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Northern Star (1837-1852), 9th May 1846, Edition 3 of 3, Page 1

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    • *0 THE SOMERS=TOWN CHAETISTS
    • fin^^tal|aijiammt
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      *0 The Somers=Town Chaetists

      _* 0 THE SOMERS = TOWN CHAETISTS

      « T Tjiie Friesns,--For Some Weeks Past ...

      _« _TjiiE FRiEsns ,--For some weeks past I have _^ - _ved a disposition npon your part to force me _-riosa unprofitable controversy . I have always _ab-^ _in _ed frtmfraftiesscontroversieg with men Whom f _^ ect . and parties npon whose co-operatien we _iSniainly rely for the success of our great national _JJ _aect . Tou have lately evinced a disposition to f an my acts and words rather nicely , attaching to rtem , in some cases , a meaning-which they do not t _^ y convey , and now yon go further , and without send the following resolution

      jn qniry you me , _^ e mnatory ofthe heading to a report ofa meet-• _pg recently hddin yonr _disbict , _Auiruo have read _jfere portofthatnieetingmust be struck with the _^ partial manner in which your censure is published jnthe Northern , Star . An importanoe is given to it _.-fejen is not nsnallr given to meetings of the same _-jjaracter _, while the frequent _repetition of " cheers /' and "hear , hear , " evidently . intended to mark _jjjrasts at my policy , are very conspicuous . To this Mur I can have no possible objection asit has been ff lr nBV 3 riablerulBto open the columns of the Star to " denunciation as well as to praise , of myself . I

      Bave never , many one instance , altered or _interfere with the manuscript of the London-reporter ; batlam not prepared to bear a censure that is nnjnaited . Here I give the resolutions in question _jnst as I received them : — That we , the Somers Town Locality , recommend to tbe _-giKntive to call the , _Convention on the earliest possible _^ _aj _sllEEDS , being of opinion tbat no event lias , at yet , { _jsujpiredto induce tbe Executive to depart from the _goles of the Association ; _TVe also express onr disapprobation of the heading to the report ( inserted in the Star ) ot the _electien ef the , _itlegtte for Jiarylebone . j

      Jjetme now offer a word or two by way of _explanagon . Heading had not at all struck me until T received tbe above , andthen _. I candidly confess that _jjy think yon had sufficient can-se to require some _gjjlauation but that you were not _juitiur _^ _mpasBing _jjje last resolntion without having asked for some exp lanation . Iamjustasparticnlaruponthosepoints _» you are , andbeing conscious that I could _nothaye _jjjtde an alteration in a manuscript that I had not seen , and being convinced that the editor -wonld not do so , I instantly sent for the reporter , and asked him Jaw it happened , that when the feeling ofthe meeting was evidently in favour of holding the Convention at Leeds , he had given the proceedings such a

      heading as would naturally lead to the conclusion , that _$ e alteration was made at my office ior ihe express _rjgrpose of assuming an Improper dictation . He replied , that the headingthathehad written was "The Ensuing National Chartist Convention . * " Heing _determined to sift the matter to the bottom . I sent for ffte manuscript , the heading of which was in his own -Hiring , and precisely as it appeared in the _Northern star of last week . I then pointed ont to him that it bore strong evidence of a desire to make me appear despotic Wheeler and Doyle came in , while the reporter was there , and it appeared from their shewing that the reporter had told Hornby , and had complained to them , that the alteration in the heading was made at the - Star office .

      _Ifow , my friends , I iMnkl have most fully , and most _gatisfaetorily explained the matter of your last resolution . And now for a word npon the first . Then is not the slightest necessity for censuring me or tiie "Executive upon the question as to -where the Convention shall he held , because wo are just as great sticklers for obeying tho popular voice as yoa are . One preliminary step must be taken before the Convention is held , namely , the delegates must be

      elected , and without fighting or squabbling about moonshine , what can he more easy or simple than , when the delegates are elected , or being elected , te take the opinion of their constituents in open meeting as to whether the Convention sbould . be held at Leeds or in London , and I assure yon , that both places are equally the same to me , I merely give the preference to that which would be most likely to confer tiie greatest advantage upon our cause .

      I think there is one point that you appear to have l 03 t sight of altogether ; it is this , that if tiie extraordinary Convention should be rendered unnecessary ihe annual Convention , as a matter of course , will be held at Leeds , while I ana sure yon will agree with me that , in case of an extraordinary Convention being necessary , the metropolis is the fit and proper place to hold it . The most that the Executive can be cliarged with in tbis matter is the temporary postponement of ihe annual Convention , or , if necessary merging it into one of greater importance . Every man of common sense would have censured the Executive for putting the country to the expence of two

      Conventions , and every one "would justly ceBsure them for not calling an extraordinary convention , if cir cumstances rendered the step necessary . I think a little consideration will convince yon that you have not thought maturely npon the subject , while i t strikes me as strange that the London delegates above all others should be such sticklers for Leeds . I have no reason to include your locality , I believe ; bnt the impression npon my mind is , that the merest coantry villages subscribe their quota of the expence of conventions more punctually than the London districts . Then as to convenience , which appears to be a question mooted by some , who win say that

      London is not more central than Leeds for a national convention , and who will say that it is not a more appropriate place ? I think onr strength will be more profitably used in selecting fitter objects for censure ; as , believe me , that nothing so much tends io weaken us as those little petty squabbles among ourselves , and all about moonshine in the end . I am of opinion that the Executive has evinced a wise discretion la waiting the result of the measures now before parliament : before holding even ihe annual Convention . If the extroardinary Convention should be rendered unnecessary , and I feel assured that you and fiie whole country will ere lone be of the same

      opinion , . it _csrtainly appears strange to me that tiiere should be such great haste desired , and such great anxiety evinced , about holding one Convention , when another may be , and in the opinion of * Qie Executive _will be , rendered indispeniable . It has ever been my sreatest desire io give yon all the satisfaction in my power . I may traly say that all the years ofmymanhood , * have been devoted to forwarding measures for your advancement , while I regret being compelled to state that a very nasty and a-very mean feeling has been _attempted to he created in London of late . Indeed I was thoroughly

      disgusted to find these bickerings introduced on Monday night at a festive party in honour of Mr . Cooper ' s liberation . There was no such manifestation toward s myself , for I never was mor e kindly treated or more cheeringly received in my life ; but the feeling was there , and expressed there , though it fell cold upon the audience , and it is a feeling which all who desire to serve the popular cause should abstain from indulging in , especially upon such occasions , when all should be harmony and brotherhood . Nor can I believe that individuals really wishing well to the cause of Chartism wonld select individual character for vituperative attack .

      In conclusion , my friends , I beg leave to state that npon all occasions I shall be meat happy to receive your complaints , and to give yon the required explanation , and I shall always bow to your censure when it is merited ; while my own pride , my own conscience , ' and my position , tell me that I should not tamely submit to the unprovoked and unmanly attacks thatyouhave recently made upou me . Atthe same time I cannot withhold my thanks from Mr . Thomas Henna , of Union-street , for the very sensible and respectful letter that he has written to me upon the subject" of your resolutions ; and trusting that my explanation of your second resolution will induce you to retract your expression of disapprobation , and hoping that our future progress may be marked by a _stronger union and les 3 of bickering ,

      I remain , as ever , Tour faithful Mend and servant , . _"Fbahgc s _O'Coxkou

      ^ C ^ ^ F ^^B *A^B ' Y^A^A. 3' Law H^V^T...

      _^ C _^ _^ f _^^ B * A _^ _B ' Y _^ a _^ _A . 3 ' Law _h _^ V _^ _T \ i' i ' . _^ _* _^ l ' J _> ¦ l \ * 2 i * * _' - _^^ _- _^^^^ _J _^^^ fll _^^ _^ r M _«—^—»— - _^———»__ . _^^_^_^_^_^_ i— . _—»^— 1 1 . 11 ' ¦ . ¦ . . , ; . . _ ¦

      Vol. X. No. 443. London, Saturday, May 9...

      VOL . X . NO . 443 . LONDON , SATURDAY , MAY 9 > liS 46 . _^ _,:: . _^ Jn _^^^ _m _^^ _:- _^ ' - ¦ . - ¦ - - _.. - - ___ - . -. ¦ ¦ ¦ - ¦ _-- ¦ _- ¦¦ - ¦ ' -LU * " " _'i , - - _, a , Fire , Shillings _ancLfiixpeuce per . _Qnartw _-

      The Tower.—On Monday Next, The Places Of...

      The Tower . —On Monday next , the places of the old Tower constables and watchmen will be supplied and their functions superseded by a detachment of thc metropolitan police , drafted from the H division , and consisting of thirteen men and aserjeant , who will have _charge of ordnance stores , the gates , and the interior of the fortress .

      To Tiie Three.Chartist Boys Of Mancheste...

      TO TIIE THREE . CHARTIST BOYS OF MANCHESTER . _SfUTTALL , NIXON , AND _HAROREAVES . Mt Dear _Chujwun , . ¦ ¦ ¦• Owing to the virtuous and indomitable struggle of the trades against their tyrant masters , and to the fact of the _A"brtA « rn Star being the only paper in Europe" that dares boldly to advocate the rights of labour , its columns are so full this week with important matter upon that subject , that I have not space at present for more than the expression of

      my unbounded thanks to yon for the spirited and effective manner in which you three Davids met and defeated the three _Golmhs . You may be sure that it is very cheering and consolatory to me to find those who could not speak plain when I commenced an agitation which has lasted now nearly eleven years without cessation , stepping forward to advocate and defend the principles that I have laboured hard to teach them .. Tou have done your work nobly and deserve the thanks of all for your triumph over jugglers who sought to delude yon .

      I rejoice that the men of Manchester did not attend "" the meeting , but that they allowed the battle to be fought by their children . I understand that the man vrho boasted of having received Tory gold had the insolence to mimic , the Irish brogue of Daniel Donovan—it would be well fOr him if he could imitate bis virtues , rival him in eloquence , or vie with him in honesty . Tou will recollect that the

      leader of the Goliaths held me up to scorn and denunciation during the short life of his "Manx Rag , and you will recollect that one of his principal charges against me at the time he hoped the League would hire him was , that I was the paid tool of the 1 Milords . Well , is it not some consolation to find tha the ribaldry of disappointed hirelings will be one day answer _^ out of their own mouth , and don't you think you may now ask the virtuous schoolmaster ,

      WHO IS NOW THE PAH ) TOOL OF THE LANDLORDS ! You will see with pleasure that the men of Sheffield have treated the Protection perambulators precisely in the same way as yon treated them at Manchester . WasI not justified , then , in relying upon the Manchester garrison to defend the principles of Chartism against all who vainly hoped to take it by storm or surprise . What danger can there be to a cause when three youths , not one of them twentyyearsof age , are able to defend it against the gold ofthe wealthy , the treachery of the truculent , and the sophistry of the eloquent . Again thanking you for your glorious triumph , I remain , Tour very faithful and affectionatefriend , _FbABUCS _O'COHKOB .

      * To The Chartist Body. Broikr Chabtisis...

      * TO THE CHARTIST BODY . Broikr Chabtisis _, Feeling thai the time is at hand in whieh it behoves every honest Chartist to be np and stirring , 1 venture to solicit the honour of being returned as one of yonr delegates to the National' Convention about to assemble . In this Convention I trace the hope of better times , the guarantee of strength , unity , and liberty , and the germ of a popular parliament . - J perceive In it a rallying point for nnirersal Chartism , —abodf of men who will look the' class-parliament of the oligarch in theface , and say— "We are fer thepeo pie , you are but for yourselves!—We are for thirty millions , you are bnt for one ' . —Give way 1 " .

      It is because I wish to see a government that governs for the general good , instead of individual _interest—a House of _Commons that shall " represent a people instead of aparty , - _^ . ' church , that shall , be something more than a portionfo _' _rttio younger sons of titled houses , —in fine , st liberal democracy instead ofa tyrannical oligarchy , and it is because I believe the people ' s charter alone calculated to ensure these results , that I am desirous of becoming one of your

      delegates ,- and thus giving one more example to those classes , with whom early associations have connected me , of how unworthy one of their own order thinks them ofthe privileges they enjoy , and of the powers they arrogate ; feeling , aa I do , that , as an honest man , I cannot support > system by which the poor are robbed of their labour for the benefit of the rich , and slaves are still further insulted by being told that they are free .

      It is my earnest hope , that many may follow my example , and that such examples may be frequent , and carry weight with those who are still our enemies , and their own no less , —and that I shall often be able to hail from the heart of your ranks signs of sympathy and brotherhood , or else confusion in the camp of our opponents . After what I have already said , I need hardly add , that I am an unconditional advocate of all the points

      of the Charter . It is on the above grounds that I solicit the honour of becoming one of your Delegates , and with these feelings that I subscribe myself , Brother Chartists , The uncompromising enemy of a Glass-legislation an effeminate Despotism and a corrupt Church * Bnt ever your sincere friend and servant , Ernest Jokes . Mount Vernon , Hampstead _, 5 th May , 1846 .

      Queen's Bench, Dcbu**, Aram, 29ih. The C...

      QUEEN'S BENCH , Dcbu _** , Aram , 29 ih . THE _CfUEEN V . O _' HIGGEfS . Counsel forj the Crown moved for a Special Jury in this case . Motion granted ...

      To The Irish Resident In Great Britain. ...

      TO THE IRISH RESIDENT IN GREAT BRITAIN . Fellow Countrymen , I am sure you cannot but admire the bold spirit with which the Irish Members oppose the progress of the Coercion Bill in the House of Commons , and 1 know that you cannot but feel grateful , deeply grateful , to your English brethren , yonr true and steadfast friends , the unconquerable and uncompromising Chartists , for the manly opposition they are giving to that useless measure .

      My friends , let me now ask yon , did you ever hear of any opposition having been given to the Coercion Act of 1835 , that is to say , the Melbourne Act ? An Act whieh wasjustasbad , _as tyrannical , and as unconstitutional as that now before the House of Commons . No , my friends , you did not hear a word of opposition to that act , except from that consistent Irish patriot and best of landlords , the Honourable Member for Rochdale—Mr . W . S . Crawford . His was the only voice raised against it ; and so debased , so prostrate and degraded was the Irish mind , at that period , that the Electors of Dnndalk actually called upon and forced Mr . Crawford to resign , because of his opposition to that arbitrary Act , the Whig Coercion Act of 1833 .

      Read , I beg of you , read carefully the subjoined letter and petition . Depend upon it they will opeD your eyes to the manner in which you and I , and all , were sold to the Melbourne Administration , " ( the only Ministry that ever did justice to Ireland !) " fer places fer Irish rampant Repeal Patriots . You will , I hope , one and all , soon agree in the proposition which I , and other true friends to your welfare and happiness , made to you long ago ; which was , that your only hope for Ireland is in a cordial , sincere , and hearty co-operation with the noble minded , generous , ; and forgiving Chartists of Eng-

      To The Irish Resident In Great Britain. ...

      land , who will teach you how to achieve the eman cipation of your own order . - Patrick _O'Hiooinb . Dublin , May 4 th , 1846 .

      To The Right Hon. Sir Robert'peel Barone...

      TO THE RIGHT HON . SIR ROBERT ' PEEL BARONET . ' Sir , —You are reported to have said in your speech on the debate on the Irish Coercion Act , that you did not think a change in government induced the Irish [ members to object in . 1846 to what they agreed to in 1835 . Now , Sir , with the greatest respect for your , judgment , I differ from you altogether upon this point ; and although I am not only most decidedly opposed to the Bill now before your honourable house , but morally certain that penal laws will never accomplish the peace of Ireland , yet I am equally certain that the opp _^ _ition of the leaders of the repeal members , * _s they call themselves , is entirely owing to the change in the government , and to nothing else" , The

      present government will not give them and their followers the places in Ireland , as the government of 1835 did . In 1835 any of the Irish who petitioned against the Coercion Act were denounced as enemies to their country , and in the pay of the Tories '; but there was a good excuse for this , as they were promisedplaces , which they afterwards got .: And my poor dupedj - deluded ; - and betrayed countrymen actually forced the hon . member for Rochdale , Mr . Crawford , to resign the . representation of Dundalk _, because of his opposition to the Coercion Act of 1835 . And it was broadly and publicly stated by those Irish patriots who voted for the Bill , that the opposition to it was calculated to turn out the liberal ministry , the Melbourne administration , and hring in the truculent Tories .

      Sir , if you but give places , or promise places , the Irish patriotic members , the great leading agitators , they will do as the hon . member for Montrose said he would do in his correspondence with Lord Caatlereagh , vote that black , was white , and white was black , to keep in his party . . The Coercion Act of 1835 was hurried through the House of Commons by the votes of the repeal members with such , indecent haste that there was not time ' to get up petitions against it . The only Irishman that petitioned against it was the individual who now has the honour of addressing you . His petition was sent to Lord . Radnor for presentation to the House of Lords , but it was too late , as the Bill was such a favourite with both houses , that it received the third reading in the upper house in two nights .

      The petition ( of which I send you a copy , and which as well as thelettor I hope you will have read in your honorable house , in the hearing of the Repea l Members ) was , in the first instance the petition , of the National Trades Political Union , was adopted at a public meeting of that body , and signed by the Chairman , Mr . John O ' Brien , and the Secretary Mr . T . M . Ray , on behalf of 10 , 072 members , and who undertook to forward it to Lord Radnor fer presentation that _nightj the ISth of August , 1835 . . But who , instead of so forwarding it , cut their names off the bottom of it , and retained it , when they recollected , as they alleged , that the bill was supported in the Commons by the Repeal Members . Having been thus thwarted and left to petition alone , I forwarded one to Lord Radnor myself .

      This great Repeal Confederation was not content with repudiating the petition against the Coercion Act , but would have fulminated a vote of censure upon me , in the following terms , ; had I not resigned . : " That Mr . O'Higgins on Tuesday the 18 th instant , by an insidious and mischievous proceeding , involved the Trades Union in an act calculated to embroil tha * body with the present , liberal government , and Mr . O'Connell deemed it necessary to annul that proceed . ing , and , incidental thereto , to censure the conduct of Mr . O'Higgins . " . 1 Now , what was the insidious and mischievous pro . ceeding here complained of ? Having prevailed on the meeting to adopt a petition against the Coercion Bill which was brought in by'the liberal government and supported by Mr . O'Connell .

      With these facts before me , ami not justified in believing tbat such of the Irish Members as did not vote against the Coercion Act of 1835 , are influenced more in 1856 by an opposition to the Government , than to the present bill ? In conclusion I must respectfully , submit , tha t Coercion , no matter how stringent , will never tran _quillire Ireland . Mr . Crawford's Landlord and Tenant bill , if passed into a law , will do more for the peace and tranquillity of Ireland in six months , than all the Coercion Acts that human ingenuity can invent . I know my countrymen well , aud also know what thaj want . I have the honor to be your obedient humble servant , Patrick O'Hiooiks . To the Right Hon . tho Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament Assembled .

      The petition of certain inhabitants of the City of Dublin , being members of the National Trades' Foli . tical Union , and in number 10 , 072 . Humbly Shewmh , Tbat yonr _pati'ioners have heard that a bill hae been introduced into the House of Commons , aad sent up to your Bight Honourable House , under the title of " a bill for the better prevention and more speedy punishment ; of offences endangering the public peace in Ireland ; " that this bill hat passed so rapidly through the House ef Commons , as to deny your petitioners tbe full opportunity of remonstrance againstit ; and tl at your petitioners therefore pray your lordships not to pass tha said _bUl , and for the foUowing reasons : —

      1 st . Because though this bill is called a bill for thc " betterprevention ? as weU as the " more speedy punish ment ? of offences , its enactments are all confined to ths harsh task of punishment . 2 nd . Because this bill creates no new offence , bnt provides new unusual and unconstitutional modes of visiting offences already punishable by laws of great severity ; because laws of great and extraordinary severity have lately been in operation ; and it must necessarily be , either that Ireland is tranquil , and _affordB no justification for harsh laws ; or that harsh laws are not the proper means of securing the public peace ,

      Srd . Because this bill , in the summary proceedings which it authorises , in the temporary and dependent character of the judges whom it appoints , in tha monstrous _principle which it introduces of examining accused parties on oort ; violates the most important guarantees of fair trial secured by the constitution to the king ' s tubjects , . 4 th . Because your petitioners , in common with a great number of their countrymen having petitioned Parliament for a Repeal of the . Legislative Union , as the only adequate remedy for their grievances ; while it was determined not even to discuss the prayer of their petitions , it was admitted tbat grievances did exist , and it was promised that those grievances should be

      considered with a view to their immediate redress . The crying _grierance of Ireland , that which by its enormity swallows up all others is , that the landlords of Ireland are allowed so to possess and to use their lands as to cause the great majority of the people of Ireland to live in a state of destitution and misery , which istheopprobium of civil government and the scandal of the Christian world ; and so as frequently to cause the actuul death of multitudes by hunger . It is now more than five years since a Committee ofthe Honourable House of Commons , of which the present right hon . the Chancellor of the Exchequer was chairman , reported in these _wordsr— "The situation of the ejected tenantry , or of those who are obliged to give up their small holdings in order to promote the consolidation of farms , is necessarily most deplorable . It would be impossible for

      language to convey an idea ofthe state of distress to which the ejected tenantry have been reduced , or . of the disease , misery , and even vice , which they have _propagated in the towns wherein they have settled ; so thut Hot only they who have been ejected , have been rendered miserable , but they have carried with them and propagated that misery . They have increased the stock of labour ; they have rendered the habitations of tliose who received them more crowded ; they have given occasion to the dissemination of disease ; they have been obliged to resort to theft and all manner of vice and iniquity to procare subsistence ; but what is perhaps most painful of all—i VAST H 0 MBBR OF THEW HAVE _fElUBllED OF Waht . This grievance is not yet _rodrejsiid . This work of extermination still goes on , and whatever may have been tho specious grounds on which the bill aforesaid

      To The Right Hon. Sir Robert'peel Barone...

      may have ; been presented to your'Honourable House , your petitioners fear that its real object and tendency _arato aidin the _destruction of the ejected tenantry by compelling _thetri to _dltquieily ; y 5 tb . Because if the people of Ireland are to be submitted . to the same government ai the people of England , they { ought to . have the protection of the same laws , whereas this bill does not extend to England , though it is notorious tnatjmore extensive and . systematic : _violenca has recently prevailed in England than in Ireland . Vio . lence originating in ; the base attempt to approximate the

      . condition , of the people of England to that under whieh the people of Ireland have long been compelled to groan , and , therefore , ths passing ef this bill would seem , to tho people of Ireland . like a new declaration , that so long aa they shall _besufimitted to the government of the English Parliament , it . is determined that tliey shall have worse laws , and be kept ia ' a worse condition than their English Mon _* . » ubjeqts . _, _ ' _ ' . ' ' _^ . ' ! . _^ . / _^ ' On these _groundf your petitioners humbly , but most earnestly , pray your lordships _td reject the bill _aforasaid . . _,, ' ' I And your petitioners will ever pray .

      Fin^^Tal|Aijiammt

      fin _^^ tal _| _aijiammt

      House Op Lords-^Mokda-Tv May 4. The Hous...

      HOUSE OP _LORDS- _^ _Mokda-tV May 4 . The house met at five o ' clock . ThVBishop of Exkibb gave notice that oh Friday next he would move that certain questions relative to the effect of tha Religious Opinions Relief Bill should be submitted to thc learned judges . ' In reply to _^ question put bjr ' Lord _STiNiar , " The Lord _ChaNCEiIor stated that it was his intention to consider the case of societies supported by voluntary contributions in reference to the Charitable Trusts Bill , and that , upon moving the second reading he would make known the result , Lord _Brobbiiim laid on the table a string of twenty-three resolutions respecting railway and private Bill legislation , which were ordered to be printed .

      On the motion of Lord Campbell , the Death by Accidents Compensation Bill was reported . . _> . The Railway _Desposits Bill passed through committee ; and the report of the Railway Companies Dissolution Bill was received . HOUSE OF COMMONS . _—MoroAT , Mat 4 . The Speaker took the chair at the usual hour .

      MR . SMITH O'BRIEN . Mr . O'Connell gave notice that it was not his intention to make the motion of which he had given notice for the disoharge of Mr . Smith O'Brien . He had received a peremptory request from Mr . O'Brien , which compelled him te withdraw it .

      VISCOUNT HARDINGE AND LORD GOUGH . . The house having resolved itself into a committee of the whole house to take into consideration her Majesty ' s message , Sir R . Peel , after recapitulating the services of Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough , moved that the annual sum of £ 3 , 000 be granted to Lord Hardinge and the two next succeeding heirs male of his body ; and the annual sum of £ 2 , 000 to Lord Gough and his two next succeeding heirs male—with the . proviso that in case the East India Company should make suitable provision for the two Noble and Gallant Lords durine their lives , the annuities _aranted by

      Parliament should commence with their respective heirs . Lord F . Ecbmon , Mr . Roebuck , Sir C . _NaPibh , and other members urged upon the government the propriety of awarding some pecuniary reward to Sir H . Smith , Sir C . Napier , the family of General Nott , General Pollock , and others , which led to a protracted discussion . Lord John Russell and Sir Robert Peel resisted the claims made on behalf of these parties on the ground that it was an interference with the prerogative of the Crown , and so for this time the people are indebted to "the Crown " for keeping the hands of these " conquerors" out of their pockets and not to their representatives . " The motion as proposed by Sir R . Peel was ultimately agreed to .

      CORN IMPORTATION BILL , On the motion for the Speaker to leave the chair , for the purpose of going into committee on the Corn Importation Bill , Lord G . Bentinck moved , as an amendment , that the Speaker should leave the chair to go into the said committee that day six months . The noble lord said that a new character had been given to this measure since it was last before the house , because the Prime Minister had avowed a new conversion , and had a few nights ago confessed that what he had before Easter considered impolitic , he now felt convinced was unjust . The house , therefore ,. and the country , were entitled to demand the reasons for this new change of opinion . Havingcast the responsibility

      of whatever stagnation to trade the discussions on this Bill occasioned upon those who unnecessarily brought it forward ; and having denounced the double dealing and trickery of the whole proceedings by which it was sought to be carried , he proceeded to show the fallacies by which its supporters endeavoured to blind the farmers . _'* . He quoted returns of the price of grain during several periods of large foreign importations , to show that it was a delusion to pretend that the entry of 1 , 500 , 000 quarters of foreign wheat in our markets would enhance the price of homegrown corn . In this year of _alleged famine and stagnation ; 116 , 000 quarters of gram were sold in the 288 markets of England in excess over the cerresDohding ' : period of the previous year : and this

      grain was of our own growth . So long , therefore , as this measure was postponed , the farmers of England enjoyed a monopoly and the price was maintained , whilst at tht same time the people of England had 116 , 000 quarters more : than during the year gone by . Then the present was called a year of famine ; but he found that wheat was only 21 per cent ., and oate 11 $ per cent , above , whilst every other grain was below _, the price of Inst year—a year when the . prices ranged lower than for the ten preceding years . The noble lord turned successively to Prussia , to France , to America , to see if the promises ofthe Minister , that these ' countries were abou 6 to follow our example , were likely to be" realised . He found no such thing . Prussia , instead of being shaken , was drawing closer her restrictions with foreign countries . France was , indeed , ready and willing to avail herself of our relaxations , but she gave not the slightest symptom of reciprocity .

      No indications ot adopting our free trade policies were perceptible in tbe United States . The noble lord examined the state of Ireland to see if anything had occurred since the last discussion on tbe Bill , to convince any one that the Protection laws were unjust . He found the price of potatoes rather falling than rising ; he discovered importations going , out of Cork ; he learnt , from the highest authorities , that in Westport , in Castlebar , in Clonmel , in Cavan , and in various other localities , the supply of potatoes was sufficient , and oats were abundant , and that not the slightest excitement on the score of famine was felt .. Bo concluded by saying it was vain for the Minister te pretend that anything had occurred in Ireland" * since the last discussion on this _^ Bill to make him again change his opinions , and denounce that Protection to be now " unjust" which before was only "impilitic . " _< ,

      Sir R . Perl admitted that the scarcity in Ireland was not universal ; and that gentlemen writing from certain parts of that country might justly assert that no rise of price had taken place ; still ' ' _^ maintained that disease growing out of tke scarcity did exist , and that the scarcity of food was almost _uaparalelied . The right hon . baronet charged Lord G . Bentinck with having aided in continuing the delusion of famine , because his lordship consented to the suspension of the corn duties in Ireland for three months . The noble lord said that though he believed tho importation of foreign corn duty free into Ireland would be no remedy for the distress , if it existed as alleged , Btill he would consent to a temporary suspension ot the corn duties for Ireland , should the Irish members

      wish it . He would then agree to an extraordinary measure , for which he believed there was no necessity , and what would that be but countenancing a delusion ? Sir R . Peel emphatically denied that there had been any exaggeration respecting the famine , and he adopted and deliberately repeated the expression that the restriction on the importation of foreign food , which he lately thought impolitic he now believed to be unjust . He admitted that his change of opinions disentitled him to the confidence of the noble lord ; but having undergone a change of opinion he was bound to confess it . Ihe right _jion . baronet proceeded to say that because he did not believe free trado in corn would render us dependent

      on foreigners , because be did not believe that wages raised with the price of food , and _became he did not believe the continuance of Protection necessary for agricultural prosperity or advantageous to commercial developement , therefore he thought the natural presumption in favour of unrestricted importation should prevail . He believed in the importance of a territorial aristocracy , but ho doubted the justice of the landed aristocracy insisting on the continuance of the protective laws . Had thc aristocracy of France- not insisted on thc maintenance of their privileges the revolution would not have been brought about . With respect to foreign countries , the Premier stated that Sicily had relaxed her commercial system , and that though neither France , Prussia ,

      House Op Lords-^Mokda-Tv May 4. The Hous...

      nor America had given indication of adopting our policy , there could be no doubt they would when once m passed tins Bill . But if they did not and if vre bought . the brandies and the silks ef France , and the corn and timber of Prussia ; and if we even paid for our purchases in gold we would be all the better for it , and lose nothing . The right hon . baronet concluded by reiterating . his advice thatthis country should take for its motto—Advance ,- and do not recede from the course of the commercial policy you have adopted / ¦ : ¦ _-. ; Mr . G . Bankes supported the amendmentr He eould perceive no reason for -the change that had ' passed over the right hori .-baronet . _'He"Could perceive no new lights in his novel dootririe . He had heard the si . me arguments as _. noiv fell from the lips ofthe First

      Lord of the Treasury come from the other side of the house , and he had heard them answered , and answered triumphantly , by the right hon . baronet himself . ( Hear , hear . ) Lord George Bentinck , in speaking to a question put to him by Mr . Smith O'Brien—a question seeking to . know how far the noble lord and the party acting with him , looking iip to him , as they did , as their leader , as a man of talent , would support the hon . member for Limerick in a temporary suspension of the law for the importation of corn into Ireland , replied with his accustomed good talent , withanegree of caution , which might' he should haye thought , hare saved hirri from the attempted sareasm _, of the right hon . barbhet _^ -Jiad stated that he could see no benefit that would result from such an experiment , and that he could not lend himself to

      the delusion that any such benefit could be reasonably expected from it ; yet , in order that he might not be accused of inveterate obstinacy , or of indiffer ence to the alleged state of Ireland , purging himself from any notion that he was agreeing to or yielding any boon , had declared , that if the government would propose that measure , and the Irish members , as the representatives of that country , would distinctly ¦ state that they considered that that measure would be beneficial to Ireland , he would at once consent to the experiment . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , ho ( Mr . Bankes ) saw no ground for the taunts which . had fallen from the prime . minister on that subject he 9 awno reason to blame his noble friend for that answer ; but if the government did think that that measure would be for the benefit of Ireland , why did

      they not concede it I , ( Cheers . ) And if they saw no benefit likely to result _Ironr it , why had- they , night after night , directed against them the language which they had used , imputing to them that by the length of the debates they were delaying relief te Ireland ? Cheers . ) Where were the cheers of tho Treasury benches now ? ( " Hear , hear , " and a laugh . ) Such language , such spteches , had been by no means unfrequent at the commencement of these debates , but they had grown " small by degrees , and beautifully less ; " and those wero not the arguments which the government now used . If , thereforo , nothing else had been gained by the proposal of the hon . member for Limerick , they were at least obliged to him for this—that that line of argument _, w & g stopped . Nothing was now said about delaying relief to

      Ireland . That had received its answerj and they might cheer the reply as long as they pleased . ( Hear , hear . ) When he heard the right hon . baronet speak upon the subject of the bullion brought into this country , he was surprised , indeed , to find that he ' treated it as a matter of no importance at what price they bought it—what auantity of commodities they gave for it . ( Hear , hear . ) Other _opportunely _, would occur of addressing the house upon that subject , because another important stage of the Bill had to be passed before it could receive even the final sanction of that house ; but he agreed with'his noble friend in thinking that this was a just and proper

      occasion to raise a discussion , applicable to the new position which the prime minister had taken when he declared this to be no longer a question of policy , but a question of national justice . ( Hear , liear . ) The hon . member concluded by saying that the change of opinion in thc ministry waB caused by fear of the League , and that could only lead to still greater con . cessions to popular agitation . Of this he was satisfied , that whilst there existed in the sistor kingdom a similar confederacy , which yet had its success to gain , the course of policy which the right honourable baronet was pursuing ; was a direct encouragement to them never to cease their exertions till they could boast a similar triumph .: ¦ ¦¦ ' . _' :

      . Lord J . Russell defended Sir R . Peel , and the policy he had adopted ' As to the cry there was no sufficient reasons aildueed for a change of opinions , Lord John said , I think we have heard , in the course of these discussions , arguments enough to show that these laws have produced great evils , that in times of distress , when food has been dear , mortality has increased , and crime has increased , in proportion to the scarcity and distress ; and under these circumstances I know of but one example , one precedent , for the course which the honourable gentleman pursues . It is in " Gil Bias . " The honourable gentleman may recollect that whilst Gil Bias is assistant to Dr . Sangrado , he says to him , "I have been your assistant for some months , and I see that every case ends fatally ; bleeding and hot water are tried ; but whether

      your patients are young or old , whether their illness is sudden or of long duration , the termination is in every case the same . ' * ' Te which Dr . Sangrado replies — "It is quite true in no single case has tiiere been a cure ; but I have written a book—( "Hear , hear "' and laughter )—in which I have proved that the only cure is by bleeding and hot water ; and it is impossible for me to adopt any other treatment . " ( "Hear , hear , " and laughter . ) -With reference to the effect whicli concession might have on popular-agitation , his lordship spoke as follows * . —The hon . gentleman also spoke of an association , commonly known by the name of the League ; and of another association across the Channel , the object of which is A _repeal of the Legislative Union between the two countries . Now I beg the hon . gentleman , and the noble lord ,

      and those with whom they act , as they dislike yielding to these associations , as tliey dislike a course of policy which has been in agitation in our market places and in eur streets for years , as they think and wish that measures of improvement should come from Parliament , and be sent unmasked to the people , rather than that tbey should be the consequence of popular agitation , I beg them well to weigh and consider the experience of late years . ( Hear , hear . ) For many years we contended for Parliamentary Reform , and in thc course of that struggle , I ventured to say in this house , that if you would not let it flow like a river it would rush like a torrent . I was laughed at then—it was called and considered a ridiculous prediction—but when popular feeling had risen to a height which could no longer be resisted , then it was

      discovered that it would have been wiser to haye made concessions before ; and as to the many questions which will arise after the settlement of tkis question of the Corn Laws , I do hope that ihe lion , gentleman and others tvill consider well whether there may not _bs measures which it would be wise for Parliament to enact before they are dictated by popular agitation . ( Hear , hear ) . Of this I feel sure that if we do not , which I trust is our destiny , if wc are to give a great example to the nations of the world—if we are to teach the nations ofthe world bow to live—we of the House of Commons ought to think seriously wliich of our institutions , wftich of our laws ,. are founded in reason , in truth , and in justice . ( Hear , hear . ) The lion _, gentleman makes complaint against the right hon .

      baronet for calling these laws unjust . Why , they are restrictive , and if restrictions hot authorised , and not justified by tho general safety and welfare ofthe people , they cannot be called otherwise than unjust , and if then are other laws Achich equally bear the stamp of injustice , do not wait till agitation , _tillmonster meetings tell you what to do . ( Hear , hear . ) Be wise _beforthand . Take nn example from what has happened as to the Catholic Relief Bill , the Reform Bill , and the Corn Law . Maintain only what is founded in reason and justice . Stand by those institutions whieh are good , and abandon tliose which are not worthy of your support . ( Cheers . ) In this way I feel convinced that you will be setting a great example , and that in the sight of the world it will be said , "this great nation is a wise and understandingpeople . " ( Cheers . )

      Mr . _D'Iskabli said , the noble lord who has Just addressed us , has , as well as the right honourable gentleman , assumed the case to be this—whether we are prepared to oppose that whicli is for the interest of the community . ( Hear , hear . ) I , for one , am not prepared to oppose any measures that are for the interest of the people . But that is , I contend , the real question before us—( hear)—that is the question that has originated in these debates . I did not , however , rise to argue this question on the present occasion . I should be sorry , however , if ever an occasion offered to shrink from an unequivocal expression of my opinion upon it , and 1 do not wish to evade difficulties in the present instance ; but this

      is evidently not thc moment when it would be borne , that any man should rise and enter upon this question . It is only these cool assertions which wc hear from either sido ofthe green table that have made me rise at all . _, ( Cheers . ) I cannot pretend to advance this , at the same time , as any excuse for not attempting to answer the speech of tho right hon . gcntlcmnn . This ia not thc first time that wo have heard that speech , though it may be in different localities , and from master hands . ( " Hear , " and laughter . ) It has sounded in Stockport—it has echoed in Durham —( Hear , hem- )—1 suspect it has been heard within the walls of our classie theatre—( Hear , hear , hear)—and as the second-rate houses are in the habit of borrowing from the superior thea-

      House Op Lords-^Mokda-Tv May 4. The Hous...

      trical establishments 1 suppose that the inferior com . PAjjy . had , adopted a . popular , performer . - ( Laughter and cheers . ) And , especially , when I heard , that picturesquo ; line described which' has traversed _, the kmgdom _. _- and the ag ricultural provinces that'lio'to the eastward of it , I think-as I have sometimes h _^ _vrfi" !?? of -W companies , 'I might wm £ _i _wt th , s _> the line of Cobden , ( Much laughter . ) When the right hon ; gentleman with the power _nt-mimetic rhetoric _iays , " we pr _^ _osfe ' that which u for the advantage of the people , " then I say that that is the very question at issue- ( IIear , ' _hearj-rand lam ready to meet it without any eva > sion "; and if the measures of the government have not a tendency to occasion great displacement of

      lahonrr-pf _* : that kind " of labour which is of the most permanent character —( Hear , hear)—if ; they have not , by that displacement , a tendency also to occasion great social suffering , and , ultimately , great political disasters ; then I say , that their measures are good measures , and I am not prepared to oppose them . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , that , I contend , is the real question —( Cheers)—and that question , with the indulgence of the house , and at the proper lime , I am prepared to meet —( Hear , hear)—and , if I do not meet it now , I hope that no man will for a moment suppose that 1 admit the justice of the series of assumptions of which the right lion , gentleman has to-night availed himself . ( Cheers . ) The hon . member then attacked the Premier for having talked of territorial aristocracy as ' if it had peculiar privileges , whereas in truth it was open to all who

      had wealth to purchase land * , ' and reasserted tlie impossibility of carrying on the system of fighting hostile Tariffs with free imports unless by the sacrifice of our domestic labour and a reduction of prices . Mr . Bobmwick moved the adjournment of the debate ; and the _housa was cleared'for a division , but some misunderstanding having taken place in consequence of the speaker not hearing tho lion . member ' s motion , no division took p lace , ' arid all objections having been waived , Lord G . Bentinck withdrew his amendment , and tho house vyent into committee on the Bill . .- . _* . ¦¦¦¦ On the first clause , Lord G . Bbntixck moved that the _^ chaivman report progress , and the committee divided thereupon : •—Porreportinsprogress _,.... ; .. ' .,...,..., _, ,...,. 85 Against it .. _; ........ ' .. ...................... „ 181

      Majority ....,.,........... ' ... ; . ; .. 90 Mr . P . Bennett immediately made another motion to the same _efFtut , and the committee again divided : — Forreportingprogress .... ............ ' . 55 ' Againstit „ 166 Majority . Ill Mr , Packe moved another amendment , that the Chairman leave the chair , After a short discussion , Sir R . Peel said ho saw no use in continuing tke contest ; but he hoped

      gentlemen opposite who had notices of motions for this ( Tuesday ) evening would-give way , and allow the committee on the Corn Bill to proceed ; Mr . BowniNGand Mr . Ewart instantly gave way and Mr . Packe withdrew his amendment . Itwas ultimately arranged that the committee on the Corn Bill should proceed on Tuesday ; on Thursday Lord G . Bentinck to bring on his motion relative to Canada ; on Friday , the report of tho Corn Bill to be brought up ; and that on Monday next , the third reading of tho Corn Bill shall be moved . Tbe Chaibuan then reported progress . The Poor Lair Removal Bill waa read a second

      time . The other orders were disposed of , and the house adjourned at a quarter-past one o ' clock .

      . HOUSE OF _LORDS—Tuesdat , Mat 5 . The Earl of Ripon moved an address to her Majesty , in answer to her most gracious message respecting the conferring of some pecuniary marks other royal favour on Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough . The noble Earl recapitulated the ' services of the two gallant noblemen , and mentioned the amusing anecdote , that , when Lord Gough ' s son vras asked what title his father would take , his reply was , "My father has always been called * Old Gough , ' and " I 4 « u » Wmku -r _.. v . _iai ; w Aofttn nis Brave « ieE any other name . " K - _" _-vi _* _** _* _** _-

      The address moved was a simple echo ofthe Queen ' s message . " . '•'" The Marquis of _LANsr-owifB seconded thc motion , thinking tbat , independent of the reward Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough were entitled to for their military services , it was right that parliament should enable persons who had been raised to the peerage to support their dignities . _--,. ' ¦ . After speeches from the Duke of Cambridge , Lord Brougham , Lord Glenely , and Earl Fitzwilliam , the address was agreed to . The last speaker wanted to saddle tho country with the pension not only for the first or second generation , but forthe third andfourth _, in fact , as long as the male branches of the family existed . The peerage was hereditary , and the means

      for supporting it should not be grudged by tbe nation . Lord Carsw moved for the correspondence that took place with the Irish Government relative to tho appointment of tlie _CuBtos Rotulorum of the county of Wexford on the death ofthe Marquis of Ely , and complained that the Lord-Lieutenant of the county had not been appointed Custos Rotulorum according to the intention of the . Legislature . ¦ The Earl of St . Germans contended that the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland was not compelled by the Act to give the appointment of Custos to the Lord Lieutenant ofa county . A _desultoiy discussion followed ,, and the produc * tion of the papers was agreed to . The House then adjourned till Thursdav .

      HOUSE OF COMMONS , Tuksday , Mat 5 th The Speaker took the chair at the usual hour .

      NEW MEMBER . . The Earl of Lincoln took the oaths and his seat as Member for the Falkirk burghs . The 'Noble Lord was cheered on his entrance by the Ministerial benches .

      NOTICES OF MOTION ., Mr . P . Scrope gave notice , that on the second reading of the Protection of Life ( Ireland ) Bill , be would move the same resolution wliich he had moved in 1835 , upon the second reading of the . Coercion Bill ; viz ., a resolution to the effect , that before the House passed so severe a measure they should adopt means to remedy the causes whence the crime in Ireland arose , Mr . Hume gave notice , that on Tuesday next he

      would ask leave to introduce a Bill relieving the trade ofropemakers from the operation ofthe Factories'Bill . Mr . T , Dwcoubb stated , that three months ago he had moved for certain returns relating to the removal ofthe poor in the townships of Yorkshire . Some of the towns had forwarded the required returns , but in the ' ease of Blackburn , Stockoort , and Leeds , there bad been some difficulty made as to producing them . He , therefore , moved that an order be sent to the town-clerks of those towns commanding their production immediately . —Agreed to . " _*

      CORN IMPORTATION BILL . The order of tho day having been read , the house resolved into committee on this bill . On the question that after the 1 st of February , 1849 , a duty of ls . a quarter shall be payable on tne import of all wheat , barley , bear or bigg , oats , < 5 sc . Lord George Bentinck moved the oraisssion of the word " oats , " with the intention of leaving this grain subject to the present duties . The noblo lord said , that in-the discussion that had already taken place , the arguments were almost confined to wheat , which mainly « pncemed the people of England , rarely touching upon that grain in which the people of Ireland and Scotland were mostly interested . But when it was considered that there were 558 , 000

      growers of data in Ireland , whose farms did not exceed fifteen acres , and that the annual , importation into England of oats amounted in value to two and a half millions sterling , and that _bIiguUI the proposed abolition of duty on foreign oats lower the price to tho extent of ten per cent ., it would cause a tax upon the profits of industry of these small farms of mot less than £ 250 , 000 a year . Tbe noble lord proceeded to say , " Could it be possible that a farmer who holds fifteen acres can have such a capital ? Can he possibly have thrashing and _winnowing machines and the other requisite machinery for the management of a . farm ? But we must deal with such a state of things as we find . We did not make the state of things , but we find 558 , 000 occupiers of land in Ireland who

      hold but fifteen acres , and we are to say—that they ought never to havo been farmers , and consequently that they may at once be sacrificed—( Cheers )—that 55 S _. 000 farmers , employing three millions and it-half of human souls , are to be sacrificed because they do not P 03 SCSS the required amount of capital , ( Cheers . ) It might certainly have been better that there fikould be no small tenements in Ireland ; but , as I have alrendy said , we must deal with things as we find them . I cannot cut up human beings like a _lo » of wood . When we find three millions and a half of human creatures , we must take care that we adopt no measure by which they will be reduced to beggary and wretchedness . But it seems that the principles of nolitical economy go so far as to say that these three million and a halt * of human beings were to be

      occupied . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) Thero was a time when the right hon . gentleman scouted such political economy as this . ( Loud cheers . ) I recollect the time when ho approved of the description of the political economist contained in the letter of my noble friend , ( Lord J . Russell ) , to the electors of Huntingdon . M y noble friend , in that celebrated letter , described them as a body , whose doctrine it was to buy in the cheapest market , to substitute tho corn of Russia and Poland for our . own—as a boily of moil who c « ived nothing for the difference between an agricultural anil a commercial population , and who ilisreaardcd the moral and social happiness of the people—as a body of men who counted foi- nothing a hardy race of farmers and labourers—as a body of men , with whom _vrc-nlth was the only object of speculation , and who cared nothing for the claims YCcntinucdlto _lhelEigl-tir < _9- ;]

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 9, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_09051846/page/1/