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Northern Star (1837-1852), 12th April 1845, Edition 3 of 3, Page 6, GREAT MEETING OF THE METROPOLITAN 6 THE ...

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      Great Meeting Of The Metropolitan 6 The ...

      6 THE NORTHERN STAR - _^ _"> _i 0 _^

      Imperial Parliament

      _Imperial _parliament

      House Of Lords, Moxbat, Aran, 7. Xora Bb...

      HOUSE OF LORDS , Moxbat _, Aran , 7 . _Xora BBC-OGHAM moved for a return of tiie number of -raaway * baispassedthrotigh Parliament during the last ten years , _olstinginsliing the number passed in cachyean the numbernow pending , the number in favour of which the - " ¦ " away committee ofthe Board of Trade had reported , the _sumpaidper share on each raUway already authonsed hy Act of ParKamen _^ and the sums per cent , divided by each lanway on its shares . The noble and learned lord dwelt at some length upon the extent of gambling whicli had _faten place in railway shares , which he contended it was desirable should be in some way checked .

      The Earl of Dailuocsie had no objection to give all the mformation in his power , but he could not give the prices of railway stock , or the dividends paid per share . In reply to a question from the _ilarquis of Xormanby , The Bute of Bu ccleuch said that the Sanatory BiU in contemplation of the Government vovddbe presented in sufficient time to afford opportunities for ample consideration of its clauses , and he saw no reason why its provisions should not be extended to Ireland and Scotland as well as to England , The "Marquis of Xoajii * SBV moved for some returns relative to the constabulary of Ireland . After speeches from lord Stanley , the Duke of Wellington , and tiie "Earl of St Germain ' s on the returns date Jrom 1 SS _6 , the motion was agreed to . The Sugar Unties BUl was read a second time ; after which their Lordships adjourned .

      Tuesdat , _Atkil 8 . lie "house sat for a short time , but werc principally occupied only in re-discussing and explaining portions of the preceding night ' s debate ; when this was ended , then * lordships adjourned until Friday .

      House Of Commons, Moxdat, April 7. The C...

      HOUSE OF _COMMONS , Moxdat , April 7 . The Chakceixok of the _Exchequek moved that tiie "bouse should resolve itself into a committee of the whole bouse upon the Auction Duties , with a view to their repeal . The Chancellob of the _Exciiequeb entered into the reasons which induced the Government to propose-an abolition of those duties . Owing to various exemptions and evasions , the duty was reallypaidupon only £ 7 , 000 , 000 of property , whereas £ 15 , 000 , 000 of property were ascertained to be annually transferred by auction . It also appeared that this tax , amounting to only £ 300 , 000 , cost no less than £ 50 , 000 in the collection . It was proposed that the license for auctioneers should he raised from £ _*> to 51-5 , and to relieve them from the necessity of taking out extra licenses , and other expenses to which they are at present subjected .

      3 Ir . 6 . Bankes , In opposing tbe reduction of the duty , contended that the county rate pressed unequally on the agricultural interest , and that any surplus of revenue might be applied either to that , or affording relief respecting lunatic asylums , gaols , expenses of prosecutions , and other matters to which the landed interest was liable . Very few of fhe 4000 auctioneers in the kingdom paid extra licenses , and raising the license from £ 5 to £ 15 would operate so injuriously as to compel many of them to abandon their occupations ; and while this injury was inflicted upon them , no good was done to the agriculturists . Under these circumstances , he would take the sense of the house upon the remission of those auction duties .

      A discussion foUowed , in which "Mr . M . Gibson , Mr . S . O'JBrieu , "M r . F . Baring , Sir J . Graham , lord John EusseH , Sir R . Feel , Mr . Cobden , Sir T . Acland , and Mr . Labouchere took part . The house then divided , when the - resolution for the repeal of the auction duties was carried by a majority of 167 to 30 . "Mr . Hume moved that the license for an auctioneer should be £ 710 s . instead of £ 15 , a sum so large as to pre-- venta vast number of auctioneers from continuing their avocations . Considerable discussion ensued , but it was eventually agreed that the amount of the license should be £ 10 . The house then resumed , and subsequently went into committee on the Customs ( Import ) Duties Bill . The various clauses were agreed to , and the house again resumed . The other orders of the day were then disposed of , and the honse adjourned .

      Tuesday , Aran , 8 . The house met at four o ' clock . The foUowing hills were severally read a second time : —The Manchester , Bury , and Rosendale Railway ; tbe Bedford , London , and Binningham Railway * , the Middlesborough and Redcar Railway ; the Blackburn , Darwen , and Bolton Railway ; the " _IVear-VaUey Rail way ; the Har-• rowgate and Ripon Junction Railway ; and the Belfast _Improvement Xord J . KussEi-t , gave notice that on that day fortnight he would submit certain resolutions as to the state ofthe labouring classes in England and Wales .

      BA _> E 1 SG IS SCOTIAXD AXD 1 _BELASD . SirR . _Veel took thc opportunity of making the following announcement : —In the coarse of yesterday several members connected with Scotland espressed a Strong wish tbat before the last day of this month I should state the general outline ofthe measures 1 propose to introduce with respect to the privileges of banking _establishinents in Scotland and Ireland . Whatever may be the pressure of other businass , itis impossible I should not wish to comply with _suclr an expression of opinion . ( Hear , bear . ) I therefore take this opportunity of stating , that I do hope in the course of the present month , on some day prior to that named by those hon . gentlemen , J shaU be enabled to state to the bouse the general outline of the measures I intend to propose on that subject . ( Hear , hear . )

      ExrLOSiaxs is coai . mint's . Mr . T . Duxcombe wished to know when the correspondence between the scientific gentlemen who"had been appointed _, to inquire into ihe cause of those melancholy accidents which sometimes took place in coal mines , and the co _' alovrhers of the north , would be produced f Another dreadful accident had lately occurred in the neighbourhood of Newcastle , by which ten lives bad been lost , and it was most desirable to know if any steps could be taken to prevent such deplorable catastrophes . ( Hear , Sear . ) Sir J . Gbaium informed flic ion . gentleman that the answer ofthe coalowners to fhe report of Messrs . Lyell and Faraday had been referred to those gentlemen , to Snow whether they wished to make any and what observations on it . The correspondence had now been completed , and lie would lay it in the course of a few days on the table of the house . _lXVIOLABlLTTT OF LETTERS AT THE POST-OFFICE .

      Mr . T . Buncombe , in moving , pursuant to notice , for leave to bring in a bin " to secure the inviolability of letters passing through the Post-office , " could not help saying that he felt it almost a reflection on the system of government under which we lived , as well as a reproach tothe free institutions we were proud to possess , that it should be necessary for any member of tbat bouse to recommend tbe adoption of measures to secure the _inviolability of correspondence passing through this great commercial country . In submitting this motion to the house he should on that occasion abstain from every remark that could have by possibility a personal application . It was with the system now that le was going to war—it was the system he feliit liis duly , if possible , to destroy . "When and wbence did the Government of this country

      derive this power ? He maintained , and he had the highest legal authority for the opinion , that there was no 3 aw authorising tlic exercise of tliis power . ( Hear , hear . ) It had been an instruction to the committee appointed by that house last session to report what was the state of the law in reference to this subject , and their report merely went to the extent that " the law in 1844 was exactly the same as it was in thc time of Queen Anne ;" but it didnot state what the law was . The committee of the House of Lords went one step farther , and stated ihat " the prorisions of tbe " / th Of Anne , Cap . 10 , COllld only be explained on the supposition that this power was at that time fdHy recognised , for it gave no power to the Secretary of State to open letters , but merely prohibited Others from doing so without a warrant from a Secretary

      Of { State . The power appeared io lave been exercised from the earliest period , and was recognised hy several Acts of Parliament" That was all the committee of the Bouse of Lords said with respect to the exercise of this power , admitting that there was no law to authorise it . He granted that there was an old usage recognised by Acts of Parliament , but if they referred to the cases stated in the appendix of the Commons' report , in which it was attempted-to be proved that this power bad been exercised by former . Governments , there was no proof that letters , stopped and opened at the Post-office had been resealed and forwarded to their address . That system of fraud and forgery bad not been perpetrated . The letters had only been used against the parties in a court of law ; _-but the law -ivas so defective , tliat the

      question- could not be put as to where the warrant was , or who was the delinquent by whom the letters had been opened . _TheSthcifAjine , cap . 10 , was now out of the question , baring been repealed by the 1 st of Victoria . The object ofthe Legislature was neither to diminish nor increase the power given by former Acts ; and he repeated he bad the authority of some of the highest legal gentlemen in the country for saying that there was no law for the exercise of tliis power , and tbat aR that was done by the Act was to relieve the servants of the Post-office from the consequences of a misdemeanour , iu detaining or opening letter . , because they acted od the authority of a warrant from the Secretary of State , the legality of which , however , was left _totany and entirely untouched , just as a constable who produced his warrant was exonerated from the consequences of its execution , although the warrant were Rlegal . In the same manner , if a " stranger" were

      apprehended in tbe gallery of tbat house , the production ofthe order for his admission would be a sufficient justification to him , although when the matter came to be inquired into it would be found they had no such power 10 admit Strangers to their debates . The question now to be decided was , what advantages did they gain from the exercise of such a power ! They all knew the difficulties under which the Government had laboured in vindicating their conduct in this matter , and the bad blood and ffl-feeling wliich haa "been created by the exposures which had taken place ; but if any benefit had ever been derivedfrom this power , no sensible or reasonable man _wuid sappose that after the disclosures whieh had taken Place any person engaged in treasonable conspiracv or _tKS _^ _T WOnla send *•* thro * S the Post-office . ZS _, _"warrants from the Secretary of State for _SSwSS _^?* ******* must be completel y _de-H " -en , was to be done ? Se _j _^ a _thougnt at one

      House Of Commons, Moxdat, April 7. The C...

      time flat there would have been some means of regulatin" tMs practice , and placing it under some effectual control ; but he was now persuaded , that if the system had any value at all , it must be attended with secrecy and fraud . There was no medium course between complete secrecy and placing on the letters opened a puMic mark to that effect at the Post-office . Why , then , should they not abolish the practice altogether ? Why not expunge from the statute-book this odious power 1 It bad been stated in another place that no civilized country could go on witliout such a power as this , lie wholly denied tbe assertion . When Belgian-- became an independent state , one of the first provisions of the constitution was , that the correspondence of the Belgian people should he unconditionally inviolate . In the United States there was no such power to open letters ;

      there was a power in England , Ireland , and Scotland , but no such power existed in Canada , or in any of our colonies , at the present moment . In France the power did not exist . M . Guizot declared in the French Chambers that in law and in fact the correspondence of the French people was inviolate . ( A laugh . ) ' Hon . gentlemen might laugh ; he couW only say thai was the statement made by the _Minister-for "foreign Affairs ; at all events , if letters werc opened in France , somebody would be held answerable for that violation " of tbe public correspondence ; but in this country , although correspondence had been violated , they could not get at the parties who were responsible for it . When this power was questioned ill that house in the time of Sir R . Walpole , it was admitted that it should only be exercised in times of great internal danger ; but from that period the power had

      gradually extended to political and criminal warrants . If it were confined to criminal warrants , there could be no objection to it . But tliat was impossible . On a former occasion he had referred to the number of wan-ants issued by Lord Sidmouth ; be had since been told by one of the firs ! bankers in the city that he had upon one occasion _appRed to Lord Sidmouth to issue a warrant for the apprehension of a clerk who had been guilty of forgery , but Lord Sidmouth declined , saying he never issued warrants except in cases of high treason . The banker explained this to the chief magistrate in the city , and then returned and renewed his application to Lord Sidmouth , thinking he had made some mistake ; but his lordship adhered to Ins original resolution . The applicant then said , " Will you aUow us to see a certain letter passing through the Post-office on a particular day , which wUl enable us to find out where the _de-Unquent is concealed V Lord Sidmouth said , that was a different question , and he would send an answer in the

      evening . His reply was to this effect—he considered the Post-office so sacred that he would not be a party fo . allowing even the superscription of a letter to be seen ; ( Hear , hear . ) Did Government , with all then * police , require this power for the detection of criminals ? The right hon . baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department had produced one ofthe warrants of Mr . Fox . Was that tbe model now in use t [ Sir J . Graham : " "So . " ] Then , what use was there in producing warrants Issued by Mr . Fox or the Duke of "Newcastle ? ( Hear , hear . ) Let them rather have the model of the warrant under which his letters were opened . ( Hear , hear . ) This system was infectious , and produced a most demoralising effect on the servants aud subordinates of the Post-office . He could give a striking instance of this in the notice issued at the General Post-office not many months ago with reference to certain letter-carriers who had been detected in liaving opened the letters of some sporting gentlemen . The announcement ran thus : — " The Postmaster-General

      having had papers laid before him relating to the gross conspiracy which has existed among certain carriers , and having ascertained that Lang , Bell , and Saunders have been in the habit of opening the letters of sporting gentlemen , Ms Lordship is pleased to dismiss thein the service . " These servants ofthe Post-office had been guilty of a misdemeanour which subjected them to transportation ; but in consequence of the exposures which had taken place in that house the Post-office authorities were afraid to prosecute them , knowing the defence they had determined to make was , that they had only followed the example of their superiors . ( Hear , hear . ) Such was the demoralising effect of the system on the officers of the Post-office , while in this instance it interfered with the adequate punishment of such offenders . Their dismissal from the public service was not sufficient punishment for these

      parties ; they ought to have been much more severely dealt with . He had formerly analysed the report of tbe committee ; and he would be glad to know what its members thought of the continuance of this power ? The only novel discovery they seemed to have made was , tliat the most obvious reason of all for the exercise of tliis power was , that by informing the Minister of the Crown of the real state of conspirators and the extent of tlieir combination , he would be prevented from taking any exaggerated view of the case , and from demanding extraordinary powers to meet and suppress the supposed danger , lion , members might picture to themselves the Secretary of State sitting in the back parlour of the _Hoine-ofiicc , and being put into a dreadful state of alarm by reading of some horrible conspiracy in the columns of the Morning Herald , or some

      paper of that sort , the organ of the Ministry . ( A laugh . ) Acting upon such questionable information , let them imagine the Minister preparing hhnself to go down to Parliament with a message from the Crown asking for increased powers to meet the frightful exigency ; and then all of a sudden , finding by means of some letters that after all it originated iu fhe language or conduct of some Conservative association or of some Chartist body , they need not be surprised to see that Minister throw the message and the Morning Herald behind the fire , and refrain from troubling the house at all with the subject . ( A laugh . ) Another Teason for the exercise of this power , one that always appeared plausible until examined , was , that the Government ought not to be made the medium for transmitting letters of a treasonable character , and therefore that it should have power of protecting itself against

      being so . If that argument were good m this ease , so it would be if applied to all omnibus cads and cab-drivers . ( "Hear , " and a laugh . ) It amounted to this , that even if be were to offer to take a letter to Edinburgh , it might be said to him , " WiU you aUow yourself to he made the vehicle of treason ? Depend upon it there is treason in that letter , and you are justified in opening it . " What would any body say to that ? Would they say it was honourable ? No ; they would say it was equally dishonourable . ( Hear ) So he believed it was with the Post-office and the case of a person who put a letter into the box asd paid for its transit . ( Hear , hear . ) He wished to take this power away from the Secretary of State of issuing his warrant at his caprice . Then how would the law remain ? Why , if treasonable correspondence was going on , if there was treason at the Post-office ,

      the Government would have power under the existing laws to issue a search warrant , and to seize any letter or paper in that Post-office just the same us they had to seize any treasonable paper on bis person or in his desk ; and such a seizure would be much more honourable to the Government and much less offensive to the people than the present system . ( Hear , hear . ) Why should they demand extraordinary and obnoxious powers ? They had their rural police iu every county , and what was caUed their municipal police in every borough and city . What could they have more 1 ( Hear , hear . ) More they had , if they knew how to use _itweU ; they had a loyal aud affectionate people , and if they would only treat them as such , it would be much safer for the throne and the Government than all those dirty tricks they had been exercising . ( Hear . ) He asked for a hill that would

      affect the conditional repeal of this power , if by Act of Parliament such power really did exist . He was satisfied tbat no middle course could be pursued . The system of opening letters , the fraud and the forgery , must either continue or cease . He would be no party to any bill that was not seriously intended , ne would not be made a tool of ! , to bave leave to bring in a bUl only to be frittered away , or strangled and defeated . He asked for the distinct vote of the house as to whether this power , if it existed , should continue or cease . ( Heav . ) ne was not in the least degree aware of what were the intentions of the Government ; but he hoped the righthon . gentleman would declare to the house that this was a power not only odious for a Minister to exercise , hut repugnant to the best feelings of a free people , and that the right hon . gentleman would take thc question off his hands , and say that the authority for the exercise of this power should be expunged from tbe statute-book , if

      there it could he found . ( Hear . ) In the hope and _expectation , and upon the clear understanding that such would be tbe course taken , he would declare his conviction that every iU feeling which the subject had given rise to , every suspicion which had been awakened , just or unjust , would be buried in oblivion . ( Cheers . ) Perhaps that was not the only debate which might arise ; but if any minister or agent of a foreign despot should come slandering and sneaking to their doors , the Government would be able to say to hhn , " This power no longer exists . " Whatever redress or protection lie might demand , tbat they would be able and wiUing to give according to the law of England and the law of nations ; but with regard to this species of treachery , should he solicit it at tlieir hands , they would be able to say—pointing to the new Act of Parliament— " Such power is no longer at our command . " ( Cheers . ) Thehon . gentleman then concluded by moving for leave to bring in " a BiU to secure thc inviolability of letters passing through the Post-office . "

      Dr . Bowsing , in seconding thc motion , suggested to the right hon . baronet tbat he should make inquiry into the truth ofthe charges of conspiracy and violence which had been brought against an unprotected foreigner in this country , and , if he found them unfounded , the right hon . baronet would , he was sure , make such reparation to tbe character ofthe accused as his own sense of justice would prompt Sir J . Gbaham . —Sir , I will commence the observations which it will be my duty to address tothe house by first noticing the questions put to me by the hon . gentleman who seconded the motion . Upon a former evening I stated , and stated with accuracy , that until the hon . member for Finsbury mentioned in this house an article in tho Weslitiiiistcr Review , in which is a defence of a portion of

      Mr . Mazzini ' s conduct which I had brought under the notice of the house , I was not aware of the existence of sueh an article . I then stated that it would be my duty to make inquiry in order to the removal of certain doubts respecting that portion of the transactions in wluch Mr . Mazzini was concerned , and to whieh I had alluded . Since that statement was made by the hon . gentleman , 1 felt that it was my duty to institute further inquiries in respect to that transaction . It is fair to myself to say , tliat I only heard of that article on Tuesday la « t ; aud since then I have not received any information on the subject . As soon as I do IshaUfeel it my du * . v ' _- _* redeem my promise andlay it before thehouse ; ana > - dl make as frank a Statement as to the impression on my aiini _) as possible after a fuU inquiry . Having said this , I think I

      House Of Commons, Moxdat, April 7. The C...

      may _reheve the house from any further observations upon that part of thc subject . As to the other part of it , painful as these discussions have been to me on many former occasions , I am bound to say , that the hon . membsr for Finsbury , in introducing a grave question—a question of great importance—for the consideration of the house , has done it in a manner as fair and dispassionate as possible . ( Hear . ) And certainly , however painful my experience has been when I have had to follow the hon . gentleman on former occasions , 1 feel comparative delight in fonowing hhn upon the present occasion , when the debate is stripped ot all personal and acrimonious topics . ( Hear , hear . ) I am so far from contending against many Ofthe positions of the hon . gentleman-thai ' they have my entire approval . For instance _^ I agree with lum that upon this question no middle course can be taken . This power must either continue or cease . I do not believe that

      it would be useful to maintain this power unless secrecy is preserved ; and if the power is continued I do not think the exercise of it can be materially altered . To these leading observations I entirely assent . I need hardly to state to the house that the hon . gentleman has treated this subject in a manner which has almost seduced me from my strict line of duty . I admit at once that this power is an immense and odious power—one that is viewed with jealousy , and justly with jealousy , by the people of this country ; and if it were consistent with my sense of public duty , after the painful experience I have bad , could I accede to the motion of the lion , gentleman , nothing , I assure him , would exceed my delight in doing so . But I am forced to consider this question with reference to tho public interest , and to the public

      interest only . If it were the first time the question had arisen as to whether this power should exist or not , I might hesitate in deciding that it would be wise to exercise it . But this power having been entrusted to the executive Government from the earliest period , hearing date even to the revolution , and being exercised from the time of the revolution downward , being confirmed by the practice of the best of times , not having been abused , —for the committee tell you so , —and not being exercised from personal feelings , or from political hostility , but for the public interest , I say it ' is quite another thing that the house should now declare that this power , so established and so exercised , should no longer exist , and that the General Post-office should be made a medium in future for the transmission of "correspondence , whether foreign or domestic ; of the most treasonable and dangerous character . Having given tho subject my best consideration , 1 have come to the conclusion that

      it is for the safety and advantage of this country that this power should he retained in the limited form I have described , though I do not set very great value upon it , nor lay very much stress upon it . Indeed , were this the first time it was about to he proposed , I do not think I should be anxious to support it . But , looking at aU the circumstances of the case , particularly with regard to aliens and their foreign correspondence , I must repeat that I cannot , consistently with my sense of duty , support the motion of the hon . gentleman . I entirely agree with the hon . member that any bill merely to amend the law would be iUusory _, and that if any enactment on the subject is to be made , the most intelligible and direct mode of proceeding is by way of a bill to repeal entirely the power at present vested in the Government ; but it is with reluctance that I am bound to say , on the part of the Government , tbat I cannot give my assent to the motion of the lion , member for Finsbury . ( Hear , hear . )

      Lord J . Russell . —I agree in the observation of the right hon . gentleman , that nothing could have been move fairly stated than this casebas been by thehon . membcrfor Finsbury . He has brought it forward as a constitutional question . He has stated the arguments which may be fairly urged for the abrogation of the power at present possessed by the Government for the opening of letters , and has called upon the house to consider whether a legislative enactment for its abrogation may not be passed . I find myself in the situation of neither agreeing entirely with my lion , friend the member for Finsbury , nor with the right lion , gentleman who has last spoken . 1 think that there is great force in one observation made by my hon . friend , to the effect that the exercise of this power having been much questioned , and discussed both among the public and in this house , is no longer of the same

      utility as in former times ; and that there now is a sort of notice given to all persons who may be supposed desirous of using the Post-office as a vehicle for the carrying OU Of treasonable and seditious correspondence , not in future to attempt to make use of that department for such a purpose . ( Hear , hear . ) In the course of the discussions ivhieh have taken place on tliis subject it has heen urged that this power ought in future to he used ivith more formality aud precaution , for the sake of the liberty of fhe subject , than have hitherto been shown in its exercise ; and a noble Mend of mine , Lord Radnor , who has adverted to this subject in thc House of Lords , is prepared to propose—I do not know whether he has done so yetthat in all cases of opening letters there should be information on oath , on wluch the warrant should Issue . 1 understand , also , that it is the opinion of a person of

      high authority , Lord Denman , that there should be this control laid on the issue of warrants for the opening of letters ; aud considering the discussions which have taken place , and how desirable it is tliat all powers of this nature should be brought as much as possible into a legal and definite form , I tliink that this restriction should be placed on the opening of letters . { Hear , hear , ) But ray hon . friend ( Mr . Buncombe ) seems to go beyond this . He considers that letters in the Post-office should have a peculiar inviolability , and that persons carrying on treasonable and seditious correspondence should have a security given them by the bill wliich be proposes to bring in . I cannot , therefore , vote with him for the introduction of that Mil ; but if a biU come down from the other house , or should be introduced iu this house , such as proposed by Lord Radnor , I am prepared to give my vote in its

      favour . ( Hear , hear . ) Such a bill would have one effect , which I , differing from the right hon . gentleman opposite , think , would be beneficial , I take it , that if a restriction of the kind I have referred to were imposed , there would then be no danger , if any representations were made by the Minister of a foreign power that letters should be opened for the purpose of preventing insurrection iu a foreign state , that the power of opening those letters would be exercised . I look upon the opening of letters for such a purpose as an unjustifiable use of tho power of the Crown . ( Hear , hear . ) I have now expressed shortly my view with respect to this power ; and I cannot give my vote in favour of the proposed bill of my hou . friend ; but I shall be ready to impose on the use of this power such a restriction as I have already stated , and such as , I understand , has the authority of Lord Denman in its favour , ( Hear , hear . )

      Mr . Wabbueton thought that Mr , Duncombe had brought forward the only motion which it was expedient to make on this question . Even if you could show that the Crown had in early times possessed this power of opening letters—a proposition which he utterly denied- *—it was a power that ought not to exist ai the present moment . He maintained that neither by common law nor by statute law had Ministers any power to open letters in the Post-office . Lord HowiCK said , he could not give his vote in favour of the motion of his hon . friend the member for Finsbury without stating in a few words why he did so . He thought his hon . friend had made rather a larger concession to the right hon . baronet opposite than was altogether discreet . His hon . friend had at once admitted that the power of opening letters could not usefully exist at

      all , unless it was allowed to exist in its present state , and under the existing regulations . With this he ( Lord Howick ) did not agree ; he believed the power mi _^ ht usefully exist , provided the system of exercising it secretly were abolished . ( Hear , hear . ) He believed if tliey did not resort to the practice of resealing the letters and defacing the postmarks— - ( hear , hear)—if it were known in what cases letters had been opened , and in what cases they had not , the power might be safely and usefully exercised . ( Hear , hear . ) Ifliishon . friend should carry his motion , it would be perfectly competent to any lion _, member , in the discussion on the bill , to move the insertion of a clause saving thc exercise of the power under this restriction . ( Hear , hear . ) He should be prepared to vote for a clause of that kind upon this simple ground —that although under the system of doing it

      openljthey would not obtain the advantage of spying into men ' s secret actions , yet they would secure the advantage of preventing the Post-ofiice being safely used for carrying on treasonable correspondence . No man would be able then to carry on such a correspondence without running the risk of having a warrant issued , his correspondence seized , and his letters brought in evidence against him . If the power were exercised openly , no man would venture to abuse it . ( Hear , hear . ) On the other hand , if they said the power must be continued as it was or not at all , he was perfectly prepared to say they ought not to have it at all . ( Cheers . ) He was prepared to say that the danger from the abuse of that power was greater than the advantage that might resultfrom the use of it . He would say more than this * . the system of forging the seals of letters , and defacing the postmarks , was what tbe hon . member for Shrewsbury ( Mr . D'lsraeli ) had called an "organised-h ypocrisy . " ( Cheers . ) It was a practical falsehood carried on , under thc authority ofthe Government , and he objected to it as

      demoralising , and discrediting the Government . He held the opinion expressed by the noble lord the member for Dorsetshire ( Lord Ashley ) in the discussion on the Factory Bill last year , — " What is _moraUy wrong cannot be politically right . " He was of the same opinion ; it was " morally wrong , " and could not be defended on any ground of morality , to deface their own post-marks meant to show the day and how a letter was posted , so as to conceal the detention of that letter , and prevent the party to whom it was addressed suspecting it had been detained . He contended that was an acted falsehood ; it was morally wrong , and could not be politically right , " He would not for a temporary advantage give a sanction to fraud or _pei-jury . If driven , therefore , to choose between the exercise of the power as it then stood , or parting with it altogether , lie would altogether dispense with it . ( Hear , bear . ) He believed it was the practice of some states to exercise the power openly . Let them follow the example ; let them go no further in adopting measures of fraud and perjury , whieh lo a despotic Government might seem right . He should support the

      motion . Mr . Home thought the country was indebted to the hon . member for Finsbury for the courage and tact he had displayed throughout tiie discussions of this question . The question ought to be , had they any proof that the practice was of advantage at all ? Had it been productive of any public good « He knew of none ; he had h-javd of none . The right hon . baronst had not alleged that any ha J been _produced . Thea wh y nhould titty _oout ' .-aie the _poivsr He _ deni <> 3 _thaii ' i _istnsrjr _•*•« . _o-i-w-jU-j i ii * ,- _.

      House Of Commons, Moxdat, April 7. The C...

      the prerogative of the Crown ; would the prerogative fine hini £ 3 for sending a letter by a private baud ? The whole of the Post-office was established by Acts of Parliament , and by Act of Parliament it ought to be regulated . The agitation of this subject had damaged the right hon baronet both in his public and private character ( loud cries of " Oh ! eh ! " from the Ministerial benches ); those hon . gentlemen might not think so ; but he ( Mr . Hume ) thought otherwise , and a large portion of the people of England thought with him . Mr . T . _Duncomue replied . He was sorry to hear the determination of ihe right hon , baronet . He was convinced the country would not be satisfied with that decision * it would not be satisfied ivith the retention of this power by the Government . The noble lord the member

      for the city of London had said he ( Mr . Duncombe ) appeared to think letters passing through the Post-office ought to have some peculiar privilege over all others . He had never said anything ofthe sort ; what he stated was this that if they took away tills power the Government had assumed , but wliich he denied it possessed , then letters passing through tlic Post-office would stand exactly in the same position as papers in the writing-desk of any individual , liable to be examined under a search warrant issued on oath . If they were apprised that a treasonable correspondence was passing through tbe Post-office , they would still have the power of seizing it . Onc ' member of the committee ( Mr . _YTarhurton ) had spoken that evening ; no owcr member of it had condescended to give an opinion on the question ; he had a right to assume ,

      therefore , that his hou . friendhad expressed the opinion of that committc . ( Hear , hear , andalaugh . ) No other member of it had come forward . He saw the noble lord the chairman of that committee ( Lord Sandon ) opposite ; had he g iven any reason for the continuance of the power ! The noble lord had not ; he ( Mr . Duncombe ) mig ht be accused of a "prurient curiosity" in submitting such a question to him , but he would ask him whether he thought such a power ought to be continued ? It was impossible this question could stop here ; a high authority had stated that this power was not a legal one ; and when the petitions of these foreigners were presented to the house the right hon . baronet had said , if the parties were aggrieved , let them indict those of whose conduct they complained . These individuals werc poor , and had not

      the power of seeking legal redress ; but if there was law or justice to be had , he ( Mr . Duncombe ) would test this power ; he would prove that his letters had been detained and opened , and he would try whether it had been done by law or not . If Lord Denman and Lord Campbell said this wasnot a legal power , andif the Government required a bill of indemnity for what it had done , he did say the right hon . baronet was not justified in telling the house he had acted in strict accordance with thc law . The law officer ofthe Crown was present ; he should like to heav his version of the law on the subject . If possible he ( Mr . Buncombe ) would take hini into thc Court of Queen ' s Bench ; he should there defend this law , and then

      the extent of it would be tried . Tho right hon . gentleman said last yeav , let these individuals indict those who had detained their letters , and then the warrant would be produced . He would now see whether it would be produced or not , when the case was carried into a court of justice . He had hoped that tbe house would have entertained the quostion _. and that there would not have been tliat anxiety to stifle this discussion he had observed during thc speech ofthe hon . member for Kendal . Hon , gentlemen evidently had more consideration for their dinners ( laughter ) than for the reasonable wish and desire of the majority ofthe people of this country that this odious and iniquitous power should be extinguished .

      Strangers were then ordered to withdraw , and the house divided . Thc numbers were—For Mi _« . Duncombe ' s motion 78 Against it lo'l Majority against the motion —83

      INTERMENT IN CITIES AND LARGE TOWNS . Mr , _Mackinhon , previously to bringing forward his motion on the practice of interment within large towns , presented a _petitiisn from the labouring classes in Manchester , stating that they worked hard , lived hard , and died hard , and that they thought it doubly hard that after death their families should be put to enormous expensefor their interment , and that after tlieir interment their remains should be desecrated . Three years ago , when he first brought forward this subject in Parliament , he had been met with jeers and laughter , and a statement that liis notions were quite absurd . There had been a great change of opinion since that time ; and a strong feeling now pervaded the country that there was a paramount necessity for making some alteration in our laws ivith

      respect to interment . Our present practice ought to be altered , and , with the view of abating an existing nuisance , he should propose a resolution , that the practice of interments within the precincts of densely populated districts was injurious to the health of the inhabitants , was offensive to pubUc decency , was contrary to the social and religious feelings of the people , and that some legislative enactment , having due regard to vested rights , ought to bi * framed to put a stop to it . He might bc \ asked why he did not himself bring in a bill for that object . * To that he would reply that a private individual could not bring in such a bill with any chance of ultimate success . He would , however , move his resolution , and , if it were carried , would bring in a bill to give it effect , thus acting as a pioneer for Sir J . Graham . He then referred to the fact

      that three commissions liad been appointed by the Government , and that one committee had been appointed by the House of Commons to inquire into this subject , and read extracts from the different reports which they had presented , for the purpose of showing that they had all been of opinion tbat the practice of interment within the walls of large towns was most injurious to the health of the public . He read a letter wliich he had receivedfrom Mr . lirace _, of Surrey-street , Strand , containing some startling particulars as to the abominations of Enon Chapel , and told the house that if it werc of opinion that such aplaguespot should continue in the centre of the metropolis , it would be difficult for it to jusiify its conduct . There was

      no other civilised nation in the world in which this practice of interment within thc precincts of large towns continued to exist ; and he thought it a most disgraceful circumstance that we should persist in a practice so abhorrent to human nature as to bury the dead in the midst of the living . He concluded by moving a resolution to the effect that it was inexpedient and injurious to the heaikh of densely popuhited districts , and contrary to public decency , to continue the practice of interment in their precincts . Should lie succeed in his resolution , he would bring forward a bill upon the subject , which bill he would be prepared at any moment to resign to the care of her Majesty ' s Government if tliey would undertake it .

      Sir J , Gbauam was impelled by a sense of public duty to resist this resolution . He was aware how closely the subject was connected with the feelings of the humblest classes of the community , and therefore it was that he paused before he legislated on it . The example of foreign countries on tliis point was inapplicable to our own * , for there various artificial means to facilitate the decomposition of dead bodies were employed , which would not be permitted here . Itwas a difficult thing to say that a man should not be buried wliere his relations were buried before him ; and any legislative measure which should be founded on such an interdict would interfere with warm feelings wluch ought not to be hastily vio l ated . He looked upon it as a gross exaggeration to say that our practice of interment in our large towns was abhorrent to human nature and made foreigners view us as savages and barbarians . He knew that the practice was said to

      be incompatible with thc public health ; but he could scarcely believe the assertion to be well founded , when he reflected that there was no other metropolis in the world in which the state ofthe public health was so satisfactory as it was in London . He demurred to the assertion that health was endangered by residence near a churchyard , and told the house that the Bishop of London had resided for some years in Bishopsgate-churehyard , and had informed him that he and his large family had never enjoyed better health than they did during theAv residence in that spot . He considered the abstract resolution of Mr . Mackinnon to be an impediment to all legislation on this subject . Mr . Mackinnon had told the house that he had a bill prepared to carry out his resolution . Now , ho pressed on that gentleman the propriety of withdrawing his resolution , and bringing forward his bill . When thc remedial enactment was

      doubtful , was it prudent to assert that our practice ounterment was inconsistent with the public health , was contrary to public decency , and was opposed to the social and religious feeling of the country ? Mr . Mackinnon had complained of thc indecent proceedings in Spafields . He had ordered a prosecution to be commence *! against the parties concerned in thein ; and if the facts were proved he had no doubt that the law would be able to grapple both with tbe offence and with the offenders . So , too , in the case of Enon Chapel , which appeared a uery fit case for further inquiry . He was afraid that if the house pro . ceeded to put a stop to tliese proceedings , ani also to the practice of intermural interment by any very stringent enactment , public feeling would be strongly excited against it . He did not assert that this subject might not hereafter eome under the purview of the Council of Health ; but he had carefully abstained from placing it under their jurisdiction in the first instance , lest prejudice should be created against thc council by its having such

      a duty assigned to it . He spoke in terms of warm approbation of Mr . Chadwick _' s report : but the proposition of that gentleman had convinced him more than anything else of the difficulty of legislating Oil tliis matter . He believed that the adoption of the measures recommended by Mr . Chadwick—namel y , the abolition of all private interments , and the undertaking of all burials by the Government— -would be generally repudiated by the country . He denied tliat the church was opposed to any alteration in _' the mode of our interments , and stated that the Bishop of London had turned bis attention to the subject and intended , he believed , to introduce a measure uuon it . But caution must be observed in adopting it . If he had matured a measure on the subject , he would have introduced it to Parliament ; but he had not , and until he had done SO , it was his duty to attend to the measures introduced by others . Having given his attention to this resolution , he thought it very inexpedient , andif it were pressed should meet it with a decided negative .

      Mr . Bebnal said , that the practice of interment in populous districts was condemned by experience and science . Cemeteries were , no doubt , on the increase , but tlio poor would be but little benefitted by them , for tbey were by necessity compelled to resort to cheaper burial places , from which all the mischief complained of emanated . Dr . _Bowrisg said ihat Spain , Germany , Prance , and all the CO _ZUtrieS Of the east , had removed their places of _nt-H-a-ient to a distance from their large towns , and « -. - ) nn ; iini th . s house to follow their example

      House Of Commons, Moxdat, April 7. The C...

      Lord Maiion said , no question was more essential to the health of large towns than that which Mr . Mackinnon had that evening laid before the house . The Government was preparing measures for the better ventilation and draining of large towns ; but those measures were but trifles in comparison with that referred to by Mr . Mackinnon . Of what avail would any measuvesfor tho better ventilation of a large town be if the air passed through the miasma of crowded churchyards ? And of what avail would any measure for its better drainage be if the water which flowed through the streets werc tainted with thc drippings and distillations from buried corpses 1 He could not , however , concur in the terms in which this resolution was expressed . He would , however , vote in favour of any resolution whicli should declare that interment within the walls of large towns was injurious to the health of their inhabitants .

      Lord Ebiungton hoped that Mr . Mackinnon would alter his resolution in the manner suggested by Lord Mahon , in order to conciliate to it the greatest amount of support . He read several extracts from Mr . Chadwick ' s report , for thc purpose of showing that Sir James Graham had underrated thc danger to health from the miasma of churchyards in the sentve of large towns . Mr . Hawes agreed with Sir James Graham , and pointed out the difficulty of legislating upon this subject . Mr . Borthwick also suggested to Mr . Mackinnon the propriety of modifying his resolution . The Earl of _Lincois took the same view of the question as had been taken by Sir James Graham , and expressed a hope that Mr . Mackinnon would withdraw his motion , and move , hereafter , for leave to bring in a bill , which would receive tlic serious attention ofthe

      Government . Mr . T . Duncombe said , that having consulted with his hon . friend Mr . Mackinnon , he would move as an amendment upon his resolution the following resolution : — " That the practice of interment in the precincts of thc metropolis and of large towns was injurious to the health of the population , and demanded the serious attention of Parliament . " He thought that the great difficulty in this question would proceed from the clergy , and not from the laity . Mr . Mackinnon concurred in the amendment of Jlr . Duncombe . Sir It . Incus thought it qnite feasible for parishes in London to unite in buying burial-places beyond the suburbs , and making such arrangements as would afford due protection to vested interests . Sir *> . © rev said that no bill could be introduced upon the subject with any chance of success , unless it was introduced by some member of the Government .

      Sir J ; Graham again deprecated the policy of proceeding by resolution on this subject , and contended that even if the amendment now proposed were carried , it would excite false expectations in the country . He showed that the remedies which had been proposed for the present system , and which were founded on thepractice of foreign countries , were most of them inapplicable to the present state of society in this country . He thought that it would not be impossible to get over the difficulties of the clergy on the subject ; but it perhaps would not be so easy to overcome tbe objections of the Dissenting clergymen , who had burial-grounds attached to their chapels , and who derived from them a benefit which they shared in common with the rest of their congregation . He would gladly aid any member who would bring forward a bill upon this subject ; but he had stated to the house the difficulties which environed any legislation upon it , and he confessed that he did not know how to remove them .

      Mr . Mackinnon then withdrew his resolution , whereupon . Mr . Buncombe ' s amendment became the original question . The house then divided , when thftrc appeared ;—For Mr . Duncombe ' s motion 60 Againstit -19 Majority in favour of it —17 The announcement of the result was received with loud cheers by the house .

      agricultural statistics . Mr . M , Gibson moved a resolution as to the necessity of adopting some means of obtaining agricultural statistics . Last year he had made a similar motion , and the object of it was approved by the Government . His object in renewing his motion was only to ascertain what had since been done in accordance-with the pledge given by Ministers to take thc subject into consideration . SirG . Clarke explained all that had been done , and said he had no objection to lay before the house all the information they had us yet been enabled to acquire upon the subject . Some discussion ensued as to the practicability of obtaining the requisite statistics , the Government being most anxious to get them if possiblo ; after which , Mr . Gibson asked if Sir It . Peel would object to a committee of inquiry , in order to see if the difficulties in the way of acquiring information might not be overcome .

      Sir R . Peel said , lie was most anxious that this information might be obtained , and if the executive Government were unable to devise a plan likely to effect thc object , he would not have thc slightest objection to the appointment of a committee . Mr . Gibson then withdrew his motion . The remaining business was then disposed of , and the house adjourned .

      £Ovvtgponatmt.

      £ _ovvtgponatMt .

      Progress Of Chartism Ik Cornwall. To The...

      PROGRESS OF CHARTISM IK CORNWALL . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR . Dear Sir , —It will , no doubt , be within the recollection of many of your readers that we commenced our local warfare , under thc able directions of Jlr . C . Doyle , last November . At that time we secured the election of a truly honest Democrat , Mr . J . B . Read , in the council , whose exertions tbrongh life have been unceasing in the cause of suffering humanity . We were not mistaken in our choice ; his conduct has created such an amount of Confidence , that the pftoplo are determined to have the management of their own affairs . On the 1 st inst . we elected four assessors and two auditors of our own choice ; in this instance , the ruling few let us do as we pleased . On the 25 th every Jack in office was al his post ; yos , and some of the workies , to their shame be it spoken , were

      there to assist in the dirty work of crushing public opinion . Wagers were wfilingly offered , ten to one , that we should be beaten ; every means that could he used were , to divide the people , but all vanished as air before the united Intelligence of the mass ; ivhieh is a convincing proof that if the people are determined to be free , they will be so . Triumph we did ; and I am satisfied that a more glorious and unsullied triumph has never been achieved in any borough in the kingdom . Though the league against us was apparently all-powerful , they gained not an inch—we carried all ouv own way , thanks to the goodly band of sturdy Democrats , who , " eome weal , come woe , " are resolved to crush tyranny , aud dissipate corruption , wherever it exists . We have elected thirteen men for tho Board of Highways , amongst whom are Mr . John N . It . Millet ,

      Solicitor , whose unflinching opposition to loeal tyranny is well known , and whose conduct during this contest entitles hhn to the thanks of every one of Labour ' s sons in this borough ; Mr . J , B . Head , the people ' s own , whose truly able and efficient appeals animated us , and struck terror and dismay into the ranks of our opponents ; Mr . Charles Reynolds , sen ., Cordwainer , the father of Chartism in this locality , whose hatred of tyranny , love of justice , and consistent walk through life will not be questioned even by his veriest enemies ; Mr . Solomon Ezekiel , a Jew , an honest Democrat , and a very intelligent one too ; Mr . William Pengelly , Grocer , who has for years been found uniting with the people of this town , when any act of oppression was about to be perpetrated , and at one

      time made a very great sacrifice in defending their interests . The remaining eight are men well tried , namely , Messrs . Martin , "B ramble , and William Trcnwith , Cordwainers ; John Paul , Curri « r ; Joseph Wallis , sen ., and Thomas Edmonds , Carpenters ; William Dounithome , Butcher ; Richard Kempe , Farmer ; and Edward Harvey , Architect ; the last named is a member of the Town Council , and 18 hould be wanting in my duty if I did not say that he richly merits the thanks of every working man for his noble and patriotic conduct . Our local struggles have rallied around our darling Hag ( Charter ) men , who otherwise would not have examined our beloved principles ; and it has caused hundreds to look on us , as a political body , in a far different light to what they formerlj

      did . With regard to the overseers of the poor , the 25 th of March is passed , but no notice of vestry meeting has yet appeared - _, what the magistrates' intentions are I know not , but if we get fair play we are ready for action . It is painful to record thatthe aristocrats , through a dastardly employer , have victimised onc of our most worthy members , W . J . Guscott , Statuary , formerly our sub-secretary , by discharging him ; but he , noble fellow , though a fond and lovely wife ivith four lovely children are solely dependent on him , braves all , rather than give up one iota of

      Ins principles as a Chartist . Ouv lads are determined to do all they can to lighten his sufferings ; he goes on tramp next Thursday . Were I to close this report without returning thanks to the brave fellows who aided in bearding the tyrants in their dens on Tuesday , I should charge myself with ingratitude indeed ; and to none more than the truly independent Cordwainers of this town , who can with propriety be termed the " bravest of the brave " amongst Labour ' s sons . Their example is worthy ofimitation by every town in the kingdom . They are not only foremost in the fight for local ri ghts , but they lead other trades in union for promoting their trade affairs .

      If Mr . O'Connor will but redeem his long promised pledge , he shall have such " a rally around him" as will not be inferior in spirit , though it may in number , to the best he has ever had in the kingdom . Yours truly , in the cause , of Chartism , P . J . O'Brien , _Sub-Treasurer . Penzance , 27 th March , 1815 . [ Withheld last week through want of room . —Ed . _N . S . ]

      Depibture Op The Calebo.-Yia From Liverp...

      Depibture op the _Calebo .-yia from Liverpool . The steam-ship Caledonia , Captain Lott , sailed at eight o ' clock on Saturday evening , for Halifax and Boston , taking out her full complement of passengers , not less than 60 , 000 newspapers , and an equal number of letters , and a bearer of despatches from Government to Mr . Pakenham , Minister at Washington , conveying the declaration * of thc Government respecting the Oregon , for which purpose hor detention iVuin Friday to Saturday was , no doubt , ordered by the Admiralty . She was ti > _uraphed off Holyhead at half-past five o ' clock on _^ _umUymoi'llinn '

      Great Meeting Of The Metropolitan Boot A...

      GREAT MEETING OF THE METROPOLITAN BOOT AND SHOEMAKERS . A public meeting of the trade , convened by the Conference , for the purpose of creating a good feeling , and cementing the bonds of union in all branches of the craft , was held in the Hall of the Parthenium Olub , 72 , St . Martin's-lane , on Sunday evening April 6 tb . Mr . Hyde , chairman ofthe Conference , was unanimously called on to preside . The chairman said , he believed that the object of their assembling to-night was to promote a better union of the trade than liad hitherto existed . The state of the trade , as made known by the delegates , was of a truly alarming description , and clearly proved the necessit y of t better feeling and a more compact union . ( iiear hear . ) In conclusion , the chairman called the attention of the meeting to the following paragraph from the Northern Star : —

      Thus armed with popular confidence and the Jaw ' s ! toleration , we call upon thc Trades of England to arouse from their long and enervating slumber— to _shaJ-e nff tllOh . ' destructive apathy—to rid themselves of tliuir , 'iris . _tocrulic pretensions—to doff the garb of slavery which they have so long and so willingly worn , and to put on the armour of self-defence . They may rest assured that united , tlicy are omnipotent—tliat thou * Preside nt jyji } Stand by them to thc last—tliat their legal adviser will keep them clear of the meshes and trammels ofthe kin- — tliat their organ , ' which we have the honour to conduct will honestly , faithfully , and zealously represent them 1 that their enemies will dread them—their friends respect them—and the world admire them , when tliey assume the position of freemen , and manifest the determination to be no longer slaves . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . Pittam ( City Men ' s-men ) moved thc first resolution : —

      That it is thc opinion of tins meeting , that tiie object of all associations is protection , and that protection cannot be procured without an extensive union , combinin- * all branches of the manufacturers of boots and shoes , This meeting , therefore , pledges itself to use every exn . tion in its power to consolidate the Trade into one united body . It appeared to him that the time had arrived when they __ should effectually unite and organise for the protection of tlieir labour . It might be said the previous * unions had been failures , * well then , it was necessary that steps be taken to form a better , and let past failures act as a light and a beacon to guide them in their future operations . . ( Cheers . ) The reason of those failures was , that they had been nulling and

      fighting against each other . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) On a late occasion several thousand members joined the union in a few hours , and he could only attribute the comparative failure of that association to the placing too much power in the hands of the Executive as regarded strikes . ( Hear , hear . ) He contended that a consolidated union was the only effective means of putting an end to the _present baneful state of things . ( Cheers . ) hi attending public meetings , he had frequently heard it stated that the Land was tho one thing wanted . lie perfectly agreed with that . ( Cheers . ) But with those men who said Trades "U nions had done no good he coiild not agree . ( Hear , hear . ) Hewas fully prepared to go on the Land . Some parties advocated Labour depots ; lie

      thought the shops m this great metropolis showed a superabundance of manufactured goods already . ( Hear , hear . ) He , therefore , much preferred the establishment of a fund for the obtaimncnt of the Land . ( Cheers . ) Other investments might tail , but the parties entrusted could not run away with tlic land . ( Hear , hear . ) If strikes werc to take place for the future , let them not be sectional , but national , for the benefit ofall , and receiving the support of al ) . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . Johxso . _n * ( Strong Men's-men ) , in seconding the resolution , said he believed that nearly everything had been tried to benefit their trade , but all liad failed , nowevcr , a Conference was sitting , in which the principle of union "was _porso-natcd in thc

      delegates from all parts of the kingdom , and he expected great benefit would result from their meeting , lie regretted exceedingly when lie looked back on _tlw > inimense amount of money which had been spent in strikes , and reflected on the great quantity of land that money would have purchased for the advantage of their members . Like liis Mend Pittam ho was much disposed to go on the Land . ( Loud cheers . ) He cordially seconded the resolution . Mr . G . Smyth ( City Men ' s-men ) , thought it was but a very small minority indeed tliat would be found to disagree with thc Land question . ( Cheers . ) But he thought thc best means tobe taken in effecting this great desideratum was , first to obtain a thorough union of their whole body —( hear , hear)—and that once effected , the Land question would be cavvicd

      sweepingly . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . James ( City Men ' s-men ) was glad to meet such a large assemblage of his shopmates . S ufficicnt time had now elapsed since the Birmingham Conference , to allow them to judge of thc working oi * the rules of the Mutual Association , and to remedy any defects that might be found therein . London was generally looked up to , and unless thc Men's-men oi London took part in the movement , that movement would fail . Hq therefore thought it was necessary tliey should have a General Union —( cheers)—and he hoped they would all unite hand in hand , until tlicy obtained a fair day ' s wage for a fair day ' s wo _* ( Cheers . ) Mr . Malcolm , Southampton , next addressed the meeting .

      Mr . _Jekdax said , he thought thc subject under discussion was settled by their meeting of last Sunday , and by the appointment of delegates from the several sections of their trade to the Conference he would , therefore , much like to hear the sentiments ofthe delegates on the ultimate objects to be obtained by their uniou . Mr . Hasley , West-end Men's-men , said , the resolution now before the meeting was highly important . When he was elected he had no specific instructions ,

      aim hence the necessity of holding this meeting to elicit tlieir opinions . ( Cheers . ) Mr . < iuiSN , Bradford , thought the only means of effecting a union was to exhibit union amongst themselves , by causing an immediate amalgamation of the Mutual Assistance Association and thc Philanthropic Society of United Boot and Shoemakers . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Skelton , Woman ' s-man , next addressed the meeting , and the resolution was carried unanimously . Mr . Haslisy said lie perfectly agreed with the resolution he held in his

      hand—That it is the opinion of tMs meeting that the difference between a portion of the members of our trade as to its organisation , is calculated to destroy that harmony and good feeling wliich should exist among all classes of operatives , and whieh is essential in a union whose object is thc protection of Labour . " Mr . J . M'Gee , Birmingham , seconded thc resolution . Mr . M'Camhy thought the calling of this meeting reflected great credit on the Conference , and that it was well calculated to create a union . He was well aware that great grievances existed , and that a remedy should be found ; aud he was also sure that , tor any union to bo complete , it must embrace London . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Wvkehan , "West-end Men's-men , most cordially supported the views put forward by his friend Skelton ; lie was sure the West-end Men ' s-men wore in favour of an extended union . ( Cheers . ) Thc resolution was carried unanimously .

      Mr . M'Lean Preston , then moved the tluid resolution—That to unite our Irish brethren , and induce tliem to to adopt our laws and to conform generally with the principles of Union , and erase for ever the prejudices and apathy now prevailing between shopmates residing in the sister kingdom , we invite our shopmates in every city and town in Ireland to establish , without delay , a general system of relief , without exception to class or locality . Mr . Quixn , Bradford , briefly seconded the motion . Mr . Smyth , Bradford , addressed the meeting very ably in its favour , and was followed on thc same side by Messrs . Shute and Grove , Devonpovt . Tlic resolution was carried unanimously . Mr . Scott moved—That the thanks of this meeting ave earnestly due , and are hereby given to thc proprietor , editors , and reporter Of the _JVbl'WlCl'li Star , for their great and continuous exertions in Labour ' s cause .

      Mi * . Shute seconded the motion , which was carried unanimously . A vote of thanks was given to the chairman by acclamation , and this important meeting separated .

      The Turn Of Life. —Curb Exinaonnixart Bt...

      The Turn of Life . —Curb _ExinAonniXART BT Holloway ' s Piils . —A respectable woman , aged Forty-seven , named Graham , residing in Scotlandroad , Liverpool , was in the most critical and dangerous state for nine months , being sometimes almost choked with phlegm , shortness of breath , palpitation of the heart , together with a genera derangement and debility of the whole system . Her life was in the greatest danger , when she commenced the use of these miraculous pills , _wiiicft restored her to the highest state of health in five weeks . They are the finest medicine in the world for females of all ages , and certainly at particiito periods . Representation of Greenock . —Mr . Bnine _, late chief magistrate of Greenock , has issued an address to the electors , as a candidate for thc vacant seat . He professes liimself a supporter of free-trade principles .

      Lord Hosse _' s Telescope . —Marvellous rumours are afloat respecting tlio astronomical discoveries made by Lovd __ Rosso ' s monster telescope . It is said that _Regulua , instead of being a sphere , is ascertained to be a disc ; and stranger still , that the nebula in tbebeltofOrian is a universal _systeni—a sun , with planets moving round it , as the earth and her felloworbs move round our glorious luminary . —Literary Gazette . Of Sidxet Smith it may be truly said , " e ' en in his ashes lives his wonted fire , " tor the posthumous pamphlet which is now in circulation decidedly proves the fact . A curious phenomenon is here evolved—thatof a silenced cauon firing a shot after being finally sp iked . —Satirist .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), April 12, 1845, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_12041845/page/6/