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    of tie coerciTe Whig f-ove-r-ament ©•(Jo...

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    Mohda¥R *D-.C..6. Y House Op Lords. -Idi...

    • toleiMMe of tie coerciTe Whig _f-ove-r-ament . He * _£ 7 . of old- what Whig professions meant " awhat value was to be attached to _^ _Whlg _Noi ses . When . they were weak , they alr _^^ otted Ireland , and fawned upon her ; 5 ? ai ihey _*«? , st - _? PS * they openly " betrayed Stied _wlueh _lurlced in their hearts , and _treacb-^ _I _jsly turned on those who had supported them . SL had they acted afew years ago when weak ? _^ tead of sending in agricultural nan to be _LordiSoten -u-fc tf-m _* _- * -3 ™» 1 couatry , they aenta _iLi-military _cbjeltain . with plumes flying , no other fEjjj the Marquis of -Nonnanby , who , at the time _{^ crimes were being engendered , instead of _issu-^ _ptoclamatiiHis . and making the fcwr respected , _" _* _OTd through the conntry like another Don _flnjxdte , declared a general gaol delivery , and went thie villain - _<^ _T- « . nf tha cnerciTe Whir _rnrrrnirimt _Tlnl

    jtont letting _-res , s , ano * pickpockets loose _^ BO * _iefr--th _«» over-ridi-Mt the ordinary law , _^ g iBgthejudge 8 *) _ithetod-ntp- _^ tempt , mockinc rt _e power _oijunes , and liberating thieves and felons _H give stability to a tottering government . "Was rtfe the way to inspire respect for the ordinary law . f -jear , hear , and cheers . ) Was ever anything half _m _-rf * UTd ! Nothing , TOlesa . indeed . it were the mild _prsvision ( mild as mother ' s milk ) ofthe present bill , « iieh made it imperative that when a murder was eBBniitted half the population of a country , children t _% sixteen , and old men at sixty , shonld scamper _jj-iough the com fields afterthe murderer , or else pake np their minds to imprisonment for two years . ( I snshter . ) Thepoliceand the satellites of the

    _eofsrnment were at we bottom ef a -very large proportion of the _offencesattributed to the Irish _pea-Jgntry . In the year 1833 , when LordHatherton was Secretary for Ireland , he ( Mr O'Connor ) wasengaged hy professional duty in Clonkilty . On his return he _tos thrown from his horse , and could not have _f _-gched home tbat night had it not been for the kindsets of a friend , who placed at his disposal his horse , gig , andservant . The tithe agitation was going on -jigorQusIj at the time , aod the servant , -who . being a Catholic , of course approved of it , mentioned as they rode along that when Whiteboyisra was in existence be had lived with a captain in the aimy , who nsed to sake it a practice to go ont at night amongst the peasantry , with a friend of his , a major , and one or

    two other gentlemen . The whole party used to _fclacken their faces , and swear the peasants in as Whiteboys in order that tbey _misht have employment . He ( Mr O'Connor ) told MrLittleton of these transactions , and undertaking tohave them properly attested ; but the secretary declined to interfere , because ( no doubt ) it was gentlemen , and not vulgar peasants , who wonld have to be impeached . Another instance which he would quote , and would eive the names of the several parties conceroed , if the bouse reunited it , as he wonld state nothing that he conld not substantiate ; itwas this , in the year 1823 . durinjr the time ofthe Whiteboys , when the landlords and parsons had driven the people into rpen rebellion , a tenant of his . Mr { O'Connor ' s family ) had a private still , a very common tiling in those dava . and he

    received a notice signed , 'CaptRock , * stating that he and some of his men wonld call upon him thefollow * ins night for two or three gallons of whiskey , and which must be supplied on peril of his life . Well , who were the messengers ? Wby , two orange pratetant yeomen , while their captain , now no more , was within a field , and , in a short time afterwards these rery notices aod practices vere made the pretext for nutting those and other yeomanry corps on daty- Now was not that an answer . to the fabricated correspondence , produced by the right hon . gentleman , _tolhne the house that America furnished tiie _Ho-d money . Another instarcehe would give them . He ( Mr O'Connor ) was at breakfast with a magistrate , in the County of Cork , when thefollowing letter was handed to him : —

    Vydear . I understood tbat Tom Ji _tij-erald , the constable of yonr district , who resided with Capt . Daunt , has a warrant against _Bos for the murder of _Gallav-m . Will yon _senaforFittgeraia and get the warrant from liim , as Boss is as good a Protestant as ever stepped in shoeleather and _Gallavan was a rank Papist Yours , . Now he ( Mr O'Connor ) was present when that magistrate got the warrant from the constable and destroyed it . There's Irish ordinary law ! ( Hear , hear . ) _Theh-jn . andlearnedgenaeman then alluded to the attacks which had been made in that honse and elsewhere on the Catholic clergy , and declared his conviction thatthe only result which could proceed from such unwarrantable _aggressioHS on men so

    exemplary andpiou 3 would be the exasperation ofthe Irish people , to -whose hearts they wonld be for ever deal * . ( Hear . ) Their crime was devotion to the national faith , which was nursed in the cavern , and cherished in the cave—it was hugged ss a priceless jewel to the victim ' s bleeding heart , embalmed in the bloody shroud—entombed in the martyr ' s cold --rave , and enshrined in the nation ' s affection . ( Hear . ) There was not a single argument used by the right honourable banmetin favour of the bill that was not , in his ( Mr O'Connor's ) mind , a condemnation of it He wonld read for the house the opinion whieh had been given in the year 1823 of the Irish people , by the Honourable W- W . Wynne , who was then a member of the government . He says . 'When-reflect

    ing upon their many admirablequalities , their genius and intelligence , and particularly their social and affectionate character , their disposition to give confidence , their devotion to any cause they ever heartily espouse , their patience , their hospitality , their remarkable love of country , their attachment to all the _charities of life , what must I think of the policy by which aU those excellent qualities and all the gifts of nature and of Providence are rendered the fruitful source of misery and bloodshed . ' He ( Mr O'Connor ) asked , would they reject that authority—the authority ofthe President of the Board of Control in the year 1822 ? But , notwithstandingthatopinTon , they had subsequently passed Coercion Bills . He wonld tell them that whatever good they intended to do for Ireland , they must enforce that good , or ( he landlord

    would have the entire ofthe good , and tenant none of it . ( Here tiie Attorney General was speaking rather audibly to a member near , when the hon . gentlemaB was speaking , and to whom Afr O'Connor turned round and observed , — 'Sir . I hold this interruption upon the part of the Attorney General , and indeed his inattention to the defence of Ireland , as highly culpable ; and he begged to tell the noble lords and right hon . gentlemen opposite , that this country did sot want , would not put np with , a sneering , _laagh-% » giggling , cheering minist _** y , who required information on a subject ef which they were totally ignorant , and yet rejected knowledge . He ( Mr _O'Conbw ) told the noble lords and right hon . gentlemen , that this eountry required , and would demand , a

    thonghtft-1 , inquiring , steady , and intellectual go-Ternment , re-tdyto-recslv 8 infonDaation , audtogov- * rn the country upon constitutional principles , ( Cheers : ) When they passed the Irish Tithe Bill , they gave the landlord 25 per cent , of church property , but did the tenant get any of it ? No ; on the contrary , the Undlord pocketed it all . ( Hear . hear . ) Was it not fiightfal , he asked , that a man who was willing to _iabsur fo _< hhnseIf and his family , shonld be nnable to obtain work or tiie means of supporting them . ( Hear , hear . ) Out ofthe money which had been recently expended in Ireland , £ 359 , 000 badgoneinpatronage , and ont of the million and a half which had been voted for the purpose of being advanced to _landlords , only £ 39 , 000 had been granted , in consequence

    Ci the difficulty of obtaining it , from the technicali ties _suiroundin * it He wonld tell them that they could not redress the condition of the labourer and of tiie farmer withont redressing tiie condition of the landlord . He would tell them there was not an acre of land in England or Ireland tet fer one-half of its value . They let the land according to tha badsystem ofagriculturewhich is practised , bat letthem establish a better system , and the land wonld be worth double what it is worth now . ( Hear , hear . ) The Irish landlords had managed their estates according to the science of polities , and not according to the « iene 8 of agriculture . They sought te get a com"" tustionfor one son , and a living for another , and thus thev manaeed the land according to political

    science rather than manage it like gentlemen . Ue would give them an instance ofthe extent of the distribution oi patronage inthe good old times . The _Hutchiasoni and _Bei-esfordsobtaiaed almost everything to be got , so much so tbat it was said of the former that if they got Ireland fer a domain that they would ask the Isle of Man for a potato garden . ( Laughter . ) And upon oue occasion when Lord Catheart was commander-in-chief , he made a tour of inspection through the south of Ireland , when he took up Ms quarters at Lord _Beresford' s , and seeing many -Of that name , in the Army list , he asked her ladyship after dinner , if he should not have tiie honour of being introduced to the young heroes—' Certainly , ' answered her ladyship , and leaving the room , called

    to the nurse— 'Nurse , take the Captain ' s cradle out fit the Majoi * sroom , as he ' s teething ; and when the Colonel wakes , pnt his regimentals on , and bring him down , the General wishes to see him . ' ( Great -Mghter . ) When he ( Mr O'Connor ) was twelve years of age , he had an ensign and a lieutenant on full pay ia his class , and when the iiispectionday was at _, hand , their mothers brought high heeled boots to make the hetoea look tall . ( Renewed laughter . ) He was _^ adthat the honourable member for Limerick had sea the prudence and propriety of opposing this ¦ _Measure , and he implored of the Irish landlords and -Bembers to take counsel together , irrespectiTe of * kss , polities , or creed . As an argument against the Mil he would remind the house tbat it had been

    -apposed by thehon . gentleman the member _for'Roch-< _l »! e ( MrS . _towfori _. _jHhoj-erformed his dutyasa landlord , and who could walk withperfect ease either & day or nigbt among hia tenantey . « H « r - __^ W > T _*^ _geitieman whoasked for _aJenantRtg ht Bill , and as a landlord was not afraid to be bound by it , but Una house , so tenderof thengfaiaof _pro-Twty , wonld in no wise interfere wtb the land . Why ? Had they notinterfered with . it before _n _-arerybtll forthe alteration of the Tithe system , snd was he to he told that they eould capriciously aeterfere with implements and produce , and fear to interfere with the raw material , when its adjust--ment became _mtttspesssble to the salvation of the conntry f Itwasri _*^ culoT » , _itwai-mjnst , toeharge tte Irish people with crime * , when they m tt & .. W tousequ--ace o £ ' > _ppremon aad misrule ; foe he ( Mr

    Mohda¥R *D-.C..6. Y House Op Lords. -Idi...

    _©•( _JonnorycouldJeU tte house , that hating for years _em-Joyedlrom 1301 to 150 lahourers hunself , _heneTO : knewaman whoi was earning eightpence _aife _™^* _magistrate , or _Iharfed _^ ith _^«^| l » rrtbn-kt hon . _barret was so el-jqnentjy _statfflg aie Crimea of Ireland , he _omitfji _^ _- ? li _?*? _i oftheir e ri » ces . He did not -f ? nni tha _^ oJ _^ WH _* occurrence to see .-T , QW processes entered at one quarter sessions _, for sums ini many casesnotexceeding a few shillings : men brought mdes from their home and their _busineM , tobepreyeduponintheirmisery , by a Bwarm of vulture attornies . How then , he would ask , conld the most _nnbloahing partisan attempt to support the system , which requirraperiodical coeircion to _nroo it _fVrnnnnrV _rnn'j till ••! i * ' '

    up ? And yet the Whig Ministry boasted of ita kindness towards Ireland , but he weuld tell them that any hasty concession , extracted from their fears , was only granted in the hope of reconciling -the plundered to the dominion of the plunderer . He would tell them more , that until Ireland had self-government it was vain to expect a jast administratio *! of any pitiful law that was passed fer her improvement . Its every benefit was absorbed by the landlord c * _as 3 of which he wonld give the two following proofs . When the currency of the two countries was assimilated , nine in every ten landlords demanded payment of old rents according ti the new standard—that is eveiy landlord made a profit of eight and a third per cent , making the tenant nay

    * 300 . in tb 8 new currency , instead of 4 * 92 . 6 s . 8 d ., which represented £ 100 . according to the o'd currency , and be Mr O'Connor made many £ 100 . of his profession by simply ' ahswering the question' Can they make me pay the Quid rent in the new money ?' Butthisdid not stop with the tenants _. for in amajority of cases , the wages of the labourer was reduced from ei ghtpence to sevenpence , while the landlords took care to have the benefit as debtors . He ( Mr O'Connor ) would make no apology for his opposition to this bill , because when hediscovered that the Repeal of the , Union was not to be discussed _sessionaUy , wiih a thorough knowledge of his country , be proposed se Teral measure * of relief to that house , —the adoption ofwhieh would have rendered coercion unnecessary , and the rejection of which had paralysed the arm of industry . Itwas , therefore , that he demanded remedial measures as a means of checking the growth of

    crime , and arresting the assassin ' s arm . before he gave his consent to any measnre of coercion to destroy those crimes which misgovernment bad engendered , fostered , and encouraged . In conclusion , he ( Mr O'Connor ) begged to assure the right honourable baronet that the bill sheuld have his most decided opposition , from tiie preamble to the last clause ofthe bill , and he assured the right honourable baronet that if he thought conscienti _nsly that this bill , or even oneof a moreseverecharacter , would have the ef . feet of repressing crin * e , he wonld vete for every clause of it ; but it was because he understood the character , constitution , and conditio--, of his countrymen better than the right honourable baronet did , having had ample opportunities of acquainting himself with them , that he was determined that this insidious measnre should not go to the country with the stamp ofhis approval on it at all events . ( Hear . )

    Mr "ft . B . Bkowhb defended Hr H . Grattan from the attack of the last speaker , whom he described as a man with all the ambition to be in office , bnt with none of the modesty which wonld teach him to retire into his proper place . It was his intention , like Ur H , Grattan , to giveliis support to the second reading of this bill : because it did sot go too far . because the circumstances of the conntry required it , because it would affect only gtultyparties in certain districts , aad afford preteetioa to respectable persons in the midst of a reign of terror . Be * J _» o supported it became he believed it woald be administered by the Lard-Lieutenant in a spirit of moderation and harasslty .. He supported it became he be . lieved that the majority of the people of Ireland had no sympathy with those crimes . He believed the majority of the people and the priesthood were anxious that these -anrdera should be pnt aa end to . He believed that the

    murderer * were outcasts and traders in . blood , and were not connected with tbe predial difference between land-1 ird aad tenant . The murder of the Rev . Mr Lloyd was a brutal , dastardly , and barbarous murder , and snch atrocious murderers were a disgrace , to Ireland ; and at he wished that the law shoald be vindicated he gave bis -vote for this measure . . It might be said this was an noconstitutionalact ; but itwas more unconstitutional to leave the conntry at the mercy ' of a set of lawless ma . renders . He wonld give his vote for this bill withont _reference to _i-medial measures , lest H should seem tbat he had tbe slightest sympathy with such crimes . The administration ofthe law in Ireland was most ineffict ently _carried on . The _crown-iro-ecators were often incapacitated- £ rom perferanng their duties by reason of age and infirmity . He felt confident thst , in trusting the powers contained in this measure te the government , they would aot abase it .

    Hr M . O'Cohiku said he held in his hand a book , entitled 'An _Acceont of the Debate on' the BUI for the Protection of Life in Ireland , in 1846 , ' edited by K . Dillon Browne , M . P . ( The hon . gentleman then read extracts from the speeches of Hr "Dillon Browne on tbat debate , in opposition to that measuse , and in which he advised tbat coercion shoald be given ap and remedial measures tried . ) Thehon . member for . Meath ( MrH . Grattan ) too , who had beea one of the most _strenoon * opponents f the Coercion Bill of l _* H 6 , be regretted to find amongst ths advocates of the present measnre . Disguise it as they would , this bill was as much an infringement ef the constitution as that proposed by the right hon . baronet , ana which the noble lord now at the head of the government said he wonld never consent to _naless it

    was accompanied by remedial measum . On that same ground pat forward by ths noble lord in 1816 , as against the Arms Bill of the right henonrahle baronet—the absence of remedial measures— -did be ( Mr M . O'Connell ) oppose the bill now before the house . It was all very well to refer to the condition of society in Ireland , and point to the calendar of crime as a justification for snch a bill ; hat how did they expect human nature te endure patiently tbe tyranny to which the Irish tenantry were subject , driven from their holdings , without food or shelter , prevented from reaping the crops they had sewn , and deprived ef all the advantage of tbeir outlay snd labonr * Try the experiment ia England , and see what would be the _constqaencs . ( Hear , hear . ) He gathered from the reply ofthe right honourable the Home

    Secretary , to the suggestion of the right honourable ba . ro » et ( Sir B . Feel ) that a detective police was about to be organised in Ireland . What was thit bnt a return to to tho old spy system , with all Its attendant horrors , its perjuries , robberies , and murders ? How many instances were there in former days _offunoeent men being en trapped into the commission of crime _, and then informed ajainst for the sake of tbe blood-money ! Ia no country save Ireland would such a system be tolerated . It had been practised in 1793 under the notorious Major SIrr , aided by the infamous Terry O'Brien , and yet in these days it was sought to legislate penary by aet of parliament . Notwithstanding the determination expressed by fome Irish members to support this bill , he for one

    should give it the most determined opposition in every stage ofits progress . He had been as earnest and as _ao-doosss an ; man-in denonncin _** crime , and he had not only preached but practised obedience to the law . He had endeavoured to enforce a maxim laid down by one whose memory he must ever revere and venerate , thatthe worst enemy of Ireland was the man who violated the law . He would not parley with the murderer , bnt he woald strain the ordinary law ot the had , In order to secure his punishment ; but he protested against arming irresponsible parties with extraordinary powers to do that which might be done by tbe smallest particle of resolution and conrage on the part of the re . sia-ntUndlorJsinthe counties which were said to be

    disturbed , and which would be _pntdown by the tenantry if _thelandlordsgave them the slightest encouragement so to do . Bat he found fault with tbis bill oa another ground , namely , that it was entirely and exclusively a landlord ' s bill . ( Hear , hear . ) It was not a bill for the protection of the lives and the property of the people , but for the protection of magistrates , who would not do their daty , and to enable the landlords to collect tbeir tents . He had expected after the numerous commissions of inquiry which had beta issued by various governments , that at tbe commencement of this session the present ministry would at least be prepared with some remedial measures for Ireland . He understood tbat tbe Landlord and Tenant Bill was actually iu print , and , biing so , it ought tobe now on the table of the house _.

    Jt _was , however , kept back , and not a word of explanation at to iu provisions had jet beea stated to the house . In fact , nothing whatever had been done to carry out any of the recommendations contained in the report nuder Lord Devon ' s commission . ( Cries of'Divide . ') Honourable members opposite had _spokea af certain statements alleged to bave been made hy Roman Catholie _clergymea from the altar , bat the Attorney . General had very properly told them that wherever such chavBe . could be authenticated preiecutlen would follow . With respect to the denunciation of Major Mahon , the . clergy manimplicatedhad _ii-n-self denied in print that he had ever mentioned _thatgentleman ' a name , or that he knew anything about him . _-fffaatwouldtheboosethinkofan English lanalordwhocoming into » property , shonld

    , , commence with a small village at hisparfc gate , andtake from the inhabitants tbeir little gardens , from which tbey had obtained their winter ' s subsistence f The hon . member proceeded to detail other instances of Major Mahon ' _t conduct towards his tenants , bat was continually interrupted by lead cries of Question . ' He com . plained that tke deceased gentleman had sent a number cf his tenants on board ship , bound to America , bnt the vessel being wrecked , the people were obliged to return , wben , tick , starving , and shipwrecked at tbey were , tbey were left on the road withont shelter to perish . Until the nobis lord at the head cf the government had laid his remedial measures on the table , the bouse migbt expect that he ( Mr O'CouneB ) would give this coercion bill every opposition in hi * power .

    Mr _GaiSKEa gave a reluctant support to the bill . Be wat not one of those who would vindicate murder , < r whe did not wish to see it punished , but he could not help having some compunctious _visitlngt when he remembered the gross iH-u 8 ge which Ireland had experienced at the hands of this country . ( Hear , hear . ) He regretted , therefore , that the right hon . gentleman while proposing coercion had not more clearly indicated the remedial measures which he proposed to introduce fer the benefit of the sister couatry . He was not oae of thoie Who thought that Providence had endewed one raca more than another with instincts of crime and indolence . ' He was willing to admit the defects of the Irish

    Mohda¥R *D-.C..6. Y House Op Lords. -Idi...

    eharacter , bathe was inclined to attribute ftem , not to the providence of God , but to the misgovernment and tyranny of man . ( Hear , hear . ) That country had for 6 _TOyears Deen nhder the dbminlon . of what an eminent foreign publicist bad called a bad aristocracy . Pure blood , no millewners or manufacturers , to grind the people , nothing but lords , tenures ; and serfs . To these England had added an alien priesthood ,. and in her superstition had shut out every avenue of advancement from the great body of the people . The outward and visible sign of all this oppression—the Protestant

    _established church—still existed in full vigour . ( Hear . ) He did not think its abolition wonld remedy the _Uls of Ire- " land , bnt it was at least doe to that country as reparation . Probably no single measure wonldbave the effect of redressing all the evils of tbat country ; but we ought to undo all our bad legislation , step by step . So _longasa splendid publie property , amonating to a million a year , existed in Ireland , devoted to the support of a church alien to the sentiments of _niBe-tenths of tho people , private property ought not to be burdened with _ratts for the support ef the indigent . He wonld nevtr consent to

    any measnre of coercion for Ireland , unless remedial measures were brought forward at the same time . ( Hear . ) Mr _KEAnt-QE said that the Irish Catholio priesthood , so far from exciting the people to outrage , exerted _q directly opposite influence . In proof of thia he referred to the conduct aod addresses of the curate in the parish where Mr Roe had been murdered . He was opposed to this bill , because it would not tens' to ' _ranqaUlise tbe conntry ; it would be a complete failure , ( Hear . ) Such a measure never could succeed ; it bad in it ne element of success . Mr _Faoak moved the adjournment of tbe debate ,

    Sir C . _GaxT hoped tbis motion would not be pressed . There would be abundant opportunity , in tbe future stages of the bill , for bon . members to express their views . Great _isconvenfenca bad resulted from discussing the principles and detalh of thebill , upon ameremotion of form , for passing to the other orders of the day .. _MrFaoia thought it was not fair to urge him to proceed in addressing thehoaseat so late an Vonr . He had no wish to be supposed factious in taking tbis course . The bouse tben divided , Por the adjournment ... 18 Against it 289-271 SirO . _GBEi said he could not expect that at that late hour tbe bill should bs read a second time ; all be wished was that tbe preliminary steps should be taken . ¦ ¦ '• ¦ ¦ Mr _FfiAaaos O'CoNHob said that he was not anxious

    to interfere with the wishes of the right honourable baronet , but he would beg leave to move that the house do now adjourn . Strangers were then ordered to withdraw , bnt nn division took place , - it having been arranged tbat ths orders ofthe day should be immediately read , and that the second reading of the Coercion Bill should takeplace en Tuesday . Thehonse then adjourned at half past twelve o ' clock .

    TUESDAY , Dec 7 . HOUSEOF LORDS—There was _nobusinest ef importance before this bouse , which sat only for a few minutes , and adjourned till Thursday . HOUSE OF COMMONS . _—Chihoiko raE Ybmoe ( I _» _e-L * _--n > . — -In answer t o a question from Sir J . WalBh , as te the state ofthe law respecting the change of venue iu Ireland , the ATTomit _GsMEBit said tbere were , both in England and ia Ireland , many statutes which provided that , in the case of felonies or misdemeanours , offences might be tried either In the county in which such offences were committed , or in the coantj ia which the offenders

    were apprehended . By the law of England and of Ireland , the place of trial , both of felonies and misdemeanours , might be changed in every case where there was reason to believe that a fair and impartial trial conld not be had . ' The course of proceeding was this : —after a bin had been found by the grand jury the indictment was removed into tbe Queen ' s Beneh by writ of certiorari whea the proceedings were thus taken into the Queen ' s Bench grounds must be stated on affidavit to show the court that there was reason for granting the application ; and , if the grounds so stated were satisfactory , the venae was directed to a _foreign county _.

    Petitions were laid on tke table complaining of tbe election ! for Athlone , Sligo , Aylesbury . Carlisle , Bewdlej , North Staffordshire , Nottingham , Dublin , Harwich , Andover , Horsham , Lincoln , and Hjthe . _Petitions were presented , in the course of the preceding night ' s sitting , complaining of the elections of _Westbury , Lancaster , Peeblesshire , Leicester , _Dandalk , Drogheda , Maldon , Derby , Bodmin , and Bolton . Repeal or the Leoibuttve Union . — Sir G . Gbet appealed to the hon . member for Nottingham ( Mr O'Connor ) whose motion stood first on the paper , to waive bis right of precedence , so as to enable the government to procede with the Coercion Bill , as , in the opinion ef the Lord Lieutenant , it wat ofthe _greatestimportancethe decision of the home should be had as speedily as possible .

    Mr _Fbabgtjs O Connor then rose to bring forward the motion of wbich he bad given notice on the first day ofthe session , and said , Sir , I am perfectly aware of the situation the right hon . baronet bas placed me in , but from what I bave before witnessed of tbe patience of tbis bouse , during the discussion of a very . irritating subject , 1 trust . your indulgence will be , now . extended to me under very peculiar circumstances . Sir , I am perfectly well aware of the ungracious position which , any hon . gentleman must occupy who asks those in power , and wbo may be called tbe conquering party , to surrender any portion of that power wbich they possess , but at the same time , Sir , I have a duty to perform

    to my country , aud one wbicb , wben I occupied a place in tbis bouse before , I did not shrink from performing , and so long as I occupy a place in this honse , I sball not shrink from tbe discbarge of tbat duty . I am aware tbat it was necessary to bring forward this motion as speedily as possible , and for tbe most cogent of all reasons , that I have always tbougbt tbat whenever an agitation is carried on in any country for a preat national purpose , that tbe very earliest opportunity sbould be sought by those who profess to advocate the principles and doctrines which characterise that agitation , to have the opinion of the House of Commons upon tbem . Moreover , as I understand that a great many bon .

    gentlemen became converts , on tbe eve of the last general election , to the principles of the Repeal of the Union , I thought it my duty to those gentlemen to give tbem the earliest opportunity of redeeming their pledges , and I tbougbt it but fair to my country also , to let tbe people of tbat country see tbe manly and tbe honest manner in wbicb I am convinced those representatives will redeem tbeir pledges . And , in order tbat there may be perfect union and harmony on tbis subject , I bave , contrary to my own views , and tbe notice of notion wbicb I gave in 1833 , adopted tbe very words ofthe gentleman , now no more , who brought forward a motion on the subject in 1834 . Tbe present motion is

    not exactly with my own views , but 1 have preferred it , in order to procure perfect unanimity . And , let me remind those hon . gentlemen who may feel some little jealousy—some little anger or pique , because I bave been tbe first to give notice ofa motion of this kind , tbat I was the first man tbat ever gave such a notice . In 1833 , 1 gave notice ofa similar motion , but was induced to withdraw it , in consequence of that gentleman , now no more , giving me his assurance that he would take the earliest opportunity of submitting it to parliament himself . And when the right hon . baronet is asking for a Coercion Bill for Ireland , 1 think the whole case of the country to be coerced ought to be taken into consideration . Not the

    condition of that conntry just now , but the condition of that country during tbe forty-seven years it bas been retrograding , and the consequence of which retrogression is the present demand of the right hon . gentleman . . I shall , so far as I am concerned carry on this debate in a different manner from that in which it was carried on in 1834 . I shall not enter into a discussion as to the relative merits of the Saxons , or the Irishmen . I ought to be the last man in this house to cast anv reflection on Englishmen , and for this reason , and let not tbe right hon . baronet dismiss it from his mind , that while tbe Irish people were comparatively idle and ignorant of their interests , nearly this

    3 , 500 , 000 of the fng lish people petitioned house for a Repeal of tbe Legislative Union . Therefore , it would ill become me to stand up here and speak ill of Englishmen before their representatives . If I am able to show that a Repeal of the Legisla * tive Union would be of utility to this country . _andto Ireland , and if you refuse me a committee to inquire into the means by which that Union was carried , and also into its effects upon both countries , then , I presume , the Irish people will come to the conclusion that _thereis something behind the scenes which it is not desirable they should be made acquainted witb . 1 shall spare the house the trouble of listening to statistics and place my appeal upon one , and only one , ground—upon a higher ground , sir , than the falling off of exports or imports or of agriculture . that if the

    I shall place it upon this ground , government of this country should say that their title to Ireland is by conquest , I will ask wbat statute oi limitation there is against anyone country in tne world to redeem and regain its right by the same means whenever they ? re able to coso ? wi we other hand , if I am told that it was the wish of Ireland that the Union should take place , I will show that it was not so . And if I should be told that the two countries are now bound up so * closely together that it would be dangerous to sever their ties , I ask , how does it happen that while England is travelling on to the goal of perfection , Ireland is rapidly retrograding ? The house will understand that this is a lai-ge question , but , although I may have torun over a very extensive period 1 shall do so very rapidly , not dwelling upon single events but merely tracing the title ofthe crown of England to

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    the dominion' of Ireland from the first period when it is supposed such a title occurred ; The house will bear with hie when'I $ 11 them that I am obliged to divide my address into . four , parts ,, comprehending a very extensive period but not : requiring . a . great deal ' of discussion . ; . The first endeavour England made to establish a title of _donh _' nion to Ireland was by a charter of King Edgar , in 964 , which charter was supposed tohavebeen completed at Gloucester and registered in this country . 1 shall rapidly run from that period down to the year 1542 , and show that in the time of Henry VIII . both nations were Cathplies , and that , therefore , those outrages , revolutions , and disturbances that took place could not have had their origin in religious distinctions . Then I shall

    go on from the period of Henry VIII . down to the time of the American revolution , in 1776 . Not dwelling long oh that period , I shall go on to 1800 , the period of the Union , and from that down to the present time . I trust I shall succeed in . showing this house that every revolution which occurred in that country , was created either by the English by blood or birth , or was waged by the English Protestants against the Catholic Irish people . But in no single instance * was there ever a complete Catholic or religious revolution . Every revolution , confined solely to Ireland , was carried on by Protestant gentlemen looking for the augmentation oftheir own power—making the Catholic people their dupes and , at the same time , limiting the

    power of those Catholic people . If I am able to de this from history , and if I am able to- defy contradiction , I think I shall make out , at -alljevents , a strong and powerful case for the Repeal of the Union , and shall relieve the Catholic people of Ireland from all the odium cast on them by historians and others , who have represented the" Catholics as dissatisfied parties . Now ,, sir , with regard tothe charter of Edgar . The title set up by England to the dominion of Ireland -was said to be signed at Gloucester , Edgar afterwards invaded Ireland and conquered a great part of it together with the most

    noble city of Dublin .. But Leland , the _famona historian , says that that charter , frem its Asiatic style , / Was susceptible of considerable doubt . It , therefore , cannot be considered as anything like a fair title . The next title of England to the dominion of Ireland was by the supposed conquest of Henry II . in 1169 , when the King of Leinster having himself become odious to his own subjects , and obliged to quit Ireland , followed Henry to Aquitaine and craved his . assistance in restoring him to bis sovereignty , offering on that event to hold his kingdom in vassalage to Henry who was to be called the defender of Ireland . One D'Clare , son

    of Earl Strigull , and who had received the appellation of Stronebow , then went to Ireland and having succeeded in conquering a great portion of the province of Leinster , and for his services having received in marriage the daughter of the king , who shortly after died , and the province of Leinster as ber dower , Henry , induced by the offer of this part of Ireland , went over and invaded that country in 1172 . This is the second title of England to the dominion of Ireland . Now what title did Henry take with him , and to ' this I beg the attention of . the house , for what I am going to state are matters of history and will be

    thought of great _urportance in Ireland . Henry took with him the bull ol Pope Adrian IV ., and the alleged condition on which that bull for conquering Ireland was granted was , that Henry should spread the Catholic faith , and make the Catholic people of Ireland attend more to the rites of the Church , and in return for the permission to conquer Ireland , the Pope was to receive Peters ' pence— -that is , a penny for every house in the kingdom . In 1172 , when he arrived in Ireland , we are told that he remained there a short time , and all thepfinces and nobles made submission to bim , and tendered him all their estates . The following is the Bull

    •—THE SECOND TITLE OF ENGLAND TO THE LOBDSHIP OP IRELAND . Adrian , bishop , servant of the servants of Ood , to his dearest son in Christ , the illustrious King of England creeting our apostolic benediction . ' Full laudably and profitably bath your magnificence conceived the design of propagating your glorious renoun on earth , and completing your reward of eternal happiness in heaven , while , as a Catholic prince , you are in . tent on enlarging the borders of the church , teaching the truth ofthe Christian faith to the ignorant and rude , ex terminating the roots of vice from the field of the Lord and for the more convenient execution of this purpose re- ; quiring the counsel and favour of the apostolic see ; in which the maturer your deliberation and the greater the direction of yonr procedure , by so . much the happier , we trust , will be your progress with the assistance of the Lord ; as all things are used to come to a prosperous end and issue , which take their beginning from the ardour of faith and tbe love of religion .

    . There is , indeed , nt _> doubt but tbat Ireland an ! all the islands on which Christ , the Sun of Righteousness , hath shone ' , and which have received the doctrine of the _Ghristian faith , do belong to the jurisdiction of St Peter , and of the Holy Roman Church , as your excellency also doth acknowledge ; and , therefore , we are the more solicitous to propagate the righteous plaatation of faith in thiB land , and the braneh acceptable to God , as we have the secret conviction of conscience that this is more especially our bounden duty . Yoa , then , most dear son io Christ , hare signified to us your desire to enter into tho island of Ireland , in order to reduce the people to obedience unto laws , and to extirpate the plants of vice , and that you are willing to p 9 y from each house a yearly pension of one penny to St Peter , and tbat you will _preservo the rights ifthe churches ofthis land , whole and inviolate . w " e , therefore , with that grace andacceptance , suited to your pious and laudable design , and favourably assenting to your petition .-do hold it good

    and acceptable , that for extending the borders of the church , restraining the progress of vice , forthe correction of manners , the planting of virtue , and the increase of religion , you enter this island , and execute therein whatever shall pertain tothe honour of God and the welfare of the land , and that tho people ofthis landreceiveyoubon . ourably , and reverence you as their lord , tho rights of Iheir churches still remaining sacred and inviolate , and saving to St Peter the nnnual pension of ono penny for every house . . If , then , you be resolved to carry tbe desi ? n you bave conceives into effectual execution , study to form this nation to virtuous . manners , and labour by yourself and others whom you shall judgf * meet for this work , in faith , word , and life , that the church may be there adorned , that the religion of the Christian faith may be planted and grow up , and that all things pertaining to the honour of Goo , and the salvation of souls , be so ord . red , that you may be entitled to the fulness of eternal reward from God , and obtain a glorious renown on earth throughout all ages .

    Shortly after , Henry was obliged to leave Ireland without having much augmented his Irish dominion . The next title is one , the date ofwhieh , and the person connected with which , this house , when it thinks of Magna Charta , will not be inclined to speak lightly—I mean the title of King John . When he was a mere boy—twelve years of age—he was sent to Ireland to receive at "Waterford the obedience of the nobles . But so imperious and insolent was this young king , that a war

    commenced the next day , which showed that they did not consider . their submission to him very binding . While the fabricated title , alleged to be given to Henry II . by Pope Adrian , was granted for the extension of Catholicism in Ireland , the best historian ? tell us , that the seventh , eighth , and ninth centuries were a period iri which Ireland was more prolific ™ missionaries , and Was propagating the faith in a great part of the world , while England was not making any advancement whatever ; and for which service on behalf of the Catholic faith

    the Holy See conferred the title of 'Insula _Doetorum" - and " Insula Sanctorum , " upon Ireland . But to investigate this title of Henry , and its value in his -eyes , a little further , it should be understood that Adrian IV . filled the papal chair from 1154 to 1159 , and that this bull , which Henry did not use to strengthen the King of Leinster in 1169 , or attempt to put into . operation until 1172 , bore date 1156 , and _' thus , with a jealous eye towards the conquest of Ireland , retained this missive for sixteen years as a dead letter . But , further to show the little reliance to be placed on this document , the Commissioner of the Pope ' s legate , in the reign of Richard I ., many years after furnished the then king with a more moderate title to parts of Ireland only ,

    and Davies , a corrupt English lawyer-historian , tells us that -it was manifest that the submission of the Irish lords , and the donation of the Pope , were but slender and weak assurances for a kingdom . Besides these fabricated titles , what other titles can England set up to dominion in Ireland ? Until the ruthless days of Cromwell , and the conquest of the rebel king—I mean "William—there was no conquest of Ireland . Every foot of ground you gained , by your numerical superiority before that period , you were obliged to surrender tbe moment you withdrew your forces . In 1395 , when Richard II . invaded Ireland , with an array of 4 , 000 men-at-arms , and 30 , 000 archers , when all the chiefs and princes made submission , either to the Earl Marshal of England , or to the King himself ; and in return for which , they

    received from the ' Earl Marshal _oiculumpads—the kiss of peace ; and one curious condition without a blow being struck was , that they should render all their lands and possessions to-Richard , without striking a blow , aud should serve him in his wars a"ainst his other rebels . This submission Davies tells us—The -due himself caused to he enrolled and testl _8 ed by a notary public and delivered the enrolments with bis ' own hands to the Bishop of Salisbury , then Lord Treasurer of England , and as Davies informs us , aro now to be foundin the office of the King ' s Remembrancer . But happily for the interests of truth , there was a French soldier with the English army , one Froissart , who accompanied Richard on that expedition , and he told a different story- for he said-

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    That though Eichard had spent a lafg ' e mass of trea ; 8 J" *" h * transporting big army , by the countenance where " of he drew on these submissions , yet he did notincrease his revenue thereb y one sterling pound , nor enlarge the _jij 8 _! borders the breadth of an acre of land ; neither _f ., . * end the jurisdiction ofhis courts ofjustice , one loot further than the English colonies , wherein in it was used and exercised before . Besides ho was no ' sooner returned tp England , "but those Irish lords' laid aside their masks of humility , and scorning the weak forces which the king had loft behind him , began to infest the borders _, in defence whereof , the Lord Roger Mortimer , being then the king ' s lieutenant , and heir apparent to the Crown of England , was slain .

    These _submissio » 3 were written in Latin , and not one of the chiefs appear to have known how to spell their own names . In 1399 , Kichard again invaded Ireland with a large armyj to avenge the death of Mortimer , and of which expedition Froissart " gives the following descri ption—At this time the Bnrl of Rutland , with a hundred sail of ships of war , arrived in Dublin whet-owe remained during six weeks , living in joy and delight , when a small _bai-k arrived , bringing advertisement to the king , tbat the Duke of Lancaster was arrived in England . And « fter some time Richard took his departure for Milford Haven .

    The next invasion of the rights of Ireland was Poyning ' s Act in 1495 . The next title claimed by tlie English to dominion in Ireland , was founded on the conquest of Henry VIII . , in 1542 . Up to that period both countries were equally Catholic , and therefore none of the previous revolutions could have arisen from the opposition of the religion of one country to that of the others . Fiom the time of Henry VIII ., up to the passing of the Act of Union , Ireland was subject to continual aggressions on the part of England . In 1495 Ireland had what might be considered a free parliament , but the effect of Poyning ' s Act was , that every act passed in EnglBnd was transferred to Ireland , and no

    question could be entertained in the Irish parliament , without the consent of the English parliament having been obtained . Davies tells us , however , that notwithstanding the servile submission of the Irish Catholics to Henry in 1542 , that it took Sussex , the English deputy , twelve years , from 1542 to 1554 , to subdue even a part of the province of Leinster ., and the amount of which conquest was testified in the simple change ofthe name of the two counties of Leix and Offaley to . King ' s and Queen ' s ; and the county towns of which were called Philipstown and Maryborough , in honour of the then reigning monarchs . Mary , supposed to be still tainted with Popery , was succeeded by her

    Protestant sister , Elizabeth , who desolated the land with fire and sword till 1603 , when a period was put to her existence . Next came James I . of England , and he faithfully followed his predecessors' brutality , and under pretext of secret plots and conspiracies , fomented by his Protestant adventurers , he commanded his lawyers to present bim by escheat with six entire counties of Ulster , and on which he planted Scotch Pictish Puritans , and English Protestant settlers . Surely this didn ' t show much of conversion to the act of parliament faith of Harry ' s reformation 1 James , in order to corrupt the Irish parliament , enfranchised forty new boroughs ; and in 1613 , a contest , sir , took place for that office in the

    Irish parliament , which you now fill with so much dignity , impartiality , and credit , when this very said Davies was proposed as Speaker of the Irish HoHse of Commons , backed by James ' s 80 nominees ; and , even then , there was a struggle for liberty , as one Everard , the candidate for the opposition , was throwninto Davies's lap , and the contest was reduced to a physical force struggle . ( Laughter . ) Yes ( continued Mr . O'Connor ) , it may excite laughter , but it was produced by English corruption of Irish morals ; and tbe first act attempted to be done by tbat parliament was the attainder of the O'Neals by this

    Popish recusant , Everard . James died , and was succeeded by his son Charles ; and his loyal subjects of England , nothing daunted by his title of right divine to reign , cut his head off , but not before Strafford , his minion , acting as judge , jury , witness , and bully , bad presented to the crown a portion of the pickings from the plunder of Irish estates . Charles was succeeded by the _psalm-singing-Protector Cromwell , who , aided by the loyal republicans of England , desolated the land in a manner not yet described by historians . He was succeeded by Charles II . —this was called the Restoration—but there was

    no restoration of the plundered property of the princes , chiefs , and people of Ireland . Then came James II . —and the Irish people , with fidelity to the king , who still professed their faith , flocked to . bis standard , while his loyal English subjects declared allegiance to a Dutchman ; who , after the battle of the Boyn _' e _, partitioned the remaining portion of Ireland amongst his followers and adventurers ; and so ardent were the Irish , and so well did they sustain themselves in that _struggle , that even after their defeat , a consequence of the weakness of their general , one of the soldiers said , * That if they changed commanders , they'd fight the battle over again . ' ( Laughter . ) Previously to this time , we find that whenever there

    was any commotion to be made in Ireland , the King of England asked for six counties . We find that six counties in Ulster were given to James ,. to satisfy his lust and gratify his ambition ; we find , also , that not a single conquest was made , tbat was not in some measure destructive of the Catholic religion . In 1688 you had what you call 'the glorious revolution . ' This took place after the battle of the Boyne , where James , from his folly , weakness and cowardice , was _obliged to surrender . From 1688 , the period when English dominion became powerful in Ireland , down to 1768 , the policy of England was tb rule Ireland by corrupting the Irish aristocracy through the instrumentality of patronage . In 1768 Lord _Townsend was Bent over as

    Lord-Lieutenant to Ireland . He began by patronage to lay tbe foundation of coercion and dominion . He commenced by corrupting the House of Commons and the holders of seats- This was in the reign of George III . A seat for life was only worth £ 500 . Lord Townsend by introducing octennial parliaments increased the value of those seats to - £ 800 , per eight years , instead of JE 500 . for life , and thereby increased the pa . tronage of the government . Up to 1776 , the period of the revolt of the British Araeri . can provinces , the Irish people , as it had , been well said , were ' brayed in a mortar , ' and reduced by pillage , pestilence , and famine .. Catholic Mary and Protestant Elizabeth were equally ferocious towards

    the people of Ireland . There was nothing for Ire . land then but coercion , destruction , pestilence , and famine . In 1776 the difficulties of the English minister commenced . The Irish Protestants having revolted against their patrons , repealed Poyning ' s Act in 1780 , and thus rid themselves of the dominion of the British minister . Then ,- as if by magic , an armed force sprung up , under Lord Charlemont '; the ] price of seats rose from -6800 . to £ 2 500 , because theBritish minister found that it was ' only by having recourse to bribery , that he could have dominion in Ireland . The Irish parliament established Free . Trade , lacking capital to carry Hon and the Lord-Lieutenant was surrounded

    with all the pageantry of a Court . And to prove that corruption ever increases in the same or greater proportion as the demand for freedom increases , an oppressed and degraded province presented the novel spectacle of an independent sovereignty , with Lords of aTreasury , and a Treasury bench , a ' Chancellor of an Exchequer , a Secretary of State , annual Sessions , additional judges , a frightful catalogue of placemen , pensioners , and sinecurists _, with enormous salaries , and all the mimic pageantry of a Courtmerely as a pretext for the distribution , amongst the vote owners and their _sreatuies , of wages , advanced in proportion to the rise upon the commodity of seats—then increased in price from - £ 800 . to -62 , 500 ,

    each—and in order to enable the grand _corraptor to furnish means to his subordinate agent , called secretary , to a Lord-Lieutenant , to meet tbis profligate waste of the substance ofthe peop le , a national bank was established ; that hideous engine , the funding system ; was put in a state of active requisition ; and , that nothing might be wanting to complete the farce , a Whig club was got up , ah order of St Patrick was instituted , and . the theatre . bf College-green was perfectly assimilated to its prototype— the . Chapel of St Stephen . The volunteers were then formed , and to this period I wish to call particular attention . We have always heard that Charlemont was a name to conjure with . Why , sir , there never was a man in Ireland who deceived

    Ireland more than Lord Charlemont , and the commanders of the volunteers . The volunteer soldiers were all Catholics , hut the commanders were all Protestants . The Protestant oflicers took advantage of the embarrassment of the Whig government to increase the value of their borough property , but the moment they got that , they then deserted their Catholic followers . After the first victory , the soldiers called upon Lord Charlemont to march on for

    a full , free , and fair representation in the Commons ' _Hause of Parliament . His answer was— 'No ; jt any change be made , it must take place on the basis of Protestant ascendancy . ' That is the Charlemont that has been so loudly extolled and boasted of in Ireland . That is the Charlemont , and those are the men , whose desertion ofthe people created the Jnsb revolution . The Irish people were deceived by those men who _' used thena for the purpose of augmenting their own property ; and _disappointmimt gave rise

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    to the Irish Confederation ., The _. e were spies in that body , and although the government knew every man that took that catb , not a single man of them was arrested . And why ? Because it was the object of the government to . foment" a rebellion , and then to take vengeance on those who _Refused to aid the English at the American revolution . ' Then came that revolution , to which not only Ireland , but the world , looked for the march of _freedom—ihnFreh 4 t revolution . Was it wonderful that the Irish Catholic people , who were governed by Protestants—who were oppressed by a penal code—who wer _*» unable to hold land , or educate their families—was _itwonderj ful that they should look to the French Catholic people for redress ? No ; all the world was full of

    the French revolution . It was an earthauakc that shook society to its centre . The English minister was again afraid . He was obliged to send his forces to France , and he attempted to make use of the Irish people . ' No , ' said the _peop l * , ' you deceived us before . The test now sball be Parliamentary Reform . ' And let it be borne in mind , that the professions of hon . gentlemen opposite , is' TiXJtion , without representation , is tyranny , and should be resisted . ' The late Earl Grey , Charles James Fox , and other Whigs , taught that lesson , but they gave it up when they got into power . For instance as soon as Charles James Fox got into power , he said , ' my idea of reform is that no

    government commissioners be allowed to sit in this house . But when the Irish found themselves so often duped , they said , Well , we'll go forward for nothing else than parliamentary reform . ' Precisely as the Wbigs had dealt with Ireland , did _Dumouriez deal with the liberty of the world . He turned traitor ia France , and instead of giving them the bill which had been approved of in Council , he gave them the celebrated Convention ' Act . In 1776 the Catholic peopleof Ireland , operating on the fears ofthe British Government , got rid of some portion of their disabilities . They were allowed for instance to buy their father ' s land back again , if they could only get the money to do so . ( A laugh . ) In 1798 came

    the rebellion , and when the history of our country is fairly written , it would be seen for what purpose that rebellioa was _fermented But the history 0 £ our country is not yet fairly written . We have given you orators—we have given you conquerorswe have ' given you financiers—we have given you statesmen—we have given you dramatists and poets , but we cannot give you historians , because you have destroyed the literature of our country . I ask who commanded you ? Who fought your battles ? The answer is , Irish generals and Irish soldiers . ( Hear , hear . ) Well then , sir , there was something better due from this country to Ireland than you have given her . How wasthe union carried ? In 1797 Lord

    Moira said in the House of Lords , that it was folly to coerce th 8 Irish people , and that it was better to submit to their legitimate and just demands . It . was said that the British minister was perfectly aware of the treason carried on in the Irish camp . I shall not now go into the question of exports and imports -I shall not attempt to show how from 1780 up to 1800 , Ireland had increased in her imports , exports , and general wealth , but I shall show by what corruption the union had been effected , and the great fraud that had been practised upon t he country . I shall show what corruption inevitably leads to . I shall show that a good social system can bear a greater strain than a factitious system . In 1780 ,

    Ireland did not owe a fraction , notwithstanding the ages of privation , suffering , and oppression she had endured . In 1800 , when the urion _^ was effected , she owed £ 14 009 , 000 . This is what Ireland owed to Lord Charlemont and the volunteers . They did not owe a farthing when helpless and unencumbered with British Legislation , but when in the p < wer of the borouglimongers ,. they owed £ 14 . 000 000 . I have here the opinions of Lord Plunket , Earl Grey , Mr Saurin , the Irish Attorney-General , and Mr Justice Bushe , and a great many high authorities , all showing the means by which the union was carried , and foretelling the result of that union , especially if Ireland were not properly governed by the Imperial parliament , and all showing the state of prosperity

    to which Ireland had advanced , before the . _passiug of the Act of Union . When the union was carried Ireland was not in the position of being a fair contracting party . Wheu you enter into partnership with a man , you will , of course , be informed of the amount of your partner ' s capital , and the advantages and disadvantages will be in proportion to the respective amounts of capital possessed by each party . In the case of the union our capital was undoubtedly slender , and without giving us the advantage to which such a capital might fairly entitle us , you made us pay a larger share of the interest on the National Debt than we ought to pay . ( Hear , hear . ) You coerced Ireland into the partnership , She was then in a state of duresse . She was not free to act . Her hands

    were manacled—chained behind her back , and not * withstanding that yon compelled her to enter into that engagement , every article of the union was vio lated within sixteen years of its completion . The exchequers of the two countries were consolidated , and instead of making us pay two seventeenths of your debt—as it has been said , but , as I estimate it , one twenty-ninth—you made us pay as much as you could extract from our resources . Let no one say that . Ireland is not taxed ; but the taxation , unfortunately , is always in proportion to the ability of the party who has to pay , and not to what they ought to pay , or to the clemency of the Chancellor of the Exchequer . And now , not having occupied

    much time in running over the historical part of the question , let me come to the most material point—the casus belli . What was the casus bellithe irritating question between the Irish parliament aud the Irish people ? Was it not Catholie emancipation ? Canning said , in the House of Commons , ' that the greatest reason—the most profound and justifiable reason for carrying the union was io remove the theatre of discussion on Irish questions , from College-green to the more placid arena of St Stephen ' s . Catholic emancipation was an implied contract at the time of the Union . The Irish parliament was composed entirely of Protestants ; and yet Catholic emancipation was the principal

    question discussed . But Ireland never had a parliament . The Irish parliament was , in fact , nothing more than a registration court for English Acts of Parliament . From 1495 to 1800 . and from that period of boasted Irish liberty to the time of the Union—twenty years—the liberality ef the Irish parliament was manifested only in such an opposition to England as would insure aa advantage to the Protestant boroughmongers , and who , I have shown , increased their borough properties to an enormous amount by corruption and patronage , granted by the necessities of England , and placed as a burden upon the Irish people a debt of no less than £ 14 , 000 , 000 , within that short period of twenty years . Passing from

    Poyning ' s Act in 1495 , till the Act in 1780 , and from 1780 , till the passing of the Act of Union , corruption , placemen , and pensioners , rode roughshod over the country . But the casus belli was Catholic emancipation . The country was shackled by bribery and corruption . 226 members of the House of Commons were returned by a few peers . One person had the power of returning fourteen or fifteen members to the House of Commons , and of that number , a _nobleuncle of mine—Lord Longuevillewon four at cards , backgammon , and dice . A few persons had all the patronage of the city and county of Cork , and tbey returned their minions to the House of Commons , in order to do the work ofthe British minister . Ireland never had a parliament .

    The Irish parliament was corrupt . It was governed through the means of Irish boroughs , under English influence and control , for the owners of those _boroushs were bribed by the English government with place and patronage . In 1832 , you reformed your own parliament , and thereby , declared yourselves corrupt , and'incompetent to do the work of the nation * , but instead oi reforming the Irish parliament , you destroyed it ; because the repeal of Poyning ' s Act had made the Irish parliament independent of England . ( Laughter . ) But wbat did Castleieagh do ? He pledged himself to give Catholic emancipation . But he violated the articles of the Act of Union , The people petitioned agamstthe Act of Union . ' Pluukett , Saurin , and others had sold themselves , and althoug h I have stated thenthe of such

    opinions , I do not rely on authority unprincipled men . I look . on such men w , _hdjsdain These men at first protested against the Act of Union as iniquitous and destructive to Ireland , and vet they were afterwards mean enough to accept _Dlaces and pensions from the enemies of their country ( Hear , hear . ) I have shown you tbat the articles of the Act of Union have been violated , and now what remains for this house to do ? Your duty now is to grant a committee to inquire into the way in which the _dissolution of the Irish Parliament was accompli bed . If the government should resist thia motion for inquiry , it will go forth to . the Irish people , that the Irish members who wished for ( im inquiry had made out-a case which you weitt unable to answer . ' If this motion be resisted , then the English government will stand condemn-d b _» fore the Irish people . It cost not only £ 1 , 500 , 008

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• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 11, 1847, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_11121847/page/7/