying men in arms , but also by butchering the unarmed and defenceless , not excepting women and children . Blazing cities , and fertile fields turned to desolation , attested the triumphs of the British " avengers . " The plunder they were unable to carry away they ruthlessly committed to the flames . Brother Proletarians , that is the kind of " glory" you share , as supposed participators in the ownership of " Our Indian Empire . "'

      VVhen the first war with the Sikhs took place our "best possible instructors , " of course threw all the blame upon " tbe enemy . " But when were the weakest in the rig ht ? I will not recount the hideous tales of battle and slaughter which ended in the merciless destruction ofthe Sikhs b y British artillery , when beaten and fl ying they were attempting to recross the Sutlej . It was formerl y an English boast that "Britons onl y conquered to save ; " aud that the moment an enemy was beaten he was sure of thc mercy of bis magnanimous English victor . The waters of the Sutlej turned crimson with the blood , and choked in their course with the mangled bodies of the slaughtered Sikhs , told another sort of taleI

      How the war which is now raging came about it is unnecessary for me to attempt to explain . Set down anything you may see in the Times or other daily papers respecting the " perfidy of the Sikhs " as so much bosh . The English have no right to be in the Punjaub ; the natives naturally regard them as oppressors ; and it has ever been understood that a nation contending against oppression is justified in employing craft ( commonly called " policy" ) as well as force . The short and the long of the story of how and why the present war commenced is , that the Sikhs hate " us , ' and are determined to drive " us back again over the Sutlej , if they can . Hitherto the war has progressed doubtfully . It is true the city of Mooltan has been captured by " our victorious arms . " Here are a few ofthe glorious items connected with the siege of that city

      :--On the 30 th of December the grandest occurrence ofthe siege took place—the l * lo _** -ii _*** up of the principal magazine in Mooltan . The explosion was terrific . Extract from a letter written on New Year ' s Day , nine a . m . —Several beautiful shots have been fired . Eleven a . m . Our guns are telling splendidly upon the fort . Two p . m . The firs in the granaries is still raging ; the mosques and tombs are _falUn" beneath our fire . Five p . m . Our breach is fast increasing . The officers are working like horses . 300 men were lolled by the explosion of the magazine . Jan . 3 rd This morning the plunder is being _coUected . A writer describing the state of Mooltan after the capture ofthe to to , says : —

      The frightful spectacles presented by the piles of dead scattered about through the town — tiie shivered limbs and mangled bodies which our shells had occasioned , and the ghastly wounds ofsome still survivhig—were awful to behold . " Glorious , " is it not ? " Think how the joys of reading a gazette , Are purchased by all agonies and _ei'hnQS And if these do not move you , don't forget Such doom may be your own in after times . " So much for " _fflory . " On the other hand , there has been something like " monkey ' s allowance " gained by " our gallant troops" on the banks of the Jhelum—of course the British claimed the " victory . " But , " it is the universal opinion , " says the Bombay Telegraph , ¦ ' that two more such victories would be virtual ruin . "

      And no wonder that such is the " universal opinion" when the facts ofthe fight are taken into account . The British confess to the loss of nearl y a hundred officers and two thousand five hundred men killed and wounded ; four guns , and six regimental colours . At the close of the battle the Sikhs fired a salute as though claiming the victory ; and theb" claim appears io lave been well-founded , seeing that the British fell back four miles from the scene of slaughter , leaving a number of their wounded on the field of battle , and the few Sikh guns wliich thoy had spiked but coidd not retain possession of . AVorse still for ' the honour of our arms "; in the midst of the fight a Bengal cavalry regiment , and two British corps of Dragoons , turned their backs and fled from "thc enemy . Like the Russians at the siege of Ismail : — " They ran away much rather than go through Destruction ' s jaws into the devil's den . "

      Small blame to them . The English dragoons were probably not thinking of Tiberius Gbacches , wben they turned tail , but it is not unlikely that at that moment the melancholy truth he enunciated , and which I have placed at the head of this letter , flashed upon their minds , and had something to do with inspiring their resolve to " advance backwards . " Tlie Bengal cavalry I suppose to be composed of natives of India . Pour-fifths of the entire Anglo-Indian army consist of Sepoys , that is native troops , hired and trained to fig ht against their own countrymen , or neighbouring peoples who share , more 6 r less , their ancient customs , institutions , Ae . Just as in this country Englishmen arc trained and paid

      " That daily shilling which makes warriors tough , " to kill , if ordered , their own parents , brothers , and friends , and the people of neighbouring states , who , separated merely by a big ditch , Nature proclaims our brethren ( much more our brethren than many who are our countrymen ) . If the sepoys are not utterly devoid of common sense , they must sometimes ask themselves why they should cut the throats of Sikhs , Affghans , Burmese , & c , for the benefit only of their own conquerors— thc English oppressors of India . That is uot ah . The sepoys are physically not a match for such hard-hitting fellows as the Sikhs , and , therefore , often come off " second best , " a matter of no joke where those who fall seldom

      rise again , being usually " deaf to time . Tbe matter for wonder is not that they sometimes retreat , but tbat they ever advance to fight for their iwt " verv worthy and approved good masters . " But if black and white horsemen fled , tbe infantry stood their ground , and , the newspapers say , won _"imperishable laurels . " Of the 24 th regiment ( Imperial English Infantry ) there were 11 European omcers , 4 sergeants , 1 drummer , 188 rank and file , 2 Jiorses killed ; 10 European officers , S sergeants , 2 _di-ummers , 256 rank and file , wounded ; 38 rank and file , missing . Total , killed , wounded , and missing : —518 . One regiment only ! But the horribly slain ( to say nothing- of the frighfully wounded ) have won " imperishable laurels ! ' - '

      " Tain sophistry ! In them behold the tools , — The broken tools—that tyrants cast away !" A few more words . Sir Charles 3 f apibb has been appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Indian forces * , tbe Government , tbe Parliament , and the Press combining to represent him as the best-fitted of all " our" fi ghting men to finish the war . According _; to the Times tbe urror of his name ( think of that !) is one of his chief qualifications . Tet these veritable " terrorists" cry " Down with the bonnet rouge ; it it an emblem of terror ! " I see . " Terror is terrible if employed against the people ' s enemies ; hut " terror" is glorious , if employed by our Chrisnan lords and masters to uphold and extend " our Indian Empire . " O , _Bbama : Why _tai-ry the wheels of tby chariot ? When will thy tenth ' Avatar " come ?

      I could wish to write much more on this subject , but forthe present I conclude . The foreign news of the weekis very important , but want of snace compels me to defer comment until next week . I will merely direct your special attention to the trial of the Bepublican chiefs at Bourges . Barbbs and his brother-heroes are at this moment doing , daring , and suffering for mankind , that which entitles them to your gratitude , and commands the hearthomage of L'AMI DU PEUPLE . March 15 th , 1810 ,

      ≪&,Mi&T Mt\\Imti&

      <& , Mi & t mt \\ iMti &

      Jftatrosar, Charter Association.—The Exe...

      JftATrosAr _, Charter Association . —The Executive Comm ittee met at 144 , Hig h Holborn , on Friday evening , March 9 th . Mr . Dixon in the chair . Present—Messrs . Stallwood , Dixon , Clark , and AI ( -rath . Several letters were read , giving a pleasing account of Mr . Kydd ' s tour in the Manchester district , —Ml * . Jamos Grassby was , by a unanimous vote , added to the Executive Committee , and Mr . William Dixon , at the request of the men of Ashford , Kent , was deputed to go down to that town to deliver two lectures , in support ofthe Charter . Revival of the Metropolitan Council . —On the motion of Messrs . M'Grath and Clark , it was resolved : — " That the Executive Committee consider that the organisation of the Metropolitan Delegate Council would tend to the advancement of the

      Democratic cause , the committee therefore request the metropolitan localities forthwith to elect two delegates to form the council , and thatthe first meeting should take place at thc Executive rooms , on Monday evening , March 19 th , at eight o ' clock precisely . " Mr . Clark reported the petition for the " People ' s Charter , " which was ordered to appear in tho Northern Star of the 17 th inst ., and which it is hoped will be adopted by every parish , hamlet , township , borough , and county in the united kingdom . The Secretary stated tliat in an interview with Mr . George Thompson , the member for the Tower Hamlets , tliat gentleman had promised to present their petition , adopted at

      Johnstreet tor separation of Church and State ,, and to support its prayer . It was resolved to hold a series of meetings at the South London Hall , in furtherance of the Chartist cause , and the committee adjourned . _WKSTMiNSTKR . —Mr . M'Grath delivered a very interesting lecture , illustrated by diagrams , on thc science of astronomy , on Sunday evening last , at the room , 17 , Ryder ' s-court , Leicester-square , which gave general satisfaction . At thc conclusion it was announced that Mr . T . Clark would lecture on the 18 th inst ., on the Life of Mary Queen of Scots , and on the following Sunday on the Life and Times of Charles the First .

      Sheffield . —The members held their quarterly meeting in the Democratic Readme * Room , 33 , Queen-street , on Tuesday evening , when the quarterl y accounts were read and passed , and thc following officers nominated for the next three months : S . Jackson , Geo . Holmshaw , W . Cavill , W . Dvson , J . Tayler , J . Mitchel , P . Golden , C . Booker , W . Buckley , H . Tayler , Financial Secretary ; G . Cavill , Corresponding Secretary . Persons wishing to correspond with the Sheffield Chartists , must direct to G . Cavill , as above . It was also resolved that Mr . Thomas Cooper be invited to visit Sheffield , and deliver a lecture on behalf ofthe victims .

      LECTURE AT THE PEOPLE'S INSTITUTE . ( From the Manchester Spectator . ) On Tuesday week Mr . S . Kydd delivered a lecture at the People ' s Institute , Mr . Wheeler in the chair , on " Labour and Commerce , Supply and Demand , the Ten Hours Bill—its principle and results . " The lecturer began by observing that the history and progress of the working classes of this country , during the last generation or two , was one of the most important in tbe annals of tbe world . We heard now a-days of countries being revolutionised hastily and unexpectedly ; and many writers and speakers , as well as the press , seemed to suppose that England had remained stationary while these countries had changed . But a brief review of

      the history of this country during the last sixty years , would show that we also had been revolutionised , and not less immediately affected than any other people on the face of the globe . Seventy years ago England was chiefly dependant on agricultural resources . It is true her manufactures were considerable , and , perhaps , of as valuable a kind as those of 1849 ; but looking at England as it was then and an it is now , and remembering that seventy years ago she exported corn and imported foreign manufactures to a considerable extent , and now Knowing that , as a nation , we pride and plume ourselves on the success of the arts and sciences ,

      and on the hig h state of our manufacturing skill , we cannot help coming to the conclusion that we , as a people , have been effectually and materially revolutionised . At tbe first mentioned period the manufactures of England were spread over the length and breadth of the land . Evidence of this was seen in all the old agricultur . il towns ; and the extent of the agricultural and manufacturing operations of each county bore some relation to their individual wants . Machinery has changed all that . Tlie spinning and weaving frame , the self-acting mule , and the steam-engine have completely revolutionised the old system of domestic manufactures , which have become centralised in a number of towns

      and districts . Manchester being the most important of tbese towns , and Lancashire and Yorkshire of these districts . This aggregation of masses of individuals had called the attention ofthe legislature to these districts , the wealth of which had rapidly increased . The revolution in the manufacturing operations of the country having separated them from the agricultural districts , the former had increased in population rapidly , and this population had been concentrated within a comparatively limited space ; while the agricultural districts continued thinly populated , and their population was scattered over a larger surface . The lecturer read the advertisement inserted in a Macclesfield paper in 1825 , wanting 5 , 000 persons from seven to twenty

      years of age , to enable the silk manufacturers to conduct their operations . This letter was referred to by Mi * . _Huskission in his speech hi the House of Commons . This was one of those facts which were valuable ; as affording us the means of understanding what we had to complain of , and what was sometunes called " surplus population . " Between 1811 and 1841 , the commercial and manufacturing population had increased 49 * - per cent ., while , during the same time , the number of men employed in agriculture had decreased 2 S 7 , 000 . The statements m Mr . HUSklSSOn ' s speeoh were indicative ofihe very year in which we now live . It shows that the regular system ofthe manufacturing system was to draft off the people from the agricultural districts . These

      same years have also changed the internal relationship as between the agricultural and manufacturing population , in nearly all the states of Europe , as well as in the North American states . English machinery goes into all those states , and English workmen with that machinery . That revolution had g iven an undue influence to capital over labour , while the competition of foreign markets had increased , the result of wliich was that the foreign manufacturers , like tho English , were desirous of keeping the market by cheapening labour . This , of course , was the reason why they preferred long hours in factories , and also the labour of women and young persons to that of male adults . Tlie

      struggles on the part of the manufacturing population for the Ten Hours Bill , were only a declaration on the part ofthe factory operatives , that they were slaves , bound body and soul - they ealled on the legislature to protect their wives and children from the growing tyranny of the capitalist . The employment of women and children in factories was a disturbance of the relation between father and child . The reports of the factory inspectors show that the whole theory and practice ofthe system of employing women and children was to reduce the value of adult labour , by bringing against it . that cheaper labour . Mr . J . G . Marshall , manufacturer of Leeds , had admitted the fact before a committee of the Ilouse of Commons . Tlie lecturer then

      showed the comparatively small number of adult males employed in mills , as compared with women and children in England and Scotland . The obvious tendency ofthe " cheapening" theory was to centralise all the work into the hands of a few largo capitalists , out ofthe hands of the small capitalists . In 1837 , the declared value ofthe cotton goods exported was only one-third ofwhat it was in 1814 ; so that it took three times the quantity to bring the same amount of money . The difference of price between the two values was 36-V millions sterling ; and we virtually made a present of that sum to foreign countries . It was this state of things whioh induced factory operatives to demand the Ten Hours BUI . Because , as they say , " We are worked

      to death in the good trade time , and then wc are starved to death in the bad trade time . " ( Hear , hear . ) And it was natural that some protection should be afforded to the children , if they were to have any comfort or happ iness . The factory operatives did not expect to have wealth or even to make a competency , by shorter time ; but he did expect to be able to realise somewhat more ofthe social influences , and to cultivate the domestic ties . And if the young ought to be protected , whynoi the adults as well ? ( Hear . ) Because , said the Morn ing Chronicle , the adults can protect themselves , while the children cannot . But a calm

      examination ofthe condition of tho factory operative would show that he was in the same condition as the children . It was an admirable thing to tell tlie working classes , that they should be free and independent—free to work or to be idle , just as they p leased . But they all knew that a man could not live without work ; and that , in an artificial state of societv , a man had no alternative but to workfor the supply of his and his family ' s wants . After descanting upon some other topics , Mr . Kydd concluded amidst the cheers of his audience . A vote of thanks was given to the lecturer , and shortly afterwards thc meeting broke up .

      Promulgation Or A Nbw Constitution.—Dis....

      Promulgation or a Nbw Constitution . —Dis . solution of the _Kremsier . Diet . —The Austrian Emperor has imitated the King of Prussia . On the 7 th inst , decrees were published at Vienna , _announcing a new constitution , and the dissolution of tfae National Assembly at Kremsier . The new _constitution , nominally ' liberal , ' will be found to be ' a moekerv , a delusion , and a snare . ' Several mem bers of the late Assembly have been arrested . Terror still reigns in Vienna ;

      To Tlffi Chartists. (Concluded From The ...

      TO Tlffi _CHARTISTS . ( Concluded from the First Page . ) . _7 heu * ae " Northern Star" was a _provincial paper , I baa correspondents in nearly every large town in England , who were also agents for the sale of the " Star , " audwho received fr om fifteen to _twonty-five shillings aweek for communicating libels and rubbish . Ibe great majority—or nearl y all—of those gentlemen ran in my debt from 51 . to 30 / . each , and when the account was sent in , tho answer was , that it was incurred to uphold my dignity and to support the Chartist movement in its proper position .

      So much for editorial magniloquence and irresponsibility—for agents' di gnity and my responsibility . And now to a more important part of the subject . As you are perfectl y aware , I have always set my face against mixing up any other question with that of the Charter , and from the letters that I publish—and especially from that of - ¦ L'Ami du Peuple "—you will at once discover that- —gloss it over as tbey may—a , most insidious attempt has been made to mix up the questions of Republicanism and Forei gn Policy with that of tbe Charter , and , therefore , it is not an adopted principle of minebut one that I have

      system-, aticall y persevered in to prevent either interested , rash , or enthusiastic parties from damaging THE QUESTION by encumbering it with other questions . I know , and no man knows better , from dear bought experience , how difficult it is to keep a large political party together , unless the leader of that party is prepared with some temporary juggle to fascinate the otherwise flagging mind ofthe movement party , and that is tho chief , thc only , credit to which I lay claim . I have kept the one subject clearly and distinctly before you—unmixed , unmutilated , and without compromise .

      Now , let me remind you of the position of other leaders of large and influential parties . There breathes not a more honest , a more zealous , devoted , or energetic advocate of his own princip les than Robert Owen . He is a man of Avhom posterity will write without prejudice or jealousy . He has bearded an amount of prejudice that few men would have had the courage to contend against ; and yet when the idleness of some , the rapacity of others , and tbe hope of gain of others caused the failure of his social plan at Harmony , he was not , like Acteon , devoured b y his own dogs , but , like

      many a good man , he was banished b y tbe growling of bloodhounds , wishing to make merchandise of his system , from the land of his birth . But , thanks to sound English opinion , wben tbe power of hie tormentors perished , through their own iniquity , he returned to his native shores . Although a great admirer of the indomitable courage and persevering energy of this great and good man , I never would allow the Chartist party to blend the question of Socialism with Chartism , because the Socialists themselves bad mixed the social with tbe religious question , and I feared

      that the adoption of the one might taint our cause with the prejudice of the other . My courage in advocating Chartist principles is as nothing compared with the courage of Robert Owen . He was before his time ; I was of my timo , and Hunt and others had partiall y cleared the road for me : while he was his own p ioneer and the herald , at least to the English mind , of his own repugnant doctrines . I shall now turn for a moment to tbe past , and to a proud reminiscence and reconsideration of my association with the English labourers ; and I ask them—not the poor gentlemen , but the veritable workers—to point out a

      sentence , line , or word , in my letter of the 3 rd of March which is repugnant to or at variance with any sentiment I have ever expressed , or any op inion I bave ever published . And I ask them to reflect upon the difficulties—nay , the dangers , against which I had to contend , from the Convention of 1839 to the present moment ; and then to point out one single act of inconsistency , notwithstanding the manifold inducements operating upon public men . When I say from 1839 , I would not confine criticism within that period , I ivould extend it to the whole of life , but as that embraces tbe period within all men ' s recollection

      I mention it . I have often told you how easy it was to ticklo tlio fervid imagination of bravo and suffering millions with exciting appeals , which may drive the feeling , the enthusiastic , and brave to face death in any shape , while tho _oxcitor may shelter himself under tho mantle of irresponsibility , and smile at the woe that he has created . What would you say of me , even you—you brave Republicans of

      Nottingham—if I appeared before an enthusiastic and excited audience in a garb descriptive of nationality and valour , and said , " AVlien you soo mo noxt I Avill como to proclaim the Charter , or this national badge shall be saturated with the blood of the martyr . " And wbat would you say if I did not make my appearance before the same audience , although the Charter was not proclaimed—although blood was not shed in tho struggle to achieve it .

      What would you say to me now , if , in 1839 , I had appeared before you witb the Cap of Liberty , and declared tbat I was read y to tuck up my sleeves and go at it , and if , when the struggle came , I was non est inventus ? W hat would you say , if , during the Lancaster trials , when rampant Toryism and Whiggism looked for a large Chartist sacrifice , I had turned a puling spooney , with my face bathed in tears , lest I should suffer the penalty consequent upon my struggle for freedom ?

      What would you say , if , upon the 9 th of April—when I was assured b y scores that I was to bo shot upon the 10 th , —I had called a secret meeting of delegates , and if I had proposed to that meeting that the meeting on Kennington Common should not take p lace ? Oh , in such a case , how poor and p itiful are tbe strictures now written by enthusiastic Democrats , compared to what their denunciation , their just -reviling , and reproach would then have been . The fact is , Chartists ,

      "A little learning is a dangerous thing ;" but a good understanding , with unshaken confidence , is a powerful auxiliary . I have never deceived you , I never will deceive you . The suffering ' s of my famil y are a guarantee for my honour , if seventeen years' experience , of close watching , and malicious and interested criticism , are not sufficient , And now , mark me , the mild man wedded to principle is like tbe lion when roused , while the exciting writer is like the timid haro when called into action , to which hia own My may drive an enthusi astic people .

      There never lived a man who has suffered so much in the advocacy of a popular cause as I have . I have done so because it is my own cause . You consi gned HENKY HUNT to a premature grave by your ingratitude ; younever shall inflict the same punishment upon me ; because thoug h all should desert the standard of Chartism , I will steadfastl y adhere to its p rinci ples . M y Nottingham friends threaten me with g iving up the " Star" if so much foreign matter is excludedfrom it . My answer to thispaltry threat is , GIVE UP THE "STAB , " as I would

      rather that the "Star" published and proclaimed my own opinions with only one reader , than that its circulation should be a million , if it depended upon my sycophancy and their servilit y . It has been my pride that for some years the " Star" has been free from all squabbles ; it ia my determination that it shall remain so . In the House of Commons I voted that the prisoner , instead of the Crown , should have the last word . You have now had my accusers' indictmonts—not ono , but throe—you havo had the prisoner ' s defence , and there the matter shall end , beseeching of you not even to

      To Tlffi Chartists. (Concluded From The ...

      discuss any question which may lead to local irritation and national dissent . In conclusion , 1 implore of you to read the one striking extract which I have selected from tho Tower Hamlets' indictment , and also Mr . _DvxcQWE _' s letter , and then read my notions of the proper form of G _ovowimeiit , which follows this letter ; and ask y ourselves , without prejudice , whether I have been , and still am , a consistent advocato of your principles , or whether I am likely to be guiltv of

      TETJCULENCY TO THE BRITISH MINISTER Veritable Chartists I Watch me— _-judgsme —displace me—and appoint a leader more congenial to your feelings , if you arc dissatisfied with me ; but neither tlneai , insolence , nor ingratitude shall ever compel or induce me to surrender my own principles to the caprice of others . I am , and while life continues will remain , Your faithful , true , _aiid uncompromising Friend aud Representative , Feakgus O'Connor . P . S . —Considering the length that this letter has run to , aud thc amount of business that I have been obliged to perform this week , it must furnish a sufficient apology for the absence of Leaders in the present number . Next week I will make up for it . —F . O'C .

      Form Of Government. Representative Syste...

      FORM OF GOVERNMENT . REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM . Every man , of twenty-one years of age , of sane mind , and untainted with crime , to have a vote . Tlie kingdom to be divided into not more than four hundred electoral districts ; eacli district to elect one representative . Two representatives , returned by the same district , may even with the protection of the ballot , cause an injurious coalition , while the election of one would represent the majority of the people . Voting to be by ballot . Elections to be annual . The representatives to sit by day . No canvass of any kind to be allowed previous to an election . The elections to be taken in one day in places sufficiently convenient for tlie voters to go to vote

      , and return , in two hours . The candidates to send their written intentions , of offering themselves for election to the electoral district returning officer , ten clear days , at the least , before the day of nomination , and no candidate to address the electrol except on the day of nomination , and anyproved canvass ofthe electors , to disqualif y a candidate from offering himself . Tliat all candidates must have attained the age of twenty-five years , which shall be tlieir only qualification . That tho members shall be paid for their services . This , in our language , I will call tho House of Commons , consisting of members of not less than twenty-five years of ago , and elected by a majority of the voters in each district . The next branch of the Legislature is tlie Upper Ilouse , which I will call the

      HOUSE OF ELDERS , or the Senate , if you please . Tho Senate to consist of not more than one hundred and fifty members , and , in the first instance , to be elected by the House of Commons by delegation from their constituents , who , at the election for representatives to the House of Commons , should also vote in the first instance for Senators . The one hundred and fifty having the greatest number of votes to constitute that assembly . Every Senator to have attained liis thirtieth year , and that to be his only qualification . One-third of thc Senators—those who have the lowest number of votes—to retire each year , thus adding new blood to the Senate , no Senator being allowed to sit for more than three years , and the third being elected annually—thc retiring Senators to be eligible torc-eleetion .

      THE EXECUTIVE . The Executive to consist of a council of five . All persons of thirty years of age to be eligible . The Executive Council to be elected by the whole people . The President of tho Council to be elected for life , subject to removal by the people . The Councillor having the greatest number of votes to be tlie President . Tho Vice-President to be elected for seven years , but removable by the people for cause . The Vice-president , in case ofthe deatli ofthe President , to hold the office of President until the next meeting of the Commons , when the members , by delegation from their constituents , shall elect a President . The other throe Councillors to be elected for three years , but removable by the people for

      cauee . Those three members of thc Executive Council to he eligible to be re-elected , and their election to be made by thc House of Commons , by delegation from the voters . The appointment of judges and all officers of State to be left tothe Executive Council , with responsibility to the people , and removable b y the House of Commons . The magistrates to lie appointed by the people in tlieir several districts within the electoral districts , and , at the same time that the election for representatives takes place , and clue notice of the intention to oppose the election of any magistrate , or to propose substitutes , must be made in writing to the district officer fourteen days , at least , before the election .

      LOCAL 00 VEP . XMENT . Each Electoral District to appoint twelve Justices of the Peace who shall constitute a local board for thc due performance of all local business , thus destroying that system of centralisation which has grown up in this and other countries , and leaving the assessment and levying of local taxation as well as the enforcement of education , of instruction , trade , nnd labour regulations , to bo legislated upon by this local board ol twelve magistrates . And one half of this tribunal , added to six persons annually

      appointed , to constitute the legal tribunal before whicli offenders charged with tlie following OffcncCB should be summarily tried ;—Theft , willing _idlenesSjdrunkenness _, and riotous conduct or fraud . Now , such is a brief outline of my notion of a constitution ; and there arc two points which require some explanation , —the one is—the appointment of the President for life , —and the other isthc conferring upon the Executive Council the power of appointing Judges and State officers . My reason for appointing the President of the Executive Council for life is twofold .

      Firstly . To avoid those sad demoralising and injurious contests which now lead to faction fights and popular disorders in America , where tlie President is elected for four years—two years of which arc wasted in canvass , which leads to the formation of factions and parties merely bound together by some ignorant cry or foolish predilection , while thc subsequent two years are spent in faction fights and party squabbles between the partisans of tlie successful and unsuccessful candidates , and thus do we find every day in the year devoted to these useless purposes . And , in my conscience , I believe that this injudicious method of electing an American President will in the end lead to a National Debt—a

      standing army—a moucyocracy—an oligarchy and class-legislation . I would , therefore , make the President free hy electing him for life , but removable on cause ; tlius unfettering him from all party obligations and fears , and allowing him to dcvelopo his mind , his talent , and his feelings , unshackled by any party consideration , while the ambition of the Vice-President and Councillors to fill bis place upon fair o portunity , would lead to honourable emulation and ambition in the discharge of their duties , while his tenancy for life would secure piim against their intrigues , and cause perfect harmony to reign , as a shrewd people would never tolerate those party squabbles or allow thorn to affect tho deliberations of their Executive Council . '

      The other point which you may suppose to require some explanation , is thc appointment of Judges and State officers by the Executive Council . The very same reason operates upon my mmA in this respect whicli induces mo to oppose the present system of electing the American President . Tho appointment of those officers b y the Council may be looked upon as patronage , but it is more safe , as both the officers , and thc party appointing them , arc responsible to the people , and removable by the people , than if tho people themselves wore seduced into'party squabbles upon subjects on which they could not possibl y be as good or competent judges as those to whom I submit thc choice . Such is mv notion of a nerfect Constitution—of

      course , capable of improvement in the varied details of perfect local government—but I merel y propound the system that would lead to it . The Ministers of thc people should be elected by tho House of Commons . They should sit in the House and propound and advocate their uieascres ; but neither tbey , nor any official receiving other wages than the salary of a representative , should vote upon any question . There should be no standing army but a _JVational Militia ; every man should be armed , and evcry district should have its arsenal , - every man , from eighteen to thirty , should be drilled half a day in every week ; and every man , from thirty to fifty , should be drilled half a day in every month ; and there should be an Electoral District inspection upon

      one day in every year . Religion should be free . There should be no State Church establishment : and no country should possess or hold dominion over any foreign country or in any colony separated from thc territory by prescribed or natural boundary . Every three years I would have a Convocation of States , where the President of each Republic should meet in Convention , for tho purposo of discussing international laws , of harmonising nations , and of reciprocally conferring mutual benefits the one upon the other , and I would have some ono universal langvage which all peop lo in all States should learn . Trade should be free as the air . The Land should be subdivided to meet the wants of tho people ; the wages of the artificial labourer would bo then regulated by the standard established in a frco labour market : the manacles should be struck off the

      Form Of Government. Representative Syste...

      l-Anbs of every save ; the libertv of the press * , the i _«™ y *? i 8 pccc , V th « dom of opinion , and freedom ot labour , should be proclaimed * even * nation should govern itself ; your fleets would bo ' turned into carrying vessels , to convey the necessaries of ono country , and to bring back the luxuries of another ; those who discharged their public duties laithiully , should be paid honouniWv gaols , and festiles , and prisons , should oo turned into schools , colleges , and hospitals ; trades should be taught without apprenticeshi p ; agriculture should be taught hy practice ; education should be received ift schools and colleges upon the solf-sustainin n principle ; tho arts and sciences would flourish ; the country would be a Paradise ; society would be harmonised ; happiness , contentment , and plenty would reign ; the throne of

      supremacy would he based _xtpm popular affection ; the cottage would boa sentry-bra ; manufactures would Bearish ; trado would bo _wosperous * commerce would thrive ; no National J > ebt should be contrasted ; the medium o f exchange should be simple ; plenty , comfort , and luxury wonld he within the reach of every industrious m . _* vi * _- and tlie willing idler should be whipped as a _crSniiial . No money _hartcriag , no Stock _Uxcliage , no > profitniongcring , except upon honourable _competition , and recognised speculation ; and then , if the toeshi sounded to arms , the freeman would fly to tbe cry of "My castle is in danger . " The voice of Knowledge would silence the cannon ' s roar ; bi gotry and intolerance would flee the land ; all the best qualities of man would be nurtured into virtuous habits , instead of , as now , being thwarted into vices . Snch is a _svstoni worth living for , and worth dying for .

      The National Kegistkation And Election C...

      THE NATIONAL KEGISTKATION AND ELECTION COMMITTEE , TO TIIE _ELECTORS AND NON-ELEC * TORS OP THE UNITED KINGDOM , _Eiuends —When wo take a retrospective glance at tho startling and eventful scenes that have taken place since we last addressed you , wc find , on looking abroad , that thrones , mitres , and crowns have crumbled and disappeared ; that kings , tyrants , and despots have tottered and fallen ; and that the ri ghts of man have been _recogjiised—as Universal , or rather Manhood , Suflkige is now the law in several of the continental states . But when

      we look at homo wo ask , "What has been done to advance the great cause of universal liberty and the happiness of the human family ? " Certainl y , during the Spring and Summer of last year , we had much frothy excitement ; more talk than discretion ; much noise , but no apparent progress : on tbe contrary , the results have been Gagging Bills-Whig prosecutions—good and brave patriots doomed by rampant ; tyranny to dungeons aud to eaile—the toiling masses sunk into death-like torpidity—the chain that binds thorn more closely rivetted , and the dominant factions seated more firml y in power .

      That the above is merely a faint outline of the present deplorable position ' of this great and mighty empire is , alas I too * true , and tho question arises , " How can this monstrous system bo changed and the accumulation Oi wrong and injustice be removed will noise , clamour , confusion , and boasting avail ? " We emphaticall y answer " No . " The object , therefore , we have in view , in now addressing you , is to recommend to your serious attention what we consider to be the onl y practical , legitimate , andeflectivo mode to ameliorate the condition and effect tho regeneration of the body politic .

      Every onc must be cognisant of tbe fact , that the ilouse of Commons , as at _present constituted , is a most corrupt assembly ,, and , consequently , that no good can be _e-xpeeted from it until it is reformed . We , therefore , recommend you to elect and send into that House some forty or fifty consistent , discreet , incorruptible , and hig h-minded men , _whoj . banded together , will , with untiring assiduity , undaunted energy , aud indomitable spirit , expose the wrongs , and demand the rights of the oppressed and despised classes .

      To you , the trading class , the distributors of wealth , you who form the great majority of tbe electoral body , we appeal , to aid in this important enterprise , because in your hands are placed the destinies of millions ; because you have tbo power to destroy the present iniquitous system , aud establish one on a just and secure basis . We are aware that many of you despise and treat with contempt the industrious classes , aud that you cling to the aristocracy . To such , we say , be wise in time , for rest assured , that unless you assist in casting off this incubus , this common enemy , they ( the

      aristocracy ) will crush you . There are others among you , who , we are convinced , sympathise with and deplore tbe miseries of their poorer brethren ; and that there are many who through bad trado , high rents , heavy rates and taxes , have just cause to complain of tho burthens that are pressing them down ; we are aware that many of you seo ruin to be inevitable ; you see that b y your vote and influence you are supporting a state of society with pomp , splendour , and extravagance on the one band , and squalid misery and starvation on the other . You must

      be disgusted with the nefarious system , and feel ashamed that you have allowed yourselves so long to be tho subservient tools of tho aristocracy and the blind devotees ofwhat is called Rank ; and yet you have not had the manl y courage , the firm determination , to say such a state of things shall no longer continue . Wo now call on you to come boldl y forward and prove your sincerity . If you desire to save yourselves from that destruction which awaits you—if you wish to see your fellow men

      better fed and clothed , we implore you to exercise the power yeu possess for the good of your common country . A general Election may soon arrive , and we beg to stato that this Committee are resolved ( if supported with iunds ) to seek out such men as above described , and , where there is any prospect of success , to bring them forward and claim your suftrages in their behalf ; and , further , we sball bo obliged to thoso friends who will correspond with the Secretary , stating where such prospects may exist .

      To you , thc rate-payers , the compound householders , and lodgers , who rout premises of the clear annual value of ten pounds , wo say , send in your claims ; got the franchise , get political power , that mighty lever , whereby you can undermine aud uproot the totteriug citadel of corruption . Let there bo no delay in this great work . Now is tbe time to send in claims , and , as tho obnoxious provisions in the ratepaying clauses of the Reform Act are now modified , tbe time for paying rates being

      extended from April to October you cannot urge this as a barrier . Tho last day to scud in claim * to the overseers is Jul y 20 th . Should any of you feel disinclined to get tlio necessary forms , fill them up , & c , if you will send full particulars , that is , name and address , the nature of qualification , and thc name and address of the overseer , to Mr . James Grassby ( the secretary to this committee ) , 8 , Noah ' s Ark-court , Stangate , Lambeth ( pre-paid witb Stamp enclosed ) , he will attend to ihe same _^ and , if possible , get you on thc register .

      To you , the unenfranchised millions , wo say , do hot for onc moment imagine that you cannot assist in this work , as , on tho contrary , you can render great and efficient service by supporting those—and only thoso—who will stand by and see that justice is done to your ordor , and also by collecting funds from thoao friends who will help to carry out this laudable undertaking , aud forwarding tho aame tQ the secretary . In conclusion , wo say , let there be a cordial unanimity of sentiment , a ononess of purposo and action in this great work , and success will be the result . * . .. Claims can ho procured and friends registered at the various localities in town and

      country . Signed on behalf of the committee , Thos . S . Duncombe , M . P ., President Thos . Wakley , M . P ., vice-President Jas . _G-rassby , Secretary .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 17, 1849, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_17031849/page/5/