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Northern Star (1837-1852), 17th March 1849, Edition 3 of 3, Page 1, form of "Government is based ujlon pries...

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    • "Oneenemy can do yon more harm than a thou sand friends can do you good." — lard Barrymorc.
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      "Oneenemy Can Do Yon More Harm Than A Thou Sand Friends Can Do You Good." — Lard Barrymorc.

      "Oneenemy can do yon more harm than a thou sand friends can do you good . " — lard Barrymorc .

      To The Chartists. Mt Friends, I Always H...

      TO THE CHARTISTS . Mt _Friends , I always have , and always shall , submit my every act , connected with the cause of _Char--figm , to the most vigilant popular controlnay , if necessary , to the most malignant criticism ; as , although " one enemy can do you more harm than a thousand Mends can ao you good , " the malice ofthe enemy is sure to fell before the good sense ofthe people , as ihe peoplo " are seldom - wrong , and never very long -wrong . "

      With so much of a preface , I shall now offer a few comments upon the letter which appeared in the " Northern Star" of last week , signed by six persons , " on behalf of the Republicans of Nottingham , " and my comment --bull he free from all acrimony . _ _- _ - _* I shall take those paragraphs npon which I intend to comment from the letter . "We tell him we have not gathered our opinions fiom him , and w _31 not hold ourselves responsible to him . We tell him we do sympathise wiih the Democrats of France ; and , indeed , with suffering humanity everywhere . "

      I tell them , that I have not gathered my op inions from them , and that I will not hold _myself responsible to them , and that I , too , sympaihise _^—and really - sympathise—with the Democrats of France , and with suffering humanity everywhere ; and I tell them that the sufferings of the Democrats of France have taught me a wholesome lesson—not to trust too much in the sympathies of the living for the murdered dead . Their suffering has taught me the necessity of taking eare that the Democrats of England should not suffer an canal amount * of ' misery by an equal amount _oifco-afidaieei-l those-who create It .

      "It appeals to-tis rather strange tliat any roan professi ng the * opinions Mr . O'Connor professes should have taken offence , because we and others have thought right to celebrate the BeTolution of Fehrnai-r , and do honour to the Democrats of France and other countries . " I do not only profess , but I hold , and am wedded to the opinions that I have supported and fearlessly advocated through the whole of my life , and I defy the critics to point out one sentence , line , or word in my letter npon which they comment , reproaching , disapproving ofj or hinting at disapproval of , the celebration of the Revolution of February . It is not even hinted at in my letter .

      «• Xow , we frequently read American papers , but cannot perceive that such is the feet ; there may be a little noise irith the firee soil party , ont stfll the Americans are wedded to their institulions . " I suspect that I read more American papers , and receive more American letters , than my Notting ham friends—and , perhaps , they are not aware that there are now between two and three hundred American papers advocating the Free Soil Question , and that those p apers one and all—complain ofthe monopoly of land in America . "While my critics designate this national feeling as a " little noise , " may I not , with equal propriety and justice , characterise their criticism upon my sentiments asa "LITTLE NOISE ?"

      "But _ivhat is the nse of Mr . O'Connor blaming ns for holding ultra-democratic opinions and promu _^ ati * % them , when he tells us that there is not a " particle of difference between a Republic and aMonarchy vrith the Charter ? " If he really thinks so , his letter of last week is a mere string of words without meaning , aflight of the imagination -which conjured up a sort of bugbear in the shape of Kepublica-jism . " I have never blamed them , or any other parties , for holding nltra-Democratic principles , but what I have blamed them for is the adoption of a course which is likely to retard the accomplishment of those principles—and ,

      notwithstanding their professions ofDemocracy , I venture to assert that my principles are more Democratic than theirs . They may achieve a little convivial popularity , and a little local distinction , by the advocacy of their principles , while my advocacy of my own principles subjects me to class reproach , to legal tyranny and to individual insult . And yet I have never changed . And I repeat , that there would not be a particle of difference between a Monarchy and a Republic with the Charter ,

      as the power behind the throne would then be greater than the throne itself , as then the peo _* p le - _* o _** _dd-make and _unmake , and their every suffering , and every act of injustice to which they were subjected , would be of their own creation , and they alone would be responsible . "But he seems to be afraid of offending the middle classes ; we be £ to remind him that the middle classes are always odiiad on the march for reform . "When we have advanced a little farther they will hecome Chartists , and wiU carry the Charter as they recently carried Corn law Repeal . ''

      My dread of the middle classes is manifest in my continuous opposition to that class , while to the subserviency of a large portion of the industrious class to the middle class , is p opular suhering to be attributed . I have never in my life pandered to the middle classes , nor have I " ever gone an inch with them except In the road of patronage-destroying retrenchment : and I should like to know what the

      feeling of my friends and constituents would have been , if my name had been found in the list ofthe majority who voted for keeping up taxation to the patronage-point , instead of in the list of the minority that voted for its reduction ? And I must remind my friends , who boast of bpjng such old and consistent politicians , that I have told the people over and over again , that Free Trade would ultimately drive the middle classes into the ranks of

      Chartism ; but I also told them—and now repeat it—that the very fact of advocating , or even agitating _Bepnblicanism , would scare those who would otherwise be a powerful auxiliary from our ranks . "There is no evidence in Mr . O'Connor ' s letter to prove that in Switzerland there is one law for the rich , and another for the poor , because one man knocked another man down . We fancy that in every country of the civilised world ( _Snitzerlaud not excepted , ) there is a law to protect the weak against the strou- *; . "

      I gave the fact that I witnessed with my own eyes in Switzerland , as one proof of my assertion ; and I gave the words of my Swiss landlord as proof of the fact ; and I do not know what change my friends can require in the form of government , the constitution , or the laws , if in every " CIVILISED COUNTRY IN

      THE WOULD THE LAWS PROTECT THE WEAK AGAINST THE STRONG . " Do they mean that England is not a civilised country , and that ihey are barbarians ? Or do they mean to say , that in England the laws do protect the weak against the strong ? If so , every Chartist , and every political offender has been _legall'teaconvicted , and justly punished ; and _ereryjgian who has stolen a loaf of bread in the thepe of preserving his

      family from death , _haS _& een legally , _constitutionally , and justly transported . I cannot acquiesce in this doctrinaof my friends , it would so entirely put you _and _* jHe—and all of us—in the wrong ; and would f _ completely justify every act of oppression to which we have been subjected ; and , perhaps , my friends are not aware that Switzerland is the nursery of the world for hired mercenaries , to defend , for pay , any descri ption of government .

      J _^ ii _^ _? 2 ? _™ dUn 6 thatm _-MgJuni the people have _gotaUhutthe Charter , and cheerfully par from £ 5 to £ 18 per acre for land . We are not _awarS whltSus - _^ II but " means ; but if " all huV _tfce-Qnarter _woddraise _Cerent of the land in this eonnfa _jy f ™ _, _^ an _ _£ _? £ _ _% _*™ _£ _ acre , we say , emphatically , _£ _*& _$ _&& an "allhut" at- this » 'Good Lord , deliver us 1 " __ trl M y friends although so _^ j _^ _mlisted in the Democratic ranks , and so _reaajt to criticise one letter of mine , appear to hav _^| _£ ssed over many otherc , and in the above passage they appear to have ceme to a very flighty and

      erroneons conclusion . They forget that I have always contended that the increase of population would increase the value of land ; perhaps they are not aware that Belgium , according to its extent , is much more densely populated than either England or Ireland , and they do not appear to he aware that , although the Belgians do pay so mnch higher rent than in England or Ireland , that in nine years , which _i » the usual tenure in that conntry , those payia . _these hi gh rente are able to purchase their _fe _^ _dta-a enormous price , Bnt , . surely the /

      To The Chartists. Mt Friends, I Always H...

      cannot charge me , under this head , with either folly or inconsistency , as I have shown them a thousand times over that land , which may be worth but a pound an acre inthe wholesale market , would be worth thirty shillings or forty shillings , or even more , in the retail market ; but I mi ght have gone to the Channel Islands if I wished to establish a higher standard of rent and now I shall submit the question in so simple a form that even my friends will understand it . _^^^ CainiOt _CharSTe me . _Undfir fhlS _lionil nr _" + "h sUlu » .

      Suppose , then , that England had a population of not more than two millions—the land , in that case—I mean to purchase it out and out—would not be worth £ 5 an acre , while if she had a population of fifty millions , the land would be worth £ 200 mi acre and more , and the fifty millions with the land at that standard price , would be more prosperous , more happy , and comfortable than at the lower price with the smaller population . Men before they criticise should make themselves masters of their

      subject . The potato rot was equally as bad in Belgium as in Ireland . Potatoes there also constitute a great portion of the produce , yet the Belgians did not die in thousands , or hundreds of thousands in consequence ofthe calamity—and why ? Because from the land , however high the rent , they are enabled in prosperity to lay up a sufficient store to bear temporary casualty , calamity , or adversity . "Ifthe time intervening between the election in America of one President and another , be ' one continuous per iod of turmoil , * what turmoil would there not he in this country with annual elections for Members of Parliament . "

      Surely , no thoughtful or right-minded Chartist will require an answer to this incomprehensible folly . In the one case the election divides the whole nation into parties and factions for months—nay , years , while in the other case the contest is not national and would be over in a day . But our friends appear to be against Annual Parliaments , which I prefer to any other point of the Charter ; because , as I have often stated , short accounts make long friends , and the master who has hired a servant for a year instead of seven , could discharge him before he had done much mischief , instead of being compelled to submit to his dictatorship and masterdom for seven years .

      "In feet , we cannot perceive the nse of a President , under any circumstances ; the office , in our opinions , is a relic of Monarchy—of barbarism , and will ultimately be dispensed with ; a President for life we consider not only useless , but a positive eviL " la the above passage my friends have clapped the climax , and have entirely thrown overboard their laudations ofthe American form of government and constitution . What , then , do they mean to say that they wonld have no head , no Executive Government , or what do they mean to say ? Is all to be at sixes and sevens ? Is every constituency to be embroiled with its representative % Is the House of Commons and the Upper House to be divided into factions by _canvassings for ministerial offices , places and patronage ? or upon whom are the duties ofthe Executive _Government to devolve 1

      Now I do not _thuiTr my friends have read the form of government that I proposed , and which appeared in the Northern Star of the 1 st of April , 1818 , immediately after the French Revolution , and therefore it shall follow this letter . My friends state that they are as old as I am , and have been as long in the cause . I will not attempt to deny this assertion , but I should wish to know if any of them have suffered as much inthe cause * if any of themhave adhered for twenty-seven years come next _December to the cause , without turning to the right hand or to thc left ; whether any of them

      have been banished their country , been triedin England and Ireland , have lost the affection of friends , relatives , and connections , as Ihave , for my continuous advocacy of Democratic princi p les through evil report and good report , in the midst of most trying circumstances—circumstances wliich justified the apostacy , the delinquency , and the prostitution of thousands who advocated Democracy for no earthly purpose but that of achieving power to destroy it ? I shall be glad if my friends would point out another instance of a gentleman devoting every hour of his time , Ms intellect , and every farthing of his money , to the advocacy of Democratic principles . Are my friends aware that when the "Northern Star" was making nearly £ 13 , 000

      a year profit , that every single fraction of it went to the support of the Democratic cause , besides leaving me in debt some thousands , and my reward not unfrequently being insult , slander , and insolence , in exact proportion to my generosity ? But I dare say they know me well know enough to believe , that while such ingratitude to others would justify desertion from the popular cause , that in my case it is my own cause , and no calumny or ingratitude can drive me from it . And , in concluding my reply to my Nottingham friends , let me askwhile they sympathise with the Democrats of France—how much they have contributed towards tlie support of the Democrats of England ?

      I now give a letter received by the Editor from the Tower Hamlets , and , as I desire neither secrecy nor misconstruction , I give it at full length . Here it is : —

      TO THE ** "MTOB OF THE _SORTUERN * STAIU Sib , —A letter having appeared in your paper of the 3 rd ult , written by Mr . O'Connor , advocating opinions and sentiments , also recommending a certain line of policy regarding the question of Republicanism , tliat letter baring been thoroughly debated iu our locality , the members have come to a determination to repudiate the opinions set fortli and the policy recommended . Persons were appointed to draw up this letter as an exposition of their views , in order tliat a proper understanding iriglit be effected with the democratic party , not only of this couutry _, but also the democracy of France , taxi tlie world universally , Mr . O'Connor cautions the people againstallowing "the apple of discord " to be thrown amon _** st their ranks : hut in our opinion tliat

      gentleman ' s antidote will prove an entire abortion . The question as to whether Monarchical o i- Republican forms of government are most conducive and congenial to the well-being of society , has rested entirely in abeyance . Onr speakers and writers deemed the deep under-current ot popular intelligence , opinion and sentiment , ample enough to enable tiie masses to make a just and wise decision , and we are not aware of any effort being put fortli to " supersede the Chartist agitation , hv raising the standard of Republicanism , " unless it was hy Mr . O'Connor , when that gentleman declared , in the Commons Ilouse of rarlimnent , "That , should the Gagging Bill pass , he would then become a Republican . " Sir , our opinion of monarchy is simply thisthat it could not _e-rist in connexion with a free and

      enlightened people , and that great radical changes , such as the Charter proposes , would sweep away the key-stone of that mighty incubus which preys upon the vitals of the people , and holds back the immortal rights of man . While there is a monarchy , an aristocracy must also existthoiij -h not in name—who wiU wage a deadly warfare against the libertv , prosperity , and enjoyments of tile millions , in their efforts to arrest the march of human progression . We cannot understand the right or utility of kings unless to gratify morbid ambition , aud lust of power . Kations are plunged into bloody wars , engendering hatred and revenge ; thus preventing the universal brotherhood of the human femilv . We recognise no princely or noble distinction but that belonging to and springing from the

      inherent greatness , grandeur , and majesty ofthe people . There is auother point in Mr . O'Connor ' s letter , where he speaks of the Constitution of France as " a bag of moonshine . " Sir , we are astounded at this assertion . The people of France possess a mighty lever to work out those great social reforms necessary to improve and ele-Tate their ph ysical and moral existence : here is a great fact wit _iiout a particle of fiction . _Komewas notbuilt in a day , natherconld thepeople of this or any other country achieve i _™ _^ . ? ee ( lom and social re generation in that short _*^ _«^ transpired from the last French revolution . * _„„^ f * . mere _Phantom in France it would prove

      _^^ _^? _3- nLin n . --S-al - ' The reputed _leaders _f _^ -1 _S _^ _nwrS _^ _J 5 ' is , n ' and direct insult to the struggling spirit of liberty . _ _ . O'Connor , in advocating _pe-petual monarchj ; speaks of the election evei _* y fo _£ mmAMB--, of a candidate to _fiU the Presidential chair : he telk us there ie cabal ana irritation the whole of _•^^ _" _^ . _^^ _K * ana , ? _* ent virtually repudiate one great te & tnre of _Chartunn-Annual Parliaments — and confirm septennial election , as in that case there would be _tjireeyeare' J ? eace ! How can Ifc O'Connor , in the Commons House of Parliament—in tha feceof inconsistency _ineovgrxitj , _andstsaiige anomaly , combat for tha People ' s Butter ? That geatltinan would be answered by his

      To The Chartists. Mt Friends, I Always H...

      strictures on the constitution of France and American President ' s election . An awkward position for the leader of a great aud enlightened party , winch is struggling to effect radical and comprehensive changes in our lorra of constitution . Still , further , we have yet to learn the need of President or King . Mr . O'Connor denounces any expression Of opinion or interference onbeludfof foreign nations who are battling for their liberties , as giving licence of oppression to British rulers . Did not that gentleman _in-Kfrlofliroo rm « .. » » nnct * hit - nn _nfBmn .. _nnfl Ama « _i » an

      terfere when Poland was struck down and bleeding at the feet of Russian spoliation , rapine , and murder ? And shall we not continue thc same line of action « Why cease this duty and change our policy ! Why tliis truckling to the British Minister ? Are not all men brothers , belonging to one great human family ? How can we stand passive by and behold with indifference immortal liberty contending with the iron rule of kings and despots , without an expression of sympathy , or to hurl a protest at the murderers of our race !

      Signed on behalf of the Tower Hamlets' _HaU locality bj the Council , John Ferdinand , IIeset Style , _Hesev Buoro , Jas . Henry Blight , EnwAim Stokes , Robert Stokes , RlCHABO _VAUGHASr , JoHK _AliE-V , William Davis , Nicholas Kihbt , S . REraoLDs _, Sec . Now thc first ohservation I shall make—and

      I do not do it disparagingly , as , in fact , it may bespeak my own ignoranee—is , that , I never heard of the name of any single individual who has signed the letter , on behalf of the men of the locality . That I should rather rejoice iii —as we want recruits just _. _now-iij _^ the _^ . pro-j duction was calculated'tb _^ give _^ energj- to the democratic cause . However , I shall make a few comments , with perfect temper , upon the letter .

      The first sentence is highly illustrative of the position in which every Editor of the "Northern Star " has sought to place himself . It begins thus : — : ' "To the Editor of the Northern Star . —A letter having appeared in YOUR paper ofthe 3 rd ult , written by Mr . O'Connor . " I onl y notice this , as before I conclude , it will be my duty to comment more at length upon this part ofthe subject . The reference in this letter to " Constitutions , " " Elections for President , " and "Annual Parliaments , " are answered in my reply to my Nottingham friends .

      There is one curious passage , however , which is not only a reply to the whole of the letter , but it also furnishes—not my defence for I required none—but in the most forcible language strengthens my every position ; and , therefore , all other commentators upon my letter of the 3 rd of March , must erect their battery against the recruits of the Tower Hamlets . This passage will prove how much better sensible men can write upon sensible subjects than upon moonshine , and airy and metaphysical nothings ; and now I pray the closest attention of the reader to the following passage—the pith , the marrow , and the substance ofthe whole letter . Here it is : —

      " SIR _. -OUR OPINION OF MONARCHY IS SIMPLY THIS , THAT IT COULD NOT EXIST IN CONNEXION WITH A FEEE AND ENLIGHTENED PEOPLE , AND THAT GREAT RADICAL CHANGES—SUCH AS THE CHARTER PROPOSES—WOULD SWEEP AWAY THE KEYSTONE OF THAT MIGHTY INCUBUS WHICH PREYS UPON THE VITALS OP THE PEOPLE , AND HOLDS HACK THE IMMORTAL RIGHTS OF MAN . " Now , I beg of every Chartist to read the above extract , and then contrast it with my stereotyped opinions : —

      " Get the Charter , and depend upon it , that when the power behind the throne is greater than thc throne itself , tlie large majority wiU establish what form of government they please , but let us not cause division in our ranks , by affrighting many from tlie advocacy of our cause , by declaring for changes to which they might be opposed . Get the Charter , ami then you will have all you waiit . " I shall give one more extract . It is the last passage in the letter , and bears upon the achievement of the Charter . It runs thus;—" Why cease tliis duty and change our policy ? Why this truckling to the British Minister ? Are not all men brothers belonging to one great human family ? How can we stand passive by , and behold with indifference immortal liberty contending with the iron rule of Kings and despots , without an expression of sympathy , or to hurl a protest at the murderers of oui' race . "

      This is , doubtless , a most energetic and patriotic finale ; hut to what policy do my Mends refer ? Is it to that policy which is to achieve the Charter , and thereby destroy all oppression and misrule ? for , if so , that is my policy—while the policy I contend against , is mixing up any other question with that from the accomplishment of which they anticipate man's liberation , and the world's regeneration . -Why do THEY thus truckle to the British Minister ? Why do THEY—according to their own confession—attempt to strengthen his hands by arming him with strong arguments against the People ' s

      Charter—while the very manacles that I seek to rid myself of , when moving the Charter in the House of Commons , they would seek to impose upon me ? And one of the reasonsand the principal reason—I had for writing my letter was , to ann myself when Lord Arundel and Surrey , Mr . Drummond , and Mr . Hume , flashed the Republican doctrines , preached in the " Star , " in my face , in the House of Commons—and the gentlemen of the Tower Hamlets may rest assured , that when

      I move the adoption ofthe People ' s Charter , I shall be able to combat the proclaimed enthusiasm of the few , by the steady principle and fixed opinion ofthe many . I shall not shrink from the performance of my duty , but , being longer trained and better disciplined than most men iu Chartist tactics , I do not wish to enter the lists under unnecessary disadvantages ; and when I make my speech upon the subject , my friends will be at perfect liberty to criticise it , and then they will be able to discover my _truculency to the British Minister .

      Theterms '' brotherhood , " " human family , '' " immortal liberty , '' ' sympathy , '' and • murderers of- our race , '' are very exciting , hut there is something more substantial required to dry the tears of those whose protectors have suffered in the cause of Chartism , and I do not mean to deny that the Tower Hamlet district has contributed its fair share . I now submit the following letter , written in a manly , honest , and friendl y tone : — Cripplegate locality , 28 , _Goldeii-laue , Sunday , March 4 th , 1819 .

      Sn * , I am requested , by the members of that society , to respectfully submit to your notice the following resolution , which was unanimously agreed to by the meeting at the above named place . Moved by Mr . Brown , seconded by Mr . Bentley : — " That the letter of Mr . O'Connor , in tlie Noethebn Stae of tliis week , wherein Sir . I " . O'Connor has stated thathe is an enemy to Itcpublicans , has caused much surprise in our minds , and will , we have no doubt , be used by tlie political enemies of that gentleman in their own peculiar way , inasmuch that itis an established fact of the Government Bill

      that , ou the passing Security , Mr . O'Connor declared if that un-English and unconstitutional law was carried he wonld then avow himself a Hepublican . We , therefore , hope that Mr . O'Connor will , with his usual candour , refer briefly to tliis matter in the next week ' s Stab , in order to elucidate tlie two positionsthe avowed Republican of 1848 , the Monarcliist of 1849—at the same time we beg to inform that gentleman that we cannot too highly appreciate tlie noble and determined efforts that he has hitherto displayed in the cause of Political Freedom , and yet hope he will foUow up tlie fight until

      the battle ' s won . _ _ ( Signed ) J . Fowleb , Chairman . My friends , with regard to my declaration in the House of Commons , I beg to refer you to my letter ol the lst of April , 1848 , as it appearedin the Star , and to the principles there laid down , I still adhere , as the best form of government . Yon ask me to elucidate my positions of 18-18 and 1849 . My position , my principles and opinions , are the same in 1849 as in 1848 , -without a particle of change ; and your hope shall be cheerfully realised , as I am determined to follow up the fight till the battle is won and with the assistance of men like you- —who know how to appreciate a life ' s devotion to your cause—I have no doubt of ultimate success .

      To The Chartists. Mt Friends, I Always H...

      I now of L'Ami du P rp le " / ° my letter - and _although the whole of the composition is one entangled skein _ of pros and cons , for and against , of agitation for Republicanism , existing for the present onl y in thevbrain , I thmk I shall be able satisfactoril y to unravel the mystery , and place the commentator and myself in our prop er positions . Every man is aware of the facility with which any writer may dilate upon an existing abuse , or upon a popular proposition , mt the Attorney-General accord me a licence - of exemption from the penalties ofthe Gagging Bill for three months only , and I would undertake to leave Mons . "L'Ami du Peuple" wholly in the shade .

      The writer , in one part of his letter , assuming to himself not onl y the power to criticisethe present , but to dive into and to divine as to the future , presumes that as he gathers and culls his Democratic principles—or , rather , notions of Democratic opinions—from Ghent in Belgium , and from Chartists smarting under the oppression ofMonarchial or rather Oligarchical _misi'ule _^ -presumes at the same time that my _SpMlMtf knowledge Islimited within ihe

      compAt _& _itf the -fancy of . _fiome _ iifo . ol . or . designing knave - " and as I wish to partake of all that responsibility which the writer would impose upon those my teachers and instructors , I submit to you the opinions ofthe knave and fool , not from whom I wholly gathered my opinions , hut by whom I . am strengthened in those opinions , and y ou shall judge of the wei ght which ought to be attached to them . Here then follows the opinion of the knave and the fool : •—

      " 1 ou know I have often expressed to you my opinion on mixing up Repeal or any other question , wiih thai of the Charter , and now depend upon it that Chartist advocacy of Republicanism would raise hosts of enemies . Once establish popular control through the Charter , and it will then be the People ' s own fault if abuses continue . Errors are too often discovered when it is too late to correct them , and foolish steps are not easily retraced , "Thomas Slingsby Duncombe . "

      Now , then , I am not at all ashamed of being found in unison of opinion with such a " knave" and such a " fool "—a knave and fool who joined our ranks , not in our strength , but in our weakness ; not to achieve power for himself , but to confer power upon the people , aud who has undauntedl y advocated our principles in and out of Parliament—the man whose health has suffered , and whose life has been endangered , by unremitting devotion to the people ' s cause . Now , just read tho following extract : —

      " Tlie true Republicans of this country , whilst very properly expressing their sympathy for then- Republican brethren of the Continent , quite as properly keep their mouths shut as regaids this nation . They know that' the pear is not ripe , ' and they ' bide their time . '" Now , in the name of common sense , what can bo more ridiculous than the above , when contrasted with the assurance that the Republicans have no intention of interfering with the Chartist movement . Presuming that the writer is the ear if not the tongue of the party—what are we to gather from the _extract but this—namely , that the Republican

      partyin this . country J _Jbidesits time , ' / . and waits till *• _tW-pear is ripe . ' ' ' Does not this , of itself , bear a strange contrast to the assurance that the question of Republicanism merely stands in abeyance until the " pear is ripe ? " and , although a pear , does it not as naturally follow thatit would constitute the •¦ apple of discord" iu the democratic ranks ? But , latterly , every line of this writer which has appeared in the " Star" so far from keeping the Chartist movement distinct , has been devoted to foreign policy , and the anticipated glories of Republicanism , and scarcely a word of enlightenment as to those social and political changes , which the writer describes as

      indispensable to the enlistment of public opinion on behalf of the Charter . All his theory is a laudation of Republicanism ; and , therefore , as the Star is considered the organ of popular opinion , the natural—nay , the only—inference is , that the popular mind is to be disciplined , not for the achievement of the PEOPLE ' S CHARTER , but for the accomplishment of a Republic ; and there is not a reader of the "Northern -S '/ ar * thatisnotshrewd enough to understand with what glib facility an irresponsible writer may deal with the views '' of a responsible teacher ; but before I conclude I shall give you a lew instances ol the fact .

      Now , I bog thG attention of the reader to the following extract : — "Considering , therefore , that the question of 'king , ov no king , ' is a matter of—to say the least—secondary importance , and one , moreover , tlie agitation of which would , at the present time , be premature , and consequently impolitic , no true Republican would have thought of raising that question at tliis time , had Mr . O'Connor ' s letter not appeared . Tliat letter containing sentiments which 1 am sure a large number of my brother Chartists dissent from , I think , as one of tliat number , that I am bound , as an honest man , to show wherein and why I differ from Mr . O'Connor . " Let me now ask , if I _required any justification for my letter , whether I could furnish stronger than will be found in the above ?

      Firstly , —It is admitted that the question of " king or no king" is a matter of but secondary importance . Well , I thought this was tho question of paramount importance ; with me , at all events , it is , as you will learn from my proposed Constitution , printed in April in last year ; and as you will also have learned , from . my frequent announcements , that the league of people would become too strong for the league of kings ; but as the Charter would proclaim the will of the majority , to the choice of that majority , I Avould leave the form of Government , so that I thiuk I am more essentiall y democratic than the critic . Then , again , if this question of Republicanism had not been mooted , how would the

      writer have known that a LARGE NUMBER of Chartists dissented from my views ofthe subject ? But I always have been supposed to play second fiddle to editors ofthe " Northern Star ; " and , therefore , though held responsible for every Chartist act and every Chartist word , it appears I am kept in utter ignorance of Chartist feelings , until the expression of them leads to persecution , and then the ro _sponsibility of defence devolves upon me . Now , it is a very remarkable fact , that both in the House of Commons and out ofthe House of Commons , I have been taunted with this cry of Republicanism , and so has Mr . Duncombe ; but there is no duty more easy than that of writing enthusiastically , when it is accompanied by perfect irresponsibility .

      "But I am not prepared to censure those who believe that the shortest road to the establishment of the Charter is through the enlightenment of the people , as to tho social value of that measure . The blunders ofthe 'Provisional Government ' and the intrigues of the rich would , both combmed , have failed to damage the glorious victory of February , provided the people had been sufficiently enlightened to have elected an honourable Assembly . _Un-SuSt * » COInmon sense had not preceded common

      Well , I candidly confess that those extracts bewilder me . The writer , while criticising , and not in a good spirit either—as it was merel y intended as the grape shot which was

      T1^~~^&Lwtw/ If? /F&( V ** A '^-F --H * ...

      t 1 _^~~^& LWtW / If ? / f _&( v _** A ' _^ -f --H * * AND NATIONAL TRAiES' JOURNAL . _' ¦ - __ m _ m- — " " " " - . _^^^^^^^^^^ _nT _^ - Zr _^ T _*^ _- _" _- _* , ¦ ¦¦ - .. _. . _,-JTft _' r _^ ¦ _rma-M-mr-m-Mm-nM-w _*^^

      Form Of "Government Is Based Ujlon Pries...

      form of "Government is based ujlon priestly W s _^ _& _8 & z _± S i / Z _^& rs A lf of 'Government is based upon . priestly

      M P « « « < Cannot Charge Meunder This H...

      _M P « « « _< turn to the strictures ¦ . JSL . 595 . LODON , SATURDAY , MGH _$ : _- _islfe-: - _„ ™ - _?* - * - _* , i ' ' _y" _-w _^ w . . ; ¦ _¦;;¦'¦; -- _;¦••'¦^ _gi _^ U Five Shilling-- and Six pence per _Qnnrtci ' . I T * . _n .. r * _-U—— + _« _ATL _ _ j _»_ j _« . _ . . _^~ ' ~ ' _——m—^^ _^ _^____ m— — ____ _ _____ _^ _ I

      To Be Followed By The Chain Shof:—Adopts...

      to be followed by the chain shof : —adopts my every sentiment in those parts of his letter which arc at all reconcilable . As I have told you , scores of times , that the French people were not prepared for the great change , inasmuch as the tree expression of opinion was not permitted , while , I have told you as often , that the English people through free discussion _^ are the most enlightened people upon politics in the world ; and that , therefore , changes which have failed to produce the promised results abroad , would be sure to produce them at home , in consequence of popular enlightenment . I have explained to you that in France and other countries , the people

      struggling for liberty are martial people , disciplined in the art of war , and always seek change through physical Revolution , in which many ofthe upper and middle class take part , in thc hope of turning the change to then- own advantage . There they enlist but for a certain number of years , and they learn the use of arms , while you are a clodpole race , tho higher and middle class opposed to you , disunited yourselves and compelled to enlist as slaves for life ; the poor gentlemen alone , who are too proud to work and too poor to live without labour , now and theu enlisting you , each to rally around his own bag of moonshine , while each deserter makes popular indifference a justification for his retreat .

      Not SO with me , however ; I unfurl the banner , and through evil report and good report , through sunshine and shade , through eulogium and persecution , I have never furled it , and I never will , even at the bidding of Republicans . "If Mr . O'Connor means Uiat the first general election , under the provisions of that Constitution , is likely to give birth to an Assembly no better than the present . I share hi * anticipations ; but even that will not prove the Constitution ' a bag of moonshine . ' I am not at aU confident that a first , or even second election under the provisions ofthe Charter , would produce a House of Commons containing a majority of real Reformers . "

      Here the writer confounds the form of Government with Constitution , while they have nothing whatever to do with each other ; but I should say that the writings of the critic and my writings and teachings , and all our lucubrations , were moonshine , indeed , and I should abandon the field of politics to-morrow , if I could entertain the notion , that thc first or second election under the provisions of the

      Charter would not supply a Reformed House of Commons . If so , my friends , you and I , and all of us , have been grasping after moonshine , as , rely upon it , that what the first session did badly the second would do worse , and each , in succession , improving upon the delinquency of its predecessors , while my hope is , that the first session would establish landmarks to the Constitution , which no subsequent gathering could destroy or remove .

      " Mr . 0 Connor says that' In America there is as much class-distinction , national suffering , and popular discontent , as in any monarchy in the world . ' There is ' class-distinction , ' there is ' suffering , ' and there Is ' discontent' in America , but certainly not so much , nor anything near so much , as in man .-- monarchies . 1 believe Ireland is a monarchy ! The alleged state of society in America , used by Mv . O'Connor as an argument against Republicanism , is also made use of , by our opponents , as an argument against the Charter . Their cry is ' Look at America ! Behold the results of Universal Suffrage . ' —slavery . ' class-distinction , ' ' suffering , ' and discontent . '' But neither Chartism nor Republicanism are to be damaged by such arguments . The existence of slavery , class distinction , suffering , nnd discontent in America , testify to the wickedness of the few and Uie ignorance of the many ; but the principles of Eternal Justice proclaimed iu Uie Declaration of Independence , are true and glorious , nevertheless . "

      "Well , I am blessed with the best temper that ever man possessed , for if the above is not sufficient to make a Quaker kick his mother , I do not know what would be . Here , then , is the very pivot upon which the whole question hinges ; not only Mr . 0 ' Connor , and other persons , but even Mons . "L'Ami " himself admits the slavery , tyranny , classdistinction , suffering , and oppression which exists in America ; but by contrast tlie commentator says that they are greater in some

      Monarchies . Well , what does this all prove ? Why the very fact that I have urged—namely , that with the Charter , and tho most popular political liberty—or rather representative freedom—the whole blessing that would otherwise emanate from tho system is utterly destroyed by the mode of electing a President , wliich causes incessant dissension , inquietude aud class-cabals . Now , what can the reader think , after seventy years' experience , of a democratic writer informing us , that all American grievances are consequent upon " THE

      WICKEDNESS OF THE FEW , AND IGNORANCE OF THE MANY . " Well , then , hero is a largo extension of English suffering developed . In the first instance it was not to have exceeded the first or second election . But now from the American precedentindeed , I should have said , the American President—we are supplied with hope that the effect of the English Charter may be seventy years of long and continuous suffering .

      But hold ! what matters that ; why fret we ? Cannot we live upou the principles of '' Eternal Justice , proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence ? " Now , surely , that is not ' moonshine : " that is " a fair day ' s wages for a fair day's work" —there is a gleam of hope cast upon the suffering millions , through the solar microscope of the oracle of the future . " Live horse and you'll get grass , " Chartists , wait for seventy years , and then you shall see what you shall ' see .

      I quite agree that the discussion of those social benefits , likely to result from the attainment of the Charter , is not only right and constitutional , but also indispensable , and no one has gone as far as I have in showing what those social results would be , but I have never hampered them with any new foim of Government , or with those vexed and irritating questions which must end in

      class-dis-. " Certainly no man , in the possession of his senses , _ivill think of condemning the Swiss Confederation on the strength of Mr . O'Connor ' s striking anecdote of a lusty innkeeper cuffing a peasant , who , I suppose , was not quite so lusty . Mr . O'Connor , to have given liis story tlie slightest weight , should have shown that there was no law iu thc canton to punish a man for assaulting another . " I must declare myself very much perplexed

      with those comments , but it is from the space they occupy , and not from the difficulty of answering them . I did not say that there was no law in Switzerland to punish one man for cuffing another , nor will the commentator say that there is no law in England to punish one man for cuffing another—but , as in Switzerland , so in England , there . is no justice for the poor man who is cuffed by the rich man , and the commentator should understand tho

      difference between justice and law . " Mr . O'Connor has been in Belgium—I have not ; nevertheless I take exception to the very charming picture he has drawn of the loyalty ofthe Belgians , and their social happiness . I can assure Mr . O'Connor that a very numerous ltcpublican party exists in Belgium ; indeed in Ghent —thc Manchester of Belgium —the working men are , to say the least , ( -into as much Republicans as the working men ot" Manchester are Chartists . I have reason to believe that tlie peasantry arc not in favour of Republicanism . Why" Because , with the exception of the peasantry of one other nation , they are more priest-ridden than any other portion ofthe Catholic population of Em-ope . The priests keep Leopold on his throne . "

      Well , your friend appears to be in vory extensive communication with foreign countries , and , in his dissertation , he furnishes me with the very strongest argument m favour of the Land Plan , ' while he most unmercifull y cuts his own throat . The reason why the peasantry are satisfied , is because they can devote their free labour to agricultural pursuits ; while the allegation—that satisfaction with the present

      To Be Followed By The Chain Shof:—Adopts...

      influence—is well answered , by the fact that ;* the mechanics , artificers , and artisans of Ghent , ' ¦ _% are just as much subject to _priestlv dominion ! na the rural peasants ; while it illustrates the striking factj that mi agricultural population , to which the Charter would lead , where _eatfh husbandman would have tho fruits of his own industry , is the one thing to make all rally around any form of Government , and any Constitution , which the majority would accept , as thc means of protecting the rights of all .

      " Mr . O'Connor seems to be unaware of the fact / that hii * | version of _republicanism is out of date . It was'correct , _pirliaps sixty years since , bat the true Republicans of " the present clay—Vie men of thefuture—reject _President as ; wefl as King , and will no more vote for one than tlie oilier . All Mr . O'Connor ' s reasoning , therefore , against Presidential elections every four years , falls to tlie ground . " It is almost ungenerous to expose the number of fallacies contained in thc letter upon which I am commenting—but , as I write for all classes of labour—the enlightened , the sagacious , and the ignorant—it needs must be done . We find , then , that , although thc question of Republicanism has not been mooted , yet nevertheless , in the above , wc tire put in

      possession of tho fact , that it is the adopted principle of the MEN OF THE FUTURE . Now , all that I can say is , that , ifthe question of the present is to bo based upon the anticipations of the men of the future , as I am no diviner , I am puzzled—the labour that I thought we had cut out for ourselves , was to establish a present system for the present generation , but , if we are to do nothing for the men of the future , and ifthe men of the future are to do all for us , then I adopt thc hopeful motto of the hope inspiring "L'Ami , " "BIDE YOUll TIME , " " WAIT TILL THE PEAR IS RIPE . " Lot your teeth water for it , and don't you wish you may get it ?

      In conclusion , the writer tells us that America was once a Monarchy—if Canada declares its independence , the men ofthe future may tell us that Canada was a Monarchy . Indeed , with more truth , as Canada does possess a representative system ; but he might just as Avell toll us that the child was its own mother as that America was once a Monarchy . , My friends , I have now commented upon the letter of the Nottingham . _liepublicans , the Chartist Council of the Tower Hamlets , the

      kind letter and resolution of the men of Cripplegate , and the very long letter of " L'Ami du Penple , " which appeared in the " Star" of last weok ; and as nothing is more easy than for irresponsible persons to urge their own opinions against those of responsible persons , and as the easiest thing in the world is to write most enthusiastic and hi ghspirited letters upon political subjects , national grievances , and heroic performances , and although much pressed for time , I must make a few comments npon the general subject .

      The letter ofthe six gentlemen from Nottingham which appeared in the " Star" of last week , was in possession of tho Editor before it was printed . I was at the office between twelvo and one o ' clock on Friday morning , when it was printed , and yet he never showed it to me , nor did hc show me or say one word about his own letter ; if he had , late as it was , and tired as 1 was , my defence ( or , rather , my answer ) should

      have accompanied the chargo . Now this comes strangely from a professed lover of justice ; however , I rejoice to think that your confidence guarantees to me more than a week to defend myself against the most solemn charge . My letter of the 3 rd was written after considerable reflection , based as well upon my own opinions as upon those of Mr . _DuTCOMBE _, and I do not retract or qualify one single word or sentence in that letter .

      Perhaps thero is no instance upon record of a man and a newspaper adhering as strictly to Democratic principle , as I have through the whole of my life , aud asthe * ' Northern Star" has from thc first number to the present moment ; and no doubt you have very frequently seen a snarling cur barking at thc heels of a hi g hmettled horse , but always keeping out of length —and having embarked in the cause ofDemocracy , and having abandoned family connexion , relatives and friends , it was likely that I also should be subject to a like annovance .

      As you are aware , I have always courted the most strict and rigid investigation into my every act ; and you are also aware that I have gone through many trials , and come out of all unblemished , and without surrendering a particle of my principles , or in any wise sull ying your cause . Of late I have received many letters , assuring me that a Republican j > ai'ty was doing much damage to the cause of Chartism , and I considered it my duty to warn thc Chartists against the . trap that was being laid for thorn .

      My position as connected'with thc "Northern , Star , " has beon most curious as regards my editors . The first I employed , I paid him tho usual salary paid to editors of provincial papers— £ 104 a year ; and I never had a more diligent or a better servant . I doubled his salary—I raised it to £ 208 a year—and I never had a worse servant ; being elevated in his own estimation , hc resolved upon becoming

      master . The next editor I had I raised his salary from , £ 104 to £ 312 a year , and he looked upon the "Northern Star" as his property , and upon me as his servant . lie endeavoured to make it thc organ of Socialism , and to merge the question of Chartism in that of Socialism . At present I have three editors , and write all the leading articles myself . They have all been working men , which gives mo great pleasure ; and I have never from tho day thoy entered my service to the present moment , said an angry or unkind word to one of them ; aud recentl y I havo discovered that the principal editor has become strongly imbued with foreign politics , to the ail-but exclusion of all other matter .

      Now this I do not object to , because I think every man has a perfect rig ht to thc free exercise of his own genius , and to thc free expression of his own opinion . But now I will give you a taste of editorial irresponsibility , and the proprietor's _responsibility . Upon one occasion my first editor published a most flagrant libel upon a clergyman ; the clergyman wrote to him , assuring him of his error , and asking him to retract , but editorial dignity forbid such a compromise , and I paid over four hundred pounds for his majesty .

      My second editor published two libels—tlio one I knew was not onl y a libel but a falsehood , and I wrote a retractation for publication in the " Star , " but editorial dignity was roused , and MY MASTER qualified the retractation in such a way that Chief-Justic © Wilde told the jury that the qualification waa rather an aggravation than a palliation of the offence , and those libels cost mc nearly £ 300 . ¦ 'L'Ami du Peuple" published a libel upon Mr . Fowler , which cost me over £ 100 . Now , so much for editorial spirit and proprietors ' responsibility , It has often struck me that the editor of a

      newspaper critically represents the unmarried sister of a married woman , and for whom sha keeps house ; the unmarried lady is considered kind , indulgent , and generous , because she deals with her sister ' s property . Miss Sophy is a great deal better than Mistress ; but the very moment that Miss SorHY gets married herself ! , and takes her unmarried sister Dolly as a housekeeper , Sophy becomes moro penurious and careful , and Dolly , in turn , receives the affection and gratitude of the domestics . Now such is precisely the position of the irresponsible editor to the responsible proprietor : no wonder , therefore , that the Republicans of the Tower Hamlets , in addressing the editor , should say— " YOUR PAPER . " ( Continued to the Fifth Page , )

      A Hint To E^Ierpbising Publicans And Sin...

      A Hint to E _^ ierpbising Publicans and Sinner ** . —An individual intends opening an hotel at ¦ San Francisco . We don't know what the sign will be but we _suggest the " Golden Fleece . "

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 17, 1849, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_17031849/page/1/