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    THE NORTHERN STAR. ______________ March ...

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    -jfortip iflobnnems

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    « Una I will war, at leastin words, »^,a...

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    'IHE "GREAT CRIMINAL" MACAULM. [fKOMA CO...

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    Bankrupts, $cu

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    BANKRUPTS. (From Tuesday's Gazette, Marc...

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    imperial. Jarliammt,

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    HOUSE OE LORDS-Mosday, March 9. IRISH CO...

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  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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    The Northern Star. ______________ March ...

    THE NORTHERN STAR . ______________ March 14 , 1840 . o ¦ — -- ¦ " - ¦ - * - - ' —

    -Jfortip Iflobnnems

    -jfortip iflobnnems

    « Una I Will War, At Leastin Words, »^,A...

    « Una I will war , at leastin words , _»^ , a s hould mj ehanc so happen—deeds , J With all who war with Thought J " " I think I hear a little bird , who sings The people hy and by will he the stronger . "—Bine ?

    ITALT AM ) SWITZERLAND . We suspend , for this week , the continuation ofthe "Revelations of Rome , " to make room for the document _givon below , addressed by the Nntion . il Association of Young Italy to thcSwiss Confederation-The address was recently published in some of the French journals , and the mere fact of its publication was noticed at the time bj the London daily papers : but not one of those papers had tlie honesty to re-publish the address ; which now , for the first tame , appears in the English language . The address was presented to tho Swiss Central Government oh the 1 st of February . On the subject of the address we will merely remark , that there is but one feeling in Great Britain , as regards the mercenary character

    of the unholv alliance of Swiss Republicans with Italian tjrante—the feeling of disgust . That Switzerland should have sons who sell themselves as mercenary tools to perform the infamous duties of gaolers and executioners , to keep in . slavery aud suffering the people of other countries , is monstrous . "Wc trust this appeal of the Italian patriots will have the desired effect ; that , at least , the Central Gorernment of Switzerland will renounce anrV denounce this abominable traffic , and that they will be sayported hy the unanimous voice ofthe liberal cantons . Every Swiss owes it to himself , to his country , to the historical associations that have made his fatherland famous , to raise his voice in repudiation ef this horrible crime against mankind : —

    TO THE PRESIDENT A > D JIEMEERS 0 ? THE DIRECTORY OF THE SWISS COXFEDERATIOX . Gistiemeh , —Ton are the representatives of a freo people . You were chosen hy Providence , and hy tbe suffrages of your countrymen as guardians of your national honour " ; nothing that directly concerns it can be irrelevant for yoa . Listen , therefore , to ourwords , calmly and deliberately . We come to point out to you a stain that soils your standard . We may do so perhaps in a language not the most consonant with the forms of diplomatic ccremonj , tut it is the language of men -Who are not the less ready to give their life for the freedom of Switzerland—some amongst you well kno . v it—and we speak in the name of two and twenty millions of men , whose only law is , at the present day , silence .

    There exists en the other side of the Alps — that mountain ridge which God reared up before you as if bidding jou to be free and great—a brave , good , and generous nation , to whom Europe twice owed the hoon of unify , of civilisation , _wltose exiles powerfully aided the cause of your religious emancipation in the sixteenth century , and whose language and race are sful represented in your confederacy . That nation is now _enslaved ; crushed both in soul and body ; deprived of intellectual and social activity . They only feel existence from the evils entailed upon it . They strive for a common bond of unity , and are inexorably doomed to the eurse of _distnemherraent and consequent impotence , by eight different _systems of civil and political administration , efcht different boundary lines of duties and

    customs , eight foreign courts , not _uufruquenfly hostile to one another . They aspire to liberty—that freedom you have enjoyed for ages , that freedom that God vouchsafed to all his creatures , without which there is an end of all human responsibility—and their yearnings are met with espionage , hard imprisonment , and the scaffold . They aim at independence , they wish to be emancipated from all who , Sfci-arated from them hy language , by laws , by tendencies , and manners , are less calculated to penetrate the secret of their social life ; and they are trampled down by a foreign host , directly or indirectly ruling ov « r all their movements and vicissitudes . They ask for * faith—powerful to uphold them in their deeds , aud strengthen them in their hopes—and they are met hy an intolerance that would fetter them down to the corpse of a corrupt , renal , hypocritic belief .

    All this is known to yon . ione of you but feels in his heart for the evils of Italy , none of you but would readily sympathise with her efforts for her regeneration . And yet , first among the foes we meet in our attempts at this redemption of our country , whom do _tvc meet tint _-Sasss _> Your soldiers garrison the citadels of _Xaplcs . Your soldiers marched , only a few Months ago , against anarmed citizens in the States of the Church , when these latter almost peacefully asked for some reforms iu the a _& _nunstration . Tour soldiers slaughtered—so far can a warrior be _converted into a headsman , by despotism . — roung prisoners , wounded , defenceless .

    And all this , wherefore I By wnat isitu , by v > bat _principle , can these men , who arc amongst you by the name of republicans , be brought to fight under the standard of the foulest tyranny , against a nation guiltless of any offence towards Switzerland , and demanding in God's name , in the name of rights inalienable from human nature , that same freedom they enjoy iuyour mountains ? Their faith , their principle , their God , is money . Tor a few pence a-day tbey come down—Protestants , some of _tiiem—they sell themselves to the Tope , the anti-Christ , as they , perhaps , in their conscience , esteem him ; all of tkem freemen , accustomed to acknowledge no government but what results from the unanimous suffrage of

    all—they swearallegiauceto an absolute monarchy . Like the Condottieri , in the middle ages , they offer their arms , their blood and soul , their conscience , as republican Swiss , to the highest bidder . Would that they had , at least , the bravery of those ancient soldiers of fortune ! They met characters bo less desperate than themselves ; they threw their own lives in the scale . It was with them a fair trial of mercenary forces—but your Swiss only engage with an unarmed population ; by the side of gendarmes , or of villains enlis : ed in the Papa ! bagnios , they charge open a few young men , who have hardly jet discipline eaough to die at their posts ; they drag them fettered andmanaeled to the prisons ; they muster under the scaffold . Theirs is at the same time a criminal and

    a cowardly deed . That deed , gentlemen , is equally yours and your country's . The dhgrace falls alike upon yon , representatives of Switzerland ; yon have , perhaps , often tUouglit of this infamous trafficjand you , _neverthelens , suffer it to con . tinue . Tour _fellow-citizeus may , perhaps , plead ignorance for their exculpation . They , may be , know nothing about their new masters , or about the crimes they are called npon to defend ; they are not aware of the contempt of all free nations , of the execration of a trampled people , whicli follow them at every step . They have not been forewarned that the ground is mined under them ; that a certain death awaits them in Italy , whenever tho emeutts be followed by a general insurrection ; that pursued , crushed by popular resentment , they will meet with the same fate their brethren underwent in Trance in 1783 ; away from home , from mother or friends to close their eyes , to soothe with a word of love their death-struggle , to mark with a cross the spot where they fell .

    Sot so you , gentlemen ; yon , who know foil well how much foreign governments , jealous of your republican standard , exult at this traffic that degrades you , how & ey watch for a favourable moment to dismember you ; -why do you not represent to those deluded _feUow-citizens that they dishonour their country for a sordid lucre ; that iheis salary , like Judas ' * coin , is the price of innocent blood ; that it inflicts a stain on their country unequalled in Europe , since the abolition of Negro slavery ? Ton cannot , gentlemen , call yourselves a free people ; yoa cannot utter William Tell ' s name with conscious pride , while men from jour own ranks are suffered to sell their co-operation in rivetting other _people ' s chains , to shield Geslert cap with their freemen's breasts . You cannot stvle vourselves a Christian people whilst you

    abjure your own liberty of conscience and your free will into the hands ofthe first despot who cau purchass it . We cannot so easily point out the remedy as we do ths « riL We know not whether your institutions enable jou to preveat a Swiss from swearing away his citizens' birthlight , and row allegiance to a monarchic government , after baring jgiven his oath to the republic ; but it is your sacred duty , at least , to denounce the evil loudly to ihe eoHntry , because silence makes you sharers of the infamy . It is your duty , at least , to move the abolition ofthe ignominious traffic—to expose the rices of a compact under which a citizen can , with impunity , disgrace tie name of his country . By giving , at least , the start to so momentous a discussion , you can aloneprovide to your personal honour , and free yourself from a serious responsibility .

    Men of great credit , gentlemen , and true lovers of their fatherlanu , have , since the time of John Jliiller , made you aware that a suurce of corruption would unavoidably « reep into _jour national liberties , from the contamination of so many free citizens , trained into a school of foreign despotism . Recent _exjierience has amply confirmed the soundness of their patriotic forebodings , Swiss blood , less than a twelvemonth since , was flowing in your own territory ; and he who headed one ofthe civil factions—the party of the Jesuits—in those unbrothcrly fends , was the same who enlists soldiers in the service of the king of Saples . As for us , _gentlemen , we do not petition , we protest . Many mouths have uot elapsed since an Italian legion , organised by Italians at "Monte-Video , in tbeltcpublic of _Hrnguay , to protect the independence of the _crountry against die despot of Buenos Ayres , Rosas , received from he President of the State , Itiveira , a donation of lands _and cuttle as a reward of their services in behalf of the

    beleaguered city . The donation was rejected almost with indignation ; our Italian officers unanimously answered that liberty was not a matter of / act , but of principle ; that the Italians had believed they wcroluhilling a duty whilst they defended the rights of a hospitable country , and that any reward _mtu ' . il have taken from their Services he ihsritof _diauterested _spoiitnucousuess . This answer was read before the soldiers , from among whose ranks there burst ouly one cry— "Wc are no Swiss ! we arc no Swiss *" Gentlemen , we are a fallen people—slaves , without a name amongst nations ; hut whilst such woicds issue from our bosoms , we shall have a firm faith in our coming iberty , far more than your _Paj . al or . _Xcapolitaii recruits ean enable you to feel in your own .

    In the name of ihe _National Association of Young Italy , _( ralletira . Seer . J _. _^ azziju President

    'Ihe "Great Criminal" Macaulm. [Fkoma Co...

    'IHE "GREAT CRIMINAL" MACAULM . [ fKOMA COKRBSPOSMNT . _l Few now feel inclined oithev to controvert or deny the generally recognised propositions , that " the people are the source of all political power , " or that ' * representation suouhl be equally as extensive as taxation ; " hue though few have the audacity to question the soundness of the universal suifrage principle , a solitary soul starts up now and then to controvert the expediency ofthe practice . Among this class , the Right Hon . T . B . Macauley made his appearance last week ; and as he is a man whose " word conies with power , " from the prominent place given to his sentiments both iii the metropolitan and provincial pi-ess , we propose to examine his reasons for refusing to exteud tho suffrage to his still unprivileged countrymen .

    lo prevent misrepresentation , we shall quote his own words . Mr . Macauley says , " My reasons for objecting to universal suifrage are—the belief that a great portion of the people do not understand their own interest , and that they might easily be induced , by the pressure of immediate distress , to act in opposition to their own interest . " Here , than , we have Air . Macauley _' s reasons for withholding the suffrage . Look at them well , working men ; examine and consider them maturely . Mark the insult they convey . Mr . Macauley _tays , a great portion of you do not understand your own interests ! Who constituted him judge of your incapacity to manage your own afl ' airs , and hy his decision deprive you oi the dearest , highest , and most important privilege which can belong to you as members of civil society _'i The arrogance and presumption of some men—even well-iuformed men—is perfectly inconceivable , of whicli Mr . Macauley ' s impudence above written is a tolerably fair sample .

    But to come to the essence of the right hon . gentleman ' s objections to universal suffrage , let us apply the same test , and the same mode of _reasoning , to the ordinary affairs oi * every-day life . Take a parallel case . Suppose Mr . Macauley ' s next neighbour to be a drunkard ; suppose , farther , tbat Mr . Macauley is firmly convinced that his _neigub-mr " decs not understand his own interest , " and will do things in direct opposition thereto ; suppose that he has irrefragible proof , amounting to ocular demonstration , before ,

    that such will be the case again ; will such conviction—will even such proof , justify Mr . Macauley ' s proceeding to denude his foolish nei » _hbaur of his property , but going still farther , and applying the property SO procured to the proinetion of his own private purposes ? Let him try it—aye , just try it , and see what the world would think and say ef his conduct . He would soon be made to hear in the deafest side ol his head , that such a mode of proceeding could not be tolerated , and that his " professedly disinterested attentions" would he attributed to their

    truecauscselfishsess ! let this is the principle that one ol the most learned and most intelligent of our legislators has the audacity to advocate the continuance ef , and desires to sec carried out on an _extensive—even a national scale ; a principle wliich , if carried into general practice , would at once dissolve the bonds ol society , and resolve it into its original elements . We , however , have not put a parallel case . The one we have drawn is far too favourable lor him and kis objections . We have put a case where there was a moral certainty of the individual neglecting—nay _acting in opposition to his own interests ; and wc see even suek au instance of ignorance and inattention would not justify selfish interference . Mr . Macauley , however , says he has proof under the people ' s own hand . He says that hundreds of _thousands petitioned for the franchise , that they might bring about national bankruptcy—in other words , _spuxoe out the national debt .

    We do not now take upon us to vouchsafe an opinion whether it would be honest , advantageous , or expedient to wipe out the national debt . We simpl y ask Mr . Macauley , can it be paid ? We _aresceptical on this point ; and if it cannot be paid , what is the inevitable result ? National bankruptcy , no doubt . How does the public wish an individual to act , who contracts debt 9 without the prospect or _possibility oi paying them ? Why , they generally advise him to call his creditors together instaiiter , and deliver up the concern into their hands to make as much out of it as possible , because to do otherwise , and go longer on , is to go deeper in . And in what respect does a nation in debt differ from an individual , but simply in degree ? We leave every reasonable and disinterested reader to realise in his own mind the course

    that is proper to be pursued . Admitting , however , the possibility of paying the national debt , is it just and proper that all—that any of it , should be paid by the disfranchised classes of our countrymen ? We ask Mr . Macauley if that debt was contracted with their consent , or the money expended for their benefit and advantage ? Both of these questions must be answered in the negative , for the opinion of the unprivileged classes was never sought in the matter , and every one acquainted with _then . odc in which that money was spent , well knows

    that it was squandered—not to further the cause of freed im , but to fix more iirmly the fetters of slavery upon the unrepresented class . If such was the case ( and vho can deny it ) , how dare the light Uon , gentleman charge tho unfranchised masses with ignorance of , or inattention to their own interests ? The fact is , they know their interests too _tvell ; and with possession of the franchise , they would have an opportunity of attending to them in such a way as would prevent the few from robbing the many , under the shelter of legislative enactment .

    To go a step farther , and admit , for the sake of argument , that the debt was contracted with the full consent of the people , and bona fide spent for their behoof , did they get value tor the obligations _uow said to he standing against them ? Was not that debt contracted in a depreciated paper currency , on the Jewish principle of giving half the sum for the Toucher ; and has not the original injustice been fear fully aggravated by Peel ' s bill of 1819 ? In fact , on equitable principles , the national debt has been more than paid by the nation long ago ; and Mr . Macauley makes a most unfortunate allusion , when he refers to this particular point , as proof of the ignorance and inattention of the people to their own interest .

    True , we admit with Mr . Maeauley , that national bankruptcy would be productive , for a time , of the most disastrous effects , and increase the misery that the masses are suffering ; but what of that ? Their present suffering is great , and would it not be better to undergo additional privations for a short period , to be freed from suffering after ? Till we get rid of our present dishonest paper money system , the labourer will never obtain his fair share of the produce . The debt supports the banking system , and the banking

    system aggravates and assists to create the debt * , and there is no doubt that the destruction of both wll lbllow the adoption of universal suffrage , because it is for the interest and advantage of the great body ( not a few ) of the people that it should be so . "Nations have no interest in going wrong , and are much mere likely to see , and even to rectify errors when they de fall into them , than a few interested individuals who profit by nth-government , and therefore naturally do all in their power to perpetuate the errors aud abuses arising from it .

    Bankrupts, $Cu

    _Bankrupts , $ cu

    Bankrupts. (From Tuesday's Gazette, Marc...

    BANKRUPTS . ( From Tuesday ' s Gazette , March 10 , 1 & _46 . ) William Harding , _Edward-street , Portman-square , turner—William James Harris , High-street , _South-iark , linen-draper—Joseph Sen-ell , Great Dunmow , grocer—Edward Morgan , _lisson-Btreet , coacb-builder— Samuel Fritchett and Joseph Peckover Oridge , Oxford , glove manufacturers , drapers aud grocers — William John Idenden , Limehouse , tailor—William Frederick Brewster , Bath , chemist — John _Cluudell , Coleman . strcet , pawnbroker—John Rayner , _Slanningley , Manchester , cloth manufacturer—Anthony Xicho ) , Newcastle-upon-Tyne , ship broker—Thomas Harding , Lichfield , schoolmaster and stationer — Charles Goldsmith , Bristol , saddler—William Bale , Liverpool , bricklayer—Kichard Faulkes , Songhton , cattle salesman ,

    _BAJiMUrTCY SUPSRSEDED . Joseph Collinson _, Allerton , Yorkshire , worsted spinner

    _PAiTNEBSUIPS DISSOLVED . John Young and Henry Weston , linen drapers , 5 , Albion-place — _Elieha Thomas Archer and Thomas Joseph Travener , paper _stainers , 141 , Old-street—George _Qrimley and William Kirby , bootand shoe manufacturers , Nottingham—Charles Perry and John Lateward , coach builders , Wolverhampton—W , F , Brand and It . C . Brand , woollen drapers , Wigan , Lancashire — George Young and Nicholas Peppercorne , blacking manufacturers , Upper _Tfcames-street—Thomas P . Tyackeand J . G . Plomer , solicitors , HelstOH , Cornwall—J , Schoolbred , Gregory Cook , W . Shepherd , and H . Brown , woollen drapers , Tottenham-court-road and GraftonstreetEast , as far as concerns W . Shepherd—William Alexander aud James Alexander , _saddlers and

    ironmongers , Hungerford—Elizabeth Williams and EUen _WiUiams ; school-mistresses , Monmouth—J , Aitken and James Muplcton , leather dressers , RusPell-streut— A , and J . Boura , dyers and scourers , Ho . 31 , Katbbonc-place—Hannah Hay and Elizabeth _Marshall , school-mistresses Balbam-hill , Surrey—George Henry Cottrell and Thomas Morley , morocco leather dressers , Barbican—Thomas Shepherd and T . I ' ve , lace makers , Sncinton and Hotting _, ham—J . BcnetRoberts and E . Cheetham , stockbrokers , Sheffield—J . 11 . Maude , Son , aud Co ., cement liianu . factum's , Upper OrdnaBce-wharf , llotherhithe—Patrick Cruickshank , John Melville , Robert _Ramcay , and _Williaiu Fauntleroy Street , 13 , Austinfri . irs—William Shaw

    aud Thomas Shaw , machine makers , Leeds—Charles Cole aud William Cell , furniture brokers , Nottingham John Rigg and Charles Boykett , slaters aud plasters Liverpool—J . Travis , J . Barcroft , and J . WhitaUcr woollen printers , Grcenbridge—S . Waters and 0 . Freemen , straw-hat manufacturers , Luton , Bedford—J . Salmon , jun ., and R . C . Salmon , Beaumont , Essex , merchants—E . llarrattandT . Balbiruie _. buildcrs , Huntingdon —T . _Sharpus , W . Cullum , and J . W . Sharpus , chinamen and glass _dealers , Cockspw-strcet , _Charing-cross—H , Donaldson and T . Hudson , Mark-lane—John Hopwoud and William Cookes , Menee , coal masters , Larnslej , Yorkshire .

    Imperial. Jarliammt,

    imperial . _Jarliammt _,

    House Oe Lords-Mosday, March 9. Irish Co...

    HOUSE OE _LORDS-Mosday , March 9 . IRISH COERCION BILL . Lord DcsMAJf moved tho second reading of liis bill , to punish attempts to deter prosecutors , witnesses , and jurors from the discharge of their duty . This bill was founded on tlio 2 ( Hh clause of the Irish Coercion Bill , now before tlie house , which provided against the intimidation of witnesses , and he had introduced it because he thought lets odium would attach to these provisions if they were made applicable to the general law of the land , and not only to a _s-peciul coercive measure for Ireland . The noble lord then proceeded to comment on the Coercion Bill itself , and expressed , in particular , his repugnance to the amended penalty of seven years' transportation for tlie offence of being found abroad under suspicious circumstances between sunset and sunrise . . .

    A somewhat desultory discussion on ths Coercion Bill then followed , in the course of which tlie Lord Chancellor intimated his _entire approval ot" Lord Deuiuan's measure ; and the Earl of St . Germans announced his intention to postpone bringing up tlie report on the Coercion Bill till Thursday , in order that the amendments might be coolly and deliberately considered . Agaiust this delay several noble lords protested , and it was ultimately arranged that the amendments should be laid before the house on Tuesday evening . Their lordships then returned to Lord Penman s bill , and , after some further discussion , it was read a second time , and the house adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS—Moxdat _, March 9 .

    FAMINE IN IRELAND . An interesting conversation arose upon a question which Mr . O'Connell put to Sir It . Peel , relative to tlie measures taken by the government to obviate the impending famine aud disease in Ireland . Sir R . Peel answered the question at some length , in terms almost the same with those which he had employed on several previous occasions in the House of Commons . His statement led to a discussion , in which Sir II . Inglis , Mr . M . Gibson , Dr . Bowring _, and Mr . E . . Ellice , jun ., joined , and severallyjdeclared their opinions as to the best means of meeting the present emergency in Ireland .

    CORN LAWS . On the motion of Sir It . Peel , Mr . Grccno _brought up tho report of the corn resolutions . Oil the question that the resolutions be read a second time , Mr . _LiDDEhL informed Sir R . Peel that it was not _hisintt-Miioiitogirehimany further trouble on the timber duties . So many petitions had recently been presented in liivour of the proposed changes , that he was bound to take it for granted tbat those change * were not disagreeable to the feelings of the

    petitioners ; and as he had not received any further inforuuv . ion from the parties who had sent him the petition which he had originally presented , he was prepared to withdraw tho motion of which he had given notice . Lord ft . Bjs . vm . xck gave an intimation to Sir R . Peel that he must not flatter himself that he ( Lord G . Bcntinck ) too was prepared to withdraw his opposition to the timber duties . On the question that the resolution relative to the reduction of buck wheat , maize , and rice be read a second time ,

    Mr . P . Mims saidhe had hoped that Sir II . Peel would have added to this resolution some words reducing the duties on maize for three or four months to come . The protection party would have no objection to agree to such a resolution , as they were most anxious to provide food for the people ot Ireland . They were desirous of meeting a temporary evil by a temporary remedy . Sir 11 . Peel observed that his proposition was for a permanent reduction of the _tlutieis on buck wheat , maize , and rice to a mere nominal duty , to take effect

    forever , so soon as the bill founded on the present resolutions should be passed into law . lie uroposed , when the resolution was reported , to issue a Treasury order , reducing the duties on buck wheat , maize , and rice to a mere nominal duty , of which jthe force should expire as soon as the Legislature should have decided oue way or the other on the fate of the new tariff , and on the new Corn Law . That remission , however , will only be granted on the parties jjivinj ; bond for the payment of the higher duties , in case Parliament should not give its sanction to the

    present measure . Mr . P . Miles then proceeded to explain his reasons for opposing the resolution , and to suggest them as well worthy the consideration of those who were inclined to remit all duties ou these articles , lie concluded by declaring that it was uot liis intention to give the house the trouble of dividing on this resolution ; he would be content by entering his solemn protest against it . A discussion , more rambling and inconsecutive than ordinary , then took place , in whicli the prominent speakers were Mr . Newdegate , Mr . S . _^ Crawford , Mr . Hume , Colonel Sibthorpe , tbe Earl of March , Sir A . Brooke , Mr . P . Scrope , Mr . B . Escott , Captaill UaiTis , Mr . P . Howard , Mi * . Fitzgerald , Mr . G . Palmer , Mr . Butler , and others . Scarcely a word vyas said on the resolution before the house , as the different orators found it more convenient to

    address themselves to the conflicting statements on the extent of the potatoe disease in Ireland , and incidentally in Scotland , England , and indeed every other country in the world , to the amount of the rate of wages in Ireland , and to the conduct of the absentee landlord , the middleman , and the squireen towards the labouring peasantry of that country—to the right of that poor peasantry to relief out of the union workhouse—and to the necessity not only ot meeting the coming scarcity in Ireland , but also of accustoming the inhabitants of that country to rely on a better supply of food than the potatoe . The merits of Mr . Bianconi and of Father Mathew formed the staple of one gentleman's speech , and the demerits of usurers in general , and of Irish usurers in particular , formed that , of another . Indeed , Mr . Labouchere was the only speaker who did inoiv- tiinn advert en passant to the subject of maize .

    The resolution wns then agreed to . A bill lounded on all the resolutions was then ordered to be brought in by Sir lt . Peel and Sir G . Clerk , And at a subsequent hour was read a first time and ordered to be printed . The house then resolved itself into a committee of the whole house on the Customs' Acts . Lord G . Bestisck . then informed Sir lt . Peel that his friends did not intend to divide on this stage upon any ofthe articles included in the tariff . They did , however , intend to divide on the articles of silk , timber , brandy , on some others at a future stage . They would wait till the bill was introduced , and then , on going into committee , would move that certain articles be omitted from its schedule . After a conversation on the subject , it was agreed that the debate on the tariff should _taj ; e place on Friday night .

    Mi-. Ewakt moved that modern foreign books in foreign languages should be introduced into this country duty free . The reasons which he urged for this amendment were , that it would enable the literary public of England to purchase foreign books at a cheaper price , whilst it would not inflict any sensible loss on the revenue . Sir G . Clerk observed , that the amount of revenue obtained by the duty on foreign books was £ 10 , 000 a-year . He admitted that the interchange of the literature of one country with that of another was very desirable ; but _thffl-e were other matters to

    be taken into consideration . We had of late years taken great pains to prevent plr _.-ttical editions of English authors printed on the continent from being imported into that country . Negotiations for establishing au international copyright were now going on with the Prussian and French governments , and with every prospect of success . He thought that greater advantage would be gained by the authors and publishers of this country from tlie establishment of an international copyright than from the abolition of these duties ; ami therefore he must oppose the amendment .

    A discussion ensued , in which Messrs . Forster , C Buller , A . Hopo , Aglionby , _D'Israeli , Bowring , and B . Hawes , supported Mr . Ewart _' s motion ; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer , Mr . Cardwell , and Sir Robert Peel opposed it . The motion was by leave withdrawn . Mr . jyi smxu lectured Mr . Ewart on the largeness of his professions , and on the in « igui'icanee of his performance on this occasion , and then congratulated the government on the probability that it would never again be in a minority until it bad carried its

    great aud comprehensive scheme . To be sure , it had been thrown into a minority the other evening on tho Poor Laws ; bul that misfortune he was sure would not befal it speedily again . To -morrow morning the public , which was anxious to obtain foreign literature at a cheap price , would be very sorry to find that a majority of their representatives had voted against their conviction to save a Ministry to which they were opposed . He again congratulated the Ministry on their good luck in getting out of a scrape by the support of an opposition wliich was only assisting it—to Its own ruin .

    When the tariff was nearly gone through , Lord J . ltussKi . L reminded tho committee of Lord Granville's observation , that if the manufacturer was to have his corn cheap , tlie farmer ought to have his coat cheap . Now , in this tariff there was a permanent duty of 10 per cent , laid on every manufactured article introduced into the country . He had no objection to that , so long as 'tho _^ cori _^ duti es lasted —/ , c , to tilt ; year _IS-iy . But when the " corn duties should bo reduced to ls . a quarter , he did not see tiny reason why the duty of 10 per cent , should be retained on manufactured articles .

    Sir 11 . Pkkl did not deny that considerations of revenue influenced the decision ot her Majesty ' s Govenanent on several articles of the tariff , lf _' al the end of three years the revenue should permit that a reduction should be niadc in thu duties on articles of clothing , as well as in the duties on foreign corn , he should not be reluctant to make it . But he refused to give any guarantee on that subject , lie had already made a repeal oi" the duties on all articles

    House Oe Lords-Mosday, March 9. Irish Co...

    uBed in the consumption of the poor , he had piovideu for the repeal of the duties on corn at the end ol three yours , and ho considered that he should leave tlie country in a better condition than at present , U he left it only liable to a duty of 10 per cent , on manufactured articles , and that too levied , not for purposes of protection , but for tliose of revenue . Mr . T . Baring contended that to take off all duties would not benefit either commerce , or manufactures , or trade . The country would never allow its tea anil sugar to be taxed , whilst no duties were levied on articles of luxury from agates down to vellum . Ihe result would be , that you must have recourse to direct taxation , and then you ought to consider whether you will not drive capital out of the country . An animated conversation then took place on the benefits of direct and . indirect taxation , in which a _numour of _lueinborajoined .

    The remaining resolutions were agreed to . The Chairman was then ordered to report progress , and the house resumed , _ltepori to bu received on Friday . On the motion of Mr . S . Herbert , the _lion- _'O resolved itself into a committee of supply on the army estimates , and several sums were voted as grants on credit to her Majesty . The other orders ot the day were then disposed of , and the house adjourned .

    HOUSE OF LORDS-Tuesday , Muicn 10 . Lord Brougham presented a petition from the Marquis of Westmeath , depicting the miserable state of that part of Ireland in which his estates were situate , and praying the house to enact laws by which the mischief complained of might bestayed . The report on the Irish Protection of Life Bill waa next brought up , and the several clauses with various amendment- * were agreed to ; after which it was resolved that the report should be adjourned till Thursday , and that the bill should be read a third time on Friday . The house then adjourned until Thursday . HOUSE OF _COMMONS-Tu-nshAv , _Mahch 10 .

    EDUCATION IN WALES . Public business was commenced by Mr . Williams moving for aw address to her Majesty for the institution of au inquiry into the state of education in the principality of Wales , especially into the means aflorded to the labouring classes of acquiring a know _, ledge of the English language . The language of the educated classes throughout Wales , and of the inhabitants of the towns , was _English ; but the language of the labouring classes , especially in the rural districts , was . "W elsh , The Itcv . Mv . Griffiths , the president ofa Dissenting college in Wales , and a person well acquainted with its condition , reported that there were 2 _^ 0 , 000 children who ought to receive education—that there were only 70 , 000 of them

    who received any education at all—that oi ihis number of 70 , 000 , a great portion received an education so inferior as to bo only nominal—and that there were 180 , 000 children who were totally left without that guide which all men ought to receive from a sound , moral , and religious education . The hon .. member proceeded at great length to show the state of the principality with reference to its social and moral aspects , and brought forward much interesting information on the subject . Sir J . GitAiiAM could not controvert any of tho propositions advanced by Mr . Williamson this subject , nor was he inclined to object to the institution oi some inquiry into the matters which ho had Brought under the notice of the house' He admitted that

    the want of an adequate knowledge of the English language was a serious obstacle , and that the knowledge of it was of vast importance to the duo administration of justice in tho principality of Wales . He also admitted that the knowledge of English was an element of great value in the advancement of Welshmen in society . He thought , however , that Mr . Williams had scarcely done justice to what . the government had done of late years to promote education in tlie mining districts of South Wales . After describing tliose measures , and their effects on the social , moral , and religious improvement of the inhabitants of those districts , he _observed , that

    Ministers were new engaged in a grand and comprehensive plan for improving the social condition of the working classes throughout Great . Britain * , and that if they succeeded in carrying it through the legislature _, their moral and religious condition would force itseil more and more upon the consideration of _Pavlittinent . He proposed that the Educational Commutes of tie Frivy Council should send down into Wales two of its inspectors to inquire into the extent of the ignorance of the English _language among the population of Wales , and into the best means of removing it . lie thought that the necessary information might be speedily obtained , and that the intervention of Parliament _might be procured , perhaps , during the

    present session . Mr . Williams expressed his satisfaction at the proposed arrangements ; and , after a few observa tions from Mr . 0 . Wynne , Mr . Davies , and Mr . T . Wyse , all expressive of thuiradmiration of the anxious desire , exhibited by the present government to promote education in all parts of the United _Kingdom , consented to withdraw his motion .

    FRO S T , WILLI A MS , AND JONES . Sir Dk Lacy _Evass presented a petition from Westminster , praying for a pardon to Frost , Williams , and Jones . Sir G . Strickland presented eight petitions from Preston to the same effect , which were , however , withdrawn in consequence of there being no signature to the first sheet . Mr . Fieldeh presented two petitions with a liko prayer . Mr . T . S . DuxcoMitK , previously to submitting the motion of whicli he had given notice , _presented 21 ! . i petitions to the same effect , from different places in lingland and Scotland , signed by 1 , 400 , 000 persons . He could not enumerate all the places , but he would

    mention some : —Exeter , Dundee , Bradford , Birmingham , Newport , Bridgewater , "Wigan , Staley Bridge , the Tower Hamlets , from authoisand otherengaged in literature from the Vale of Neath ; Halifax , signed by 5000 ; Leicester , signed by 5 , 300 ; Sheffield , signed by 113 , 000 ; Kidderminster , Todmorden ; Manchester , signed by 42 , 440 ; Salford , signed by 10 , 710 , * the town council of Newport ; Leeds , signed by a 2 , 500 , among whom was Dr . Hook , the vicar , and several members of the board of guardians ; and several signed by chairmen of large meetings , one of which was held at Glasgow , and another at Edinburgh ; so that altogether these petitions stated the wislie- of 3 , 000 , 000 of their fellow-subjects . There was one petition wliich lie wished to separate from the remainder for peculiar remark , lt _wtis from Abergavenny , and signed by 033 persons of that part of Wales , including six of the jurymen who

    had tried Frost , Williams , and Jones . Mr . Ingram , a very respectable individual who had subscribed the petition , stated that the only six jurymen he had seen readily acquiesced in and signed the petition , that three others of . the jury were dead , that he could not find two others , and that one could not write his name or tell whether it was Christopher John or John Christopher . All the petitioners prayed tlie bouse to address her Majesty , praying her to extend her mercy to these unfortunate and misguided men . The petitioners did not attempt to palliate or to justify the conduct of these men , but they said , looking at the circumstances ofthe country , and to the examples before them in which the prerogative of mevey had been extended , that the house might becomingly interfere by an address to her Majesty . It would be impossible for him to bring up the petitions , but he would lay the list on the table .

    The petitions having been thus constructively ' laid upon tlie table , Mr . T . _s . Du . vco . mub proceeded to say , that if lie could receive the slightest intimation , lie would not say assurance , from her Majesty ' s government , or from the right hon . gentleman opposite ( Sir James Graham ) that those respectful , and humble , and , as he thought , proper supplications of the peopleshould receive the attention , and the favourable attention , which he thought they deserved , of her Majesty's Ministers , he would not for an instant occupy ihe time of the house , but wouid leave the prayers of these petitions to be dealt with by kr Majesty's Ministers , satisfied that due justice woultl not only be done to these prayers , but that such mercy would be showu as sound state policy required . If the right hon . gentleman would give him an intimation—he would not ask for an assurance—he would proceed no further .

    Sir J . _Ghaham advised the hon . member to proceed with his statement ; and then , on the other hand , he would staie his own views . Mr . T . S . Duscoiim- trusted the house , then , would bear with hint while he trespassed upon them for a short time iu stating this case . He was aware that in thus stating it he had many difficulties to contend with ; he was aware of the prejudices and alarm attending a subject of this sort ; he was aware of the feeling entertained by many members of that house , that if it Were not unjustifiable it was inconvenient for the Ilouse of Commons to interfere with the prerogatives of" the Crown , and especially with that which related to mercy , —but there were cases in winch the House ot Commons might and ought to interfere , lhere wen , peculiar cases and peculiar circumstances which justified a member in askimr tor that utter evene _* , although he thought that a member was bound to make it out by _m-oof tint outer

    every means had been tried and had failed before he brought forward the case . ( Hear _he-irV In the preset case , he thought that every " _nieansha I Z hu m £ K . T ! _ft * hy v r p _^ WSS the Minister ol the Crown to extend mercv to these _uiiioiiunateaiidmiRguHivd persons . Last ' vuur , the without end were presented to the Home Office-> viZ . t _<\ f ' _"" baronet •»* _fw foot of the llnone , but tliegovcrmnentliaduot felt themselves _jtistil ed in _acceding to their praver . lie had no complain to make ot tho government in that respect : lor lie dn not think that any government in the case ot such a hemoiu offence as this , wheie the parties had been accused , tried , and convicted of high treason , wouhi have been justified of their own accord in at once granting a pardon . The strong expression of public feeling , and almost the expression of that house , would perhaps have _buen necessary to justify

    House Oe Lords-Mosday, March 9. Irish Co...

    the government in taking that course . Now , he thought he had proved , and that the petitions he had presented had showed a strong and general , if not a universal feeling throughout the country that a pardon should be granted to these men . Whit were tho reasons for this extraordinary and universal sympathy ? He believed it arose from two causes . In the first place , it arose fiom the doubt which existed in the minds of four-fifths ol" tho population of this country that the conviction of these men was not _altogether legal ; that it wasinvolved in great doubt and mystery . Tills doubt was not coniinet ! to men unlearned in the lav . -, but was participated in by lawyers themselves . When they saw the fifteen judges divided six to nine on one point of the case , and nine to six on another

    point , who could say that there was not great weight in the doubt , as to the validity of the indictment , raised by the counsel for the prisoners , Sir Frederick Pollock and the learned gentleman whom lie had the pleasure of seeing opposite ( the Solicitor-General ) ? He found not the slightest fault with that decision he found no fault with the manner in which the trial was conducted . In introducing this subject he could have no party feeling , and he hoped that no party feeling woultl be permitted to cuter into the discussion . ( Hear , hear . ) The petitions had _k-en signed by men of all parties , regardless of the distinctions between Chartism , Radicalism , Toryism , or Whigism , who were imbued only with the spirit of mercy and charity . He had no complaint to make of the

    manner iu which the trial was conducted , ihc officers of the Crown had upon that occasion conducted tho case in a manner wliich was an honour to the profession to whicli they belonged , and with all the moderation and temper which became servants of the Crown and of the country . The prisoners were most ably defended by the honourable and learned gentleman and by the present Chief Baron . It was known that an objection was taken by them , which the judges thought they were then not altogether capable of deciding ; but if the judges had been then pressed for a decision , it was clear , from the subsequent opinions of Mr . Baron Parke and Mr . Justice Williams , that the prisoners must have been acquitted . The point , however , was

    reserved , and the trial proceeded . 'I his reserved point was referred to the fifteen judges . If hon . gentlemen had not been tried for high treason , and ho hoped they never would , they might not know that by the strict letter of the law in eases of high treason and lmsiir ' sion of treason a list of the witnesses and of the jury , together with the address of each witness and juryman , must be given at " the same time " with the copy of tke indictment to the party indicted . He believed he was right in saying that in this case the copy of the indictment was furnished not at the same time with a list of thejury and the witnesses ; that the copy of the indictment was furnished on Thursday , and that the list of jury and of witnesses was not furnished till the Tuesdav—five days

    intervening . Any one reading that could not have a doubt upon the subject . But the point was reserved and the decision was this , that six of the judges to nine decided that the objection was fatal altogether to the trial and conviction , and nine , including those six , decided that tlie objection was good and valid if it had been taken at the proper time , Sir F . Pollock at the same time protesting before God and his country that he could not have taken it ; it any other time . Suppose that question had come now before the fifteen judges , Sir F . Pollock being on tlie bench , there would have been then seven judges one way and seven another , and it wouid havo been decided by a casting vote . But there were other authorities . Of the judges ofthe Queen ' s

    Bench lour out of five decided iu favour of the objection , so that if these individuals had been tried at the Queen ' s Bench instead of at Newport , they must have been acquitted . They hnd also the authority of Lord Brougham in the Ilouse of Lords , who stated that if the majority of tho judges at the trial had been pressed for their decision the prisoners must have had au acquittal ; and it was but due to that noble and learned lord to say that he not only stated that in Parliament , but ho did the utmost man could do not only to save the lives , but to regain the liberty of these men , and to carry out what he said , that an acquittal was their legal right . Virtually the conviction was confirmed by the judges , but let them recollect what occurred at that time—the feeling in

    the publie mind . He believed that at that time -l _. OOt _^ _OOO signatures were attached to a petition to the Queen , They knew perfectly weli that the execution of these nieR was fixed for Thursday following , the decision of the judges having been given on Friday night . The scaffold was erected , the block prepared , the executioner was down there , but then the human voice of the British public succeeded , though not until pushed on , and accelerated , and asistcil by Lord Brougham and Sir F . Pollock . Sir F , Pollock waited six times on Saturday , after the decision of the judges , on Lord Melbourne and the Home Secretary at that time , and kept returning in distress and dismay , saying that they were quite inexorable , that nothing could move them , and that these men

    would be sacrificed . He then saw Lord Brougham in a room of the House of Lords , and again stated his distress , and how often he had been to the Ministers , but could make no impression upon them ; anil Lord Brougham said , '' Go aserenth time , and tell them from me that these men will be legally murdered . " He went , and the public voice of humanity did triumph on that occasion . Tlie sentence was commuted to transportation for life ; but there wouM always remain this doubt on the public mind , that it' the sentence could not ; be executed by the extreme penalty of tlie law , it was doubtful whether they could legally transport them , ( llear , hear . ) That impression still existed , and though it was necessary to make an example of these men , there was a hope

    that if their future conduct entitled them to the clemency of the Crown after a certain number of years , their case should be taken into consideration . That time had arrived , and tlie people of this country were beginning to think , that after six years of suffering , the law and the majesty of the law had been sufficiently vindicated . Frost , Jones , and Williams , for three yeats , wero working in gangs in cha ins . In what part ofthe world did they find political prisoners—for , alter all , these men were but political prisoners of the highest class—treated in that manner 'I Did they treat them so iu France ? But , he did not complain of that ; he asked now for their release , and he said it was a most extraordinary thing that England should be the onlv country in

    whicli , on every great occasion for public rejoicing , they did not offer an amnesty to all their political prisoners . To be sure , there was a remission of sentences of somo prisoners made on the birth . of the Prince of Wales—a publie rejoicing took place—the different prisons were opened—poisons were taken out—free pardons were given to them—but no political prisoners upon any but that occasion . ever received such an amnesty . _Is ' , look at France , Only within these two years—In 1 SU , upon what they considered a victory and triumph ofthe French amis ou _tlm const of Africa , iu consequence , as it was stated in the ordonnanee , of the exploits of the Prince de Joinvillc , between fifty and sixty prisoners were released from Doullen . Amongst the persons

    released on that occasion were several who , as the house would recollect , bad proceeded from the coast of England to Boulogne , and had made almost as insane an attempt as fiad been made by tlte persons who had descended from the hills of Wales . That , however , was a partial amnesty ; but lie hoped it would be general , and that Louis Napoleon Bonaparte and others would be released . Several of his confederates had ; and amongst them was one who had been concerned in attempting to assassinate the Duke _D'Aumale . But had not our arms been crowned with victory ? And was not this the time for the government to show some degree of mercv to these individuals ? We were at that moment inviting France to a move liberal commercial nolicv .

    Were we to be behind her in the cause of mercy ? He _\ vas __ sure that the law had been satisfied by tlie punishmeut and suffering these men had undergone ; and their release would be in accordance with the wishes of a great body of the people in this country . He knew tbat there was great alarm and prejudice upon the subject , aud nothing had gtmi him greater pain than to read a letter from the right hon . geiltloman tlte member for Edinburgh , recently addressed by him to his constituents . In that letter the right hon . gentleman stated that these individuals were great criminals . He did not deny that ; he did not wish lor a moment to palliate _thoir conduct , but he thought that the right lion , gentleman was creating an unnecessary prejudice against them

    , and causing unnecessary alarm , in case the government thought fit to release them . He said -. — " Sir , —I cannot agree with you in thinking that the law lias , as respects Frost and his accomplices , been thoroughly satisfied . Consider what they did , and what they have suffered . They raised a rebellion , which you admit to have been perfectl y unjustifiable —led thousands of ignorant labouring men into guilt and danger—tiled on the Queen ' s troops , wounded a magistrate in the discharge of his duty—caused the deaths of several unhappy creatures—and would , if their attempt had not been stopped in the outset , bare caused such a destruction of life and prepcrt v as has not been known in Em-land for ages . This is their offonce . What has been their punishment ? _lranspoit-ition lor about five years —a lighter punishment than has been inflicted on manv poor

    lads for picking pockets . You disclaim very properlv all projects of insurrection . But rely on it that there will be insurrections enough , if turbulent and designing men are apprised that tlie penalty of raising a civil war is henceforth to be less than tho penalty of _robbing a hen-roost . Thinking this , I cannot hold out any _hopoHlmt I shall vote for any address in favour of these great criminals . " Now , if tho law did enable them to transport a man for seven years or for . [ jfe for robbing a hen-roost that was a must severo law , and the sooner it was corrected tho better . But then that letter was connected with one which preceded it . Now , what ho complained ot was , that those two letters were pubii » _licdtosetlit-r aBdiii connexion with a petition he [ Mv . iJiinombc ) had presented to that house , which was called at that time tiio " _National petition ;" hits almost coupling the outrages of these men with "Its w _.-is supposed to be the object , of that petition and he thought that his name had been luostunfairly _mtndHceduito Uuit letter . The right h 0 u , enth >

    House Oe Lords-Mosday, March 9. Irish Co...

    man said in that letter— " That this is so , I have proof under their own hands , 1 refer to the petition which Mr . Duncombe presented to the House of Commons in 1 S 12 , In that document some hundreds of thousands of Chartists ' askcd for the franchise , and told us how they meant to use it . They avowed that their objects were national bankruptcy , confiscation of the soil , of canals , of railroads , of machinery-in short , the destruetion of all property . " So that he ( Mr . _Huncombe ) presented a petition for the destruction of all property . The letter continued : — " Iwas firmly convinced , and am firmly convinced , thatsuch measures would produce indescribable misery to the great majority of the petitioners themselves . " In that sentiment he fully concurred if that

    were the case ; but the right hon . gentleman continued : — " I refused them the franchise , not from disregard of their interests , but from the same feeling which woultl lead me to refuse a razor to a man who told me that he wanted it in order to cut his throat ; and I assure you that I have never inquired of any inhabitant of Edinburgh who complained to me ofa grievance , whether he was an elector or not . " He wished he had been there when the right honourable gentleman took up his pen , for he certainly- ' would have reiused to let him have it , as the ri _^ 'ht hon . gentleman would havo refused the man the razor who wanted to cut his own throat—( a laugh )—lor he did not think that he was obnoxious to this charge of having presented a petition , the

    avowed object ol wliich was the destruction of all property . He would have been unworthy a seat in that house if lie had presented any such petition , particularly one emanating from three millons of liis _felloW'Subjects . He wished the _right honourable gentleman would point out any paragraph bearing such a construction as that , lie found certainly such a passage as this : — "Your petitioners deeply deplore tlie existence of any kind of monopoly in this nation , * and whilst _tfiey unequivocally condemn the levying of any tax upon the necessaries of life , and upon those articles principally required by the labouring classes , they are also sensible that the abolition of any one monopoly will never _unithackle labour from its misery , until the peoplo possess that

    power under which all monopoly and oppression must cease ; and your petitioners respectfully mention the existing monopolies of the suffrage , of paper money , of machinery , of the land , ofthe publiepress , ol religion , of the means of travelling and transit , atnl a host of other evils , too numerous to mention , all arising from class legislation . " Now , really , he did not see that any one was justified in saying that the object of that was the destruction of all property . First , they spoke of tho monopoly of the suifrage . Was there not such a monopoly ? Then he thought the hon . member for Birmingham would tell them that there was a monopoly of paper money .. Of machinery decidedly there "'as one , and also the sanre with land—for they were fighting about

    it every day . Well , then , as to religion . Would they say there was no monopoly of that . ( A laugh . ) And as to the means of travelling and transit , had they not been passing a bill since that petition was presented with regard to the railway _travelling , ' and to prevent the company ' s having a monopoly ? Well , then , if the right lion , gentleman looked to the coneluding sentence of that petition he would see that he had not put a fair construction upon it in that letter . 11 * presumed that the right Uon . gentleman did write that letter and authorised its publication , but it w : u > an uufortuuate letter to _haye been written at that time , and was calculated to produce prejudice , and if any hon . gentlemen were about to vote or speak from the impression they might have

    imbibed in consequence of that letter , he hoped they would read the whole petition beforo they came to any decision on the point ; for if that were to be the feeling of the future Whig government , he agreed very much with the letter which had . been lately addressed to the electors of Westminster by the hon . ami gallant officer who lately represented that city . The committee appointed for the purpose of endeavouring to liberate these individuals addressed a letter to that hon . ami gallant _ellieer , and aho to the present hon . and gallant member . The latter wrote and assured them that he would give them every assistance in his power , and that his vote would be in favour of the release of these individuals , showing

    pretty strongly the feeling there was amongst the tradesmen of the metropolis before the election , when both the candidates came forward and said they intended to support . this , motion . But what said tlte late hon . and gallant member ( Captain Rous ) ? lie said that he thought they stood a better chance of being liberated by the present government than by any other . He had , therefore , a right to quote the authority of a Lord of the Admiralty in his favour . After that _lctti-l _" , then , of tho right lion , gentleman who had been Secretary at War onec , and would in all probability be Secretary at War again—for lie saw that he wrote about the miiitia in a very bellicose strain —( laughter ) , —he looked with confidence to the Ministry of which Captain Rous was a member , and

    thought they were likely to obtain the liberation of these individuals from this government in preference to any other , more particularly when he saw the ItOIl , illld learned gentleman tho Solicitor-General sitting by the side of the right _honomviWe baronet That lion , and learned gentleman knew this case fully _, lie ( Mr . Duncombe ) had read his able arguments , and although he knew that counsel was not bound by any sentiments he might express upon the trial , ycc they might see a _veiu and scutiuients running through the whole of his address which led them to believe that these individuals had been harshly treated . The conduct , of Sir F . Pollock had thorounlily entitled fiim to say that his opinion was min ' s ( Mr . HtincombD ' s ) favour . Alter Frost had been

    condemned and sentence passed upon him that he should be hanged , drawn , aud quartered , ho visited him iii his cell and took leave of him . Do not tell him , that Sir F . Pollock , or any member of the bar , would have gone to the cell of an individual if ho had thought him a ieion of the sort whose cause they were obliged sometimes to advocate . The house then saw what very strong sentiments there were in favour of tliose men , and iu regard to the case he had submitted to the house , the summing up ol' the Lord Chief Justice Timlal would , he thought , have justified any man in saying it was very doubtful whether or not the case amounted to high treason ; though it was necessary they should be tried for high treason . IS ' ow , he put this ease . Suppose the hon . learned

    member for Cork bad been tried for high treason instead of being tried for a misdemeanour , _hatr'he been convicted he would not have had the same chance ot the judgment being reversed that he really had under the latter mode of protection . His case was argued before 13 judges , and 11 to 2 decided iu favour of his conviction . In the case of Frost and Williams there was no appeal from the decision of those judges ; had theie been , how did they know that the House of Lords might not have decided against the judges the same as they did in the case of the hon . add learned member for Cork ? That circumstance alone proved that it was absolutely necessary there should be an appeal in criminal cases , and he believed the right hon . gentleman at the commencement of Parliament had stated thai it was tlie intention of tho government to bring in a hill for that purpose in certain

    cases , w en , ne stud that England had never upon any occasion of public rejoicing granted anv amnesty to political prisoners , but lie forgot—upon * one occasion -c had been done , but in that case the prisoners were not Englishmen , they wero Canadians , and he would be obliged to any lion , gentleman to show him any difference between Frost ' s case and that of the Canadian rebels . Iu the case of the Canadian rebels they wore actually engaged in a continual State Of uarfaru against the Queen ' s troops , but in Frost ' s ease , iu point of fact , it was no rebellion it was a tumult , a dangerous tumult , and certaiuly __ some lives were lost . If those persons were tit subjects of Royal clcmencv , he could not understand why _thesu three unhappy Englishmen should not be entitled to tbe same consideration at ; the hands of her Majesty ' s- government . He might _t observe that some ot the Cauadian rebels had been i

    raised tooiheo _* ot high trusfand importance , wliich 1 lie lllld 110 doubt they filled with advantage to the 2 State . He did not * _, k a similar indulgence for Frost , , Williams , and Jones ; but he did ask , if . the public e wish , _wlsieh had been so strongly and frequentlv ex- :-pressed upon this su / jeet , was deemed worthv of at- ; - teution , that tho case of those individuals" might it receive the serious consideration of the right hon . ; . baronet opposite . He would not say another word , 1 , beyond adding his of

    prayer to that tbe numerous is petitions he had presented in favour of the motion he kj would now submit to the house . He be _^ cd to to ntuy ,. _, ' _Timt a . bumble address be presented to her er _Majesty , iliai » Ue willbe graciously pleased to take « j into her ALyestys most gracious consideration the lie petitions of Uie _: people presented during the present nt session ot 1 arlianient in favour of a restoration to to their native land ot _1-rost , Williams , and Jones . " Air . iUklky seconded the motion . The question having beeu nut .

    _feir J . Gkaium rose and said , —I should be e . _v- > . vtrcmelyj sorry it one word which fed from me on the ; he present occasion were tinctured with the least dc « r _* o rws of passion or acrimony , for 1 entirely _nirreo with the the hon . member for Finsbury , that it is most desirable ble we _shoulddispassioiKitely and deliberately c insider der the proposition he has brought before us , without out the slightest _regard to party differences or feelings , igs . ( llear , near . ) 1 must say , on that ground , that It I regretted some of the topics introduced bv the hon on gentleman when he weighed _vhe probability of af a question ot this nature , immediately and exclusively relv connected with the administration of justice , being ; in s regarded more or less favourably by all parties who who might happiii at the uunnout to be the responsible _fible advisers ot the Crown . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , I , I readily admit that the number of petitions presented ited on this subject , ami in favour of * the motion of the ' the hon . member for Finsbury , has been very large , rge . ( Hear , heav . ) 1 _admit also that the memorials rials _;

    which it has been my duty tu present to her Majestyiesty in the course oi the last year were not only _numer-iner _* _- ous , but signed by a very huge portion ofthe working king ; classes of mis country . 1 mustalno add that the _tleci-tleci- ' sion of her Majesty ' s government is adopted afteraftcr : duly weighing all tue circumstances of this case , with witlu reference both to the nature of the crime , and thei the ; _. _cu'cumsfcinces uuder which it is our duty to _regai-dsg-u-dl

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 14, 1846, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_14031846/page/6/