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Northern Star (1837-1852), 1st August 1846, Edition 3 of 3, Page 4

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    • Now ready, Price One Shilling.... thk second xnraoKDf - ~ -
    • THE MARTIR FROST
    • THE NOETHEM STAR SATURDAY, AUGUST 1, 18*6.
  • Adverts (8)
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      4 ^ The Northern Star. August 1, I8y

      4 _^ THE NORTHERN STAR . August 1 , I 8 y

      Now Ready, Price One Shilling.... Thk Second Xnraokdf - ~ -

      Now ready , Price One Shilling .... thk second _xnraoKDf - ~ -

      Ad00412

      MY LIFE , OR OUR SOCIAL STATE , Part I . a Poem , by ERNEST JONES , Barrister at Law . * R "contains more pregnant thoughts , more bursts of * $ yfic -power , more , iu fine , of the truly grand attd * bes _* _ati-TfyH , than any poetical work , which has made its _appear--ancc for years . We know of tew things more dcttuati-< cally intense than the scenes between Phtlipp , Warren and Clare . —Nea Qjaarttrh } Jfecicie . Pull of wild dreams _^ strange fancies and _graceful images , interspersed with lmmy bright and & autiful thoughts , its chief defect is its brevity . The author ' s ill-Epilations seem to gush , fresh and _sparkling -frem _Hippocrene . He will -want neither readers nor admirers . — Morn-* lflP <( J * t . to

      Ad00413

      In "Weekly numbers at One Penny , and Monthly Tarts at - ¦ — ¦ Sixpence , tiie _LQSDQS PIONEER , containing 16 large quarto pages ( 48 columns ) for One Penny , in which will be found an im mense mass of entertainingand useful matter—Original Tales and Romances of the first order , besides some very useful Essays , Ori g inal Poetry , and Articles on Some _stic Economy , Science , and Manufacture . The London Pioneer devotes a portion of its columns to the advancement of social happiness . It wages deadly war _Sgainst all corruption and monopoly ; fears no party ; is "Wedded to no party ; but advocates the rights oflabour _6 nd the emancipation of commercial enterprise throughout the world , with peace on earth and good will towards all mankind . No . 14 is this day published , and contains Eugene Sue ' s new "Sovel , entitled , "Martin , the Foundling ; or . Memoirs of a Valet de Chamhre . "—Published by jR . * D . Cousins , Duke-street , Lincoln ' s-inn , London ; and Bold by all booksellers . —Part 3 is now ready .

      Ad00414

      LITIIOGRAPHIC EXGKAYIXGS OF THE DUNCOMBE TESTIMONIAL . MAT still be had at the Office of Messrs . "M'Gowaj _* and Co ., 16 , Great _Vunumul Street , HaymarKet , London ; through any respectable bookseller in town or country ; or at any of the agents of the JVortlieni . Star . The engraving is ou a large scale , is executed in the most finished style , is finely printed on tinted paper , and gives a minute description of the Testimonial , and has the Inscription , & c .. & c , engraved upon it . FH . ICE FOURPENCE .

      Ad00415

      CHEAP PAPER HANGINGS . XTTM . PARRIS solicits the attention of the Public to W Ws weU selected Stock of Paper Hangings , of which he has always a large Stock on hand for inspection rsale , commencing with Bed Room Paper from Jd . per yard . Staircase ditto Jd . „ Sitting Room ditto lid . „ . Drawing Room ditto 2 id . „ Grained and other papers equally cheap for Ready "Money only , at the Manufactory . IS . Cumberland Row , King ' s Cross , Opposite the Chalfe Road .

      Ad00416

      TO TAILORS . Stow ready , THE LONDON and PARIS _SPR 1 N 6 and SUMMER FASHIONS , for 1846 . By approbation of her Majesty Queen Victoria , and his Royal Highness Prince Albert , a splendidly coloured print , beautifully executed published by BENJAMIN READ and Co ., 12 , Hartstreet , Bloomsbnry-sqaare , London ; and G . _Bergt-r , Holywell-street , Strand , London . Sold by the publishers and all booksellers , wheresoever residing . This superb Print will be accompanied with full size Riding Dress and Frock Coat patterns , a complete pattern ofthe new

      Ad00417

      A GOOD FIT WARRANTED . UB SDELL AND CO ., Tailors , are now making np a complete Suit of Superfine Black , any size , for £ 3 ; Superfine West of England Black , £ 3 10 s . ; and the very "best Superfine Saxony , £ 5 , warranted , not to spot or change eolour . Juvenile Superfine Cloth Suits , 24 s . ; liveries equally cheap—at the Great Western Emporium , Jfos . l and 2 , Oxford-street , London ; the noted house for jood black _claths , and pateHt made trousers . Gentlemen can choose the colour and quality of cloth from the largest stock inLonden , The artof cutting taught .

      Ad00418

      _DAGURREOTYPE AND CALOTYPE . THE APPARATUS , LENS , CHEMICALS , PLATE 8 CASES , and every other article used in making and ¦ _louating the above can be had of I . Egerton , Nol , Temple-street , White & ian _, London , _descriptive Catalogues gratis . LERBBOURS * celebrated ACHROMATIC TRIPLET LENSES for the MICROSCOPE , cent to an ; part oi tbe country at the fallowing priees : —Deep Power , 60 s . ; Low " *? ower , _25 i . Every article warranted . Practical instructions , Tbree Guineas .

      The Martir Frost

      THE _MARTIR FROST

      Feb Q. Jplias Habnei. (Sixth Collection....

      FEB Q . _JPLIAS _HABNEI . ( Sixth Collection . ) £ . s . d . Stockton-on-Tees 0 1-5 9 " Queemheau , near Halifax ... 015 0 - James Faingrave , 0 10 ; Chartists of Hyde , per G . Candelet and J . Bradley ... fi 0 0 £ 7 11 9 The above sum of £ 7 11 9 , 1 paid to "Mr . "Rogers on Thursday evening , July 30 th , but not until after this we _. k ' s list had been sent to tlie Star . His acknowledgment will , therefore , appear in next Saturday ' s Star . _Subscriptions received for Mr . Richards , per J " . Shaw . P . W . U . ... 0 10 "Mr . Green ... 0 0 6 "Mr * . Green ... 0 0 0 For "Mrs . Ellis , per J . Shaw . Mr . Baun ... 0 1 o For Veteran Patriots , per J . Shaw . Mr . Wells , Waterloo Town , 12 Postage stamps ... 0 1 0 I am most anxious for a meeting in order that I may fllspose of the above , for I believe every penny is much needed . 3 , Shaw ,

      A Riot, Occasioiedby The High Price Of B...

      A Riot , _occasioiedby the high price of bread , took place at Mentz on the 18 th . Several of the Ji :. ker' > bop . <* were broken open and pillaged . An _Sriue , f ,, rec « as cslJt-1 < ut sin ; the _mo'i was di _,.-jPf _^ d j but there Itras still great cxciteniei-i on the J 9 tb .

      Ad00420

      POLAND'S REGENERATION . Just Pablished , Price . Ohb _Penut _, \ ' The Monthly Report for July of 1 OCCURRENCES IN POLAND , ! And facts connected with the cause of Poland's Regeneration . To which is added an Address TO THE ELECTORS OF FRANCE . By * t " tR Democ ratic Committeefor Poland ' s R _' _igeiwrition tendon : M'Gowan and Co ., 16 , Great Windmill-street ; -Clements , Little Pulteney-street ; Het ' nerington , Holy . _weJl-street , Strand * , Cousins , 18 , Duke-street , Lincolns lea Fields ; and all booksellers and aews . _agtntt in town aad country * * Any person forwarding two postage stamps , addressed to C . J ulian Harney , _lfi , Oreat WittdinilUtreet , can have a copy transmitted through the Post Omce , pre-paid .

      The Star Of Saturday Next Will Contain A...

      The Star of Saturday next will contain a full report of the proceedings ofthe Convention . Immediately after the Demonstration to Herringsgate , Mr . O'Connor will visit Leicester , Nottingham , Derby , Northampton and Birmingham . _JUU-LILIMI _IirWMj _^^ _'V ' * _' _*' _*!* ~ - | - ~ ~ —¦ --- _» -

      Tiie Demonstration. The Star Of Tbe 22nd...

      TIIE DEMONSTRATION . The Star of tbe 22 nd inst . will contain a full and entire account of tbe proceedings and amusements of tbe 17 th ins " , and also a splendid engraving of the Chartist First" Estate , by a first-rate artist .

      The Noethem Star Saturday, August 1, 18*6.

      THE _NOETHEM STAR SATURDAY , AUGUST 1 , 18 * 6 .

      Ibelan D. If Ever A People Were Presente...

      IBELAN D . If ever a people were presented to the nations of the world iu a humiliating and degrading position , the Irish people are now entitling themselves to that distinction . If ever artist succeeded in caricaturing human nature , and exposing the weakness and feebleness of the human mind , Mr . O'Connell may lav claim lo tbe complete accomplishment of the task . Who can look upon tbe present _struggle of

      Irish patriots , in the contest for that dishonourable uaifi cation which can alone render them lit associates for their own and their country ' s enemies and oppressors , without blushing that he should belong to such a land of beggared name and surrendered pride . It is but a short period since the Irish passions , Irish -vengeance , and Irish bate , were marshalled in battle array , not against "Whig dominion or Tory misrule , but against Saxon authority .

      Ireland resounded from one end to the other , until the sea-hound dungeon re-echoed back her wails , and proclaimed her fierce resolution to rid herself , not of any peculiar system of English government , but of all Saxon authority . If any , the boldest man , even the Liberator himself , had announced Whig patronage in 1846 as the triumph of the VULGAR GATHERINGS of 1843 , what punishment would the national jury then summoned bave considered severe enough for the traitor ? *\? ho feared to talk of' 98 then ? Who feared to read tbe Nation , and Erin ' s National Ballads , proclaiming the new resolve of Irishmen , whose triumph was ta be their country for themselves ? "Who would have dared to have

      repudiated physical force , as a means of securing that freedom and independence , that nationality and domestic comfort , which could alone spring from the Repeal of a "Union which the Whigs , in 1834 , had pledged themselves to resist to the death ? "When the hundreds of thousands of able-bodied Ir ishmen stood upon the honoured graves of the IRISH CROPPIES , on Tara of the Kings , whose Valued Irish blood was cheerfully shed for the restoration of their rights ; when England ' s weakness presented Ireland with her opportunity for redress ;

      would the young Hannibal , now the old Hamilcar ' s sucking dove , "have dared to cast reproach upou their sacred memory ; or , if pictorial illustrations are illtended to convey notions which tbe coward lip dare not utter , was there no silent invitation conveyed to an enthusiastic people in the selection of those very spots , distinguished by Ireland ' s previous struggles ? Why select Tara of the Kings , if itwas not intended as approval of those scenes formerly enacted there r Why select the Rath of Mullagmast , or why direct

      attention to the cold-blooded murders of Irish Catholics at Scullabogue ? Why select Clontarf as the crowning triumph of 1843 , if the names of those who fell upon its coast in defence of Irish liberty , were to be held up to national desecration in 1846 , and tbe lineal descendants of the hero of the fight , to ; be catechised by a BRATLING , and threatened with expulsion for not accepting the humiliating qualification of passive obedience and non-resistance as the test of Irish patriotism .

      Have the 'rish people yet maturely thought of tbe insult offered to free thought , and free expression of thought by the present race of Irish patriots ? Have they reflected that the new policy is to pander to tbe fears of old women , and to join in the protection of the accumulated wealth of the already over wealthy ? The World newspaper takes us to task for abusing Mr . O'Connell and the Whigs , and , by a strange process of reasoning , would compare our purchase of the Land with Mr . O'Connell ' s sale of Ireland . We have no disposition to quarrel with our very able cotemporary ,

      with whom , although we widely differ , we can condescend to argue . In the present state of the Metropolitan Irish press , the world must receive it as a compliment at our hands , when we acknowledge tbe weekly perusal of its every article ; when we are ready to confess tbe great superiority of its original matter over all its contemporaries ; when we admit they are written with great ability , a pleasing fluency , and unencumbered by the usual rhetoric of political writers . But , while we confess all this ,

      our contemporary must bear in mind that he seeks to make bis triumph our condemnation ; that we upheld Mr . O'Connell when he struggled in a cause , the accomplishment of which would serve Ireland , while at the same period the World denounced him . It is not wonderful that the World should rejoice in such an ally as Mr . Daniel O'Connell , but it would be strange if the World and the Star , advocating _tjvo opposite policies , should find cause for rejoicing in tbe same event .

      We have no inclination to rob our contemporary of any _portion of his triumphs , while we can see no affinity between the surrender of a principle for patronage , aud the application of detail to test the value ofa principle . It is not long since we derived much pleasure from the perusal of an article in the World , upon the recent strike in the _building Trades , and ia applying the Land plan to the Chartist principle , in our judgment we have given a practical _illustraUonlof what the Worldso graphically delineated in its denunciation of capitalists , and sympathy with labour . If we are to look far comfort in negative praise , we may console ourselves with reflecting tliat

      our project is good and wholesome , when denounced by a Journal that is opposed to our principles . But the one question which we would ask of our contemporary , and to which we shall expect an answer is this—Were the World and O'Connell right in 1843 , when they differed " toto coclo ; " and are they right now when they agree to a miracle ? Of course , the answer will he that the blusterer of 1843 has become a penitent and deserves absolution . Hence , the World may establish its own triumph by O'Connell ' s conversion to its principles , hut cannot fairly accuse us of inconsistency , who have not yet nailed our colours to our contemporary ' s mast .

      It is rather strange , by the way , that our censor should have selected what he esteems a surrender of principle in us , as a parallel whereby to establish the virtue of Mr . O'Connell , nor do we wonder at the diliiculties thrown in the way ofthe Champion of so mueh apostacy . Indeed , the Liberator stands in the

      Ibelan D. If Ever A People Were Presente...

      enviable position of furnishing the historian with such a pleasing variety of . character , as to enable the critic to damn or praise , not according to his conscience , bnt according to bis taste and humour ; and we enter T tain bat little doubt that ' ere long , when by the aid of another general election we hurl the Coalition of force , fraud , and venality , from its temporary throne , our contemporary , now the loud defender of the penitent Liberator , will once more return to its acrimonious abuse of its new protegee ; when a fresh experiment is required to be made upon the gullibility of his dupes to insure _anotherflow of pence as a substitute for Whig patronage —then , and not till then , we shall expect that moderate revenge , whieh is ever best conveyed in a becoming apology for past transgressions .

      The Chartist Convention. However Lightly...

      THE CHARTIST CONVENTION . However lightly the movement party may be induced to consider their own tactics , and however appalling the centralized opposition marshalled against the progress of their principles may appear , we never can reflect upon a gathering of the representatives of labour without being irresistibly led to tbe conclusion , tbat the blows alread y struck by this rude system of representation have told heavily

      upon faction , and have at length compelled every fragment of what is termed legitimacy to unite in stem opposition to progression . It a striking Illustration of this notable fact was not visible on former occasions , the sly but perceptible reasons assigned by Sir Robert Peel for supporting Lord John Russell upon the sugar question , can leave not a shadow of doubt that that statesman , not a had judge of the human heart , and not an insignificant diviner Of future events , has seen the policy by which , alone class legislation can uphold its ascendancy . ... __ _-,....

      On Thursday last we announced the fact that the present coalition government would attempt to hold power by arousing the fears and awaking the suspicions of the lovers of order . We judged from O'Connell ' s timely resuscitation of the physical force bugaboo ; from the cautious finality policy propounded by the prime minister , and from the mysterious hints of his new accomplice—the Times newspaper—from the moment that the principle of centralization was substituted for the warfare of

      faction and the bye-battle of parties , we predicted and announced that the day would come when the politics squabbles ot the rich and satisfied would be merged in the necessity of preserving their ascendancy , their power ,, and their privileges ; nay , we went farther , we predicted that the day would come when monarchs and their ministers would be compelled to surrender policy to centralization and to wage an aggressive battle against the world's moving mind .

      Every measure of Sir Robert Peel was suggested as resistive of democratic principles—they were not the genial offsprings of his mind , neither were they calculated upon as the just concessions to a nation ' s wants , but , on the contrary , they were adopted as prudent and timely concessions to what might otherwise become an irresistible demand . On the 25 th of November , 1837 , in the second number of the

      Northern Star newspaper , we declared that the existence of three political parties in a state was incompatible with the preservation of peace , law , arid order , and we reduced contention to its proper elements by dividing society into RICH OPPRESSORS and the POOR OPPRESSED . From that hour it has been our incessant study io keep the " Great Fact" prominently in view , that at no distant period this division of society would take place .

      Lord John Russell , not possessing the confidence of a majority of the constituency , and despised , distrusted , and suspected by 99 in every 100 of the unrepresented classes , now finds himself as the minister of the party that we then shadowed forth , as the ostensible , the recognized , leader of the RICH OPPRESSOR . Propped as he is on either side by Irish placehuuters and a corrupt newspaper , we have

      the almost simultaneous announcement of his backers of that future policy upon which governments must be supported . The denunciation of the physical force Chartists by Mr . O'Connell is a part of his old but exploded policy ; while , at the moment that our first edition was being printed last week , we find the Times newspaper proclaiming the following astounding fact : —

      " A man who may be a minister is almost as careful as a man who is : of course , there are parties iu this nation as reckless and hopeless as anything Paris could show . WehavehadJacobites . WE HAVE CHARTISTS . " However there may be something in this reluctant admission , that Chartism still lives , something cheering in the announcement that Chartism is the great difficulty standing in the way of party warfare , there is , nevertheless , something ominous in tlie CRY by which the " RICH OPPRESSORS" arc once more sought to be marshalled against the

      * ' POOR OPPRESSED . " Neither , we trust , will the warning be lost upon those who have once more undertaken to magnify this stumbling-block which is now admitted to stand in the way of the Coalition ministry . On Monday next the leaders of the dreaded body of Chartists will be called'upon ; not only to develope the probable strength of their party , but they will be required to point out the weaknesses , the assailable points , in their enemies' : ranks . Perhaps no more timely assistance could have come to hand to aid in this necessary work than the calm and well reasoned letter of Mr . O'Higgins upon the one hand—the confessed fears of The Times on the other , and , though last not least , the

      mysterious but unmistakeable adhesion of Sir Robert Peel to a measure which he denounces hut yet sup . ports . The failure of all former conventions has arisen from the iucongruous elements of which they were composed . In 1839 the people , unaccustomed to do tlieir work for themselves , gladly accepted the proffered service of the Fletchers , the Gobbets , the _Malthusians , and those of their own order who were too idle to work and too poor to live without labour . Their grand experiment was to make themselves respectable by giving an impossible character to Chartism—the character of that respectability which would render its advocates acceptable to the middle classes .

      We have ever announced that Chartism , under whatever phase it was presented , in whatever terms , however lisping , it was advocated , would carry more terror to the titled and the privileged than all the horrible bugaboos of physical force . "We have asserted that if fasting and praying were means by whicli the Charter could be carried , fasting and praying would be punished as the highest political offence . It is a fact clear as the sun at noon day , that every deserter from our ranks has prepared bis

      retreat by denouncing the very policy which he himself has been the loudest in advocating . That Chartism which lias fustian jackets , blistered hands and Unshorn chins as its emblems , has been denounced by those who would make it a thing of reiinemeat and respectability , while we repeat the fact to our readers that Chartism means poverty—and poverty is a consequence of class legislation ; thc legitimate deduction from which is , that hefore uo . verty ceases class legislation must be destroyed .

      Physical Force. "Itis As Much The Duty O...

      PHYSICAL FORCE . "Itis as much the DUTY of _the-peejile to REBEI against a CORRUPT HOUSE OF _COAOttSjS'S as against a tyrannical Prince . " _Load _BoimcnaoxE . Without crowding tbe mind of tlie _reader witl too many authorities upon a mere speculative _theory and without attempting to establish any defineo limits , or any assumed data , for the settlement oi * a principle which , after all , must be mainl y goveriK "' by the circumstances that provoke resistance or ag-

      Physical Force. "Itis As Much The Duty O...

      gression , as well * ' as * by the . impulse , mental , construction , physical _organisation * disposition , temper , humour , and even whim of the active parties ,, we shall , " nevertheless , once more place onr opinions upon record , and then argue the application of our principle more in detail than we have hitherto done . Our stereotyped jmnci ple is , that " moral power is that deliberative quality within each man ' s mind

      that teaches him how to reason , how to endure , and when forbearance becomes a crime , and if it should fall to secure for man those rights and privileges to which he . is entitled , and should physical force become necessary to aid him in the struggle , ( which God forfend , ) it will come to his aid like an electric shock , but the man who marshals it destroys it and will be the first to turn traitor . "

      There is something so truly novel and romantic in being called upon once more to meet the physical force doctrine in a season of uninterrupted and unbroken tranquillity , while army estimates , navy estimates , and the bloody cat , still reeking with the blood of a murdered soldier , stare the peaceable and paying millions in the face , that we should abstain from further notice of the disgusting trumpery , had it not become our imperative duty to meet this resuscitated

      mischief-maker upon its resurrection . Why , we ask again , talk of physical force while universal tranquillity is the universal boast ? _llowevei-, as we have never shrunk from the performance of any the most difficult duty , we shall endeavour to define what may constitute the corruption of a Ilouse of Commons , or the tyranny of a Prince . If the majority of the House of Commons , which constitutes the House , should have succeeded in

      achieving its own . political ascendancy , by encouraging" and fostering princi ples , the practical carrying out of which threatened danger to the rule of thaimajority , and if that majority , having so gained power , shquld use that power for the persecution of its allies , that House of Commons becomes corrupt , and it becomes the duty , of the whole people to rebel and proclaim war againstit . Should a House of Commons , in the midst of great national wealth , and without the appearance of other necessity than that of augmenting the wealth of the

      already too wealthy , pass any law abridging the comfort , or trenching upon the rights of the people , whereby they are compelled to sell their labour according to that standard which ' the House , of Commons allows capitalists to affix , it becomes the duty of the whole people to REBEL against that Ilouse of Commons . If the House of Commons shall suborne witnesses , hire spies , pack juries , select corrupt

      Judges , to prosecute the people for morally advocating those very principles taught by the ruling power , it becomes the duty of the whole people to rebel-If the House <; of Commons shall have taught the people that taxation without representation is tyranny , and should be resisted , it becomes the duty of the whole people to rebel against that House of Commons , which imposes and levies taxes upon the unrepresented ,

      If the Constitution shall he violated by the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act , and if the ordinary laws of the country are placed in abeyance , either to save a faction , or to secure the retreat of a minister , it becomes the duty of the whole people to rebel . We feel some slight hesitation in selecting an unmistakeable brand by which corruption may be traced , and , therefore , we have not exactly made up our mind as to the constitutionality of a secret service fund , upheld for the almost acknowledged purpose of bribing the wealthy and persecuting the poor ; for the present , therefore , we shall reserve

      our opinion upon tins head until opportunity presents itself of revising the catalogue of ministerial delinquency . If a strong country shall , by force of arms or other means , have possessed itself of a neighbouring country , whether the two nations speak the same or a different language ; whether they are governed by the same or different laws ; whether thev

      profess the same or different religions , it is at all times the right , and piudence will tell when it is the duty , for thc conquered to rebel against the conqueror while we hold the maudlin sycophant , the timeserving juggler , who would preach non-resistance , under all circumstances , tobe a thing upon which every honest man , and every decent woman , should spit with contempt .

      We have no doubt that the trafficking politicians , the Irish place-hunters , are luxuriating in the probable success of this cowardl y cry . Bub we tell them that the safety of tyranny , and the tranquillity of faction , is more the result of circumstance , than of national satisfaction . The hand loom weaver , and the manual labourer , now find it impossible to compete against machinery ; and , therefore , we have new laws , new apothegms ' , new maxims , new cries

      new fallacies , and new follies , introduced into the new catalogue of the new science of political economy , and therefore it would be idle to use the words of philanthropists of old , to measure the pauper ' s new rights . And so with the progress of chemical and mechanical force , it would be equally absurd to measure the philosophy or the judgment of Tyler , Masaniello , or Tell , hy the new science of improved butchery .

      Perhaps , indeed , that no stronger indictment can be framed against a government than the charge that the sanatory , moral , and intellectual , state of the poor is a conundrum , yet unsolved in the midst of so much plenty ; while we read of the mighty rejoicings for the success of our arms , the increased sums required for the improvement of the science of war , and , while the government should be the great monitor of the nation , we are told that it is treason in the ruled to talk of , or even to think of , improvements in that science , progress in which is the ruler ' s greatest boast . Let us for once and for ever satisfy the chattering old beldames of Conciliation

      Hall , who are satisfied to deny their manhood while they contend for nationhood , who bow to the tyranny of the Saxon rule if the suffering is sweetened with Saxon patronage . Let us tell these degenerate drivelling un-Irish Whi g tools , that their safety depends , not upon the people ' s belief that passive obedience and non-resistance is a virtue , or even a duty , but upon the fact that the oppressor commands an amount of scientific physical force , against which the manual exertion ofthe oppressed cannot successfully contend .

      Is the use of physical force to be denied nnder all and every circumstance , or , if not , why are the mysterious hints at it In Ireland to be denounced as anti-Irish , while the Liberator has over and over again quoted Ihe base and tolerated submission of the Irish people , recorded in thc Report of Lord Devon ' s Commission , and represented as being worse , more unbearable , and destitute , than the condition of any other people upon earth ? We ask then , who can justify Poland ' s attempt at regeneration , and revile the Irishman ' s aspirations for justice

      through the same agency ? For forty long years Ireland has never heard of aught but trick and juggle , promise and transfer , tranquillity and justice , pence and Repeal , patronage and the Whigs . Would to God that every Irishman and every Englishman , from eighteen to fifty , was a drilled and armed soldier , and we pledge ourselves that tyranny and corruption would be banished for ever from the laud ; and if arms gave patronage , fhe present leaders , who can # best secure it b y submission , would then qu ulify themselves by their physical force skill . * - _^

      To The--Irish ^Residents- In "Great..'.....

      TO _THE--IRISH _^ RESIDENTS- IN " GREAT .. _' ... _- . . BRITAIN . Fellow-Countrymen . —Strange things havecome to pass since I last had the pleasure of addressing you , and stranger and more startling things are likely to come to pass before the lapse of two years . The real character of those who led you , and in whom you confided , and for whom you would have sacrificed the last drop of your blood , is now beginning to develope itself . It is neither my wish , nor

      my intention , to say one word calculated to hurt your feelings , or to wound your pride , or even to lessen you in your own estimation , But , my countrymen , itis our bounden duty to reflect upon the past , in the hope that it may serve as a guide for our future conduct . And I am sure that you have enough of good sense , and moral courage , to acknowledge past errors , and make atonement for them bv your future conduct .

      This is what gives the stamp of dignity to human nature . He who cannot manfully acknowledge his own errors , as well as the virtues of others , is but a miserable slave ; no matter ho iv high or how low his position in the scale of society . Now , my countrymen , permit me to ask you , and I hope you will answer me in bodies , in thousands , wherever you are located in Great Britain—what would you have gained individually , or collectively , as a class , supposing that every object was obtained which your leaders led you to expect in six months from the 12 th of October , 1843 , and for which you were struggling heart and soul , body and mind , and sometimes pinching yourselves by subscribing your money ?

      What will you gain by the repeal of the Corn Laws ? Not so much as one shilling per annum ; although I admit that these laws were unjust , and should have been repealed ; but their repeal will do you no good . And I wish to make you understand that clearly , in the hope that when you so understand it , you will embark in no political scheme or agitation hereafter , unless you see clearly that it must end in a direct benefit to yourselves . Any political scheme , or agitation , which falls short of this , is sheer delusion . Pay no attention to the mock , the sham disputes at elections , or otherwise ,

      between the two great plundering factions—the Whigs and Tories . Ask yourselves , coolly and quietly , — " What good will either faction do us ? As neither will confer any benefit upon us , as neither will give us any political right , as both treat us worse than they do their horses or dogs ; except when they want our assistance to promote their own immediate interests , in the name of God let us have nothing to do with either , Let them fight their own battles . " —Act thus , reason thus , and you will soon be respected ; what you are not now , nor have you ever been since you were sold for what is called Catholic

      Emancipation ; which time has proved to be nothing but the emancipation of the rich and idle , and the degradation of the poor and the industrious . It was emancipation that drove you from home to seek a precarious subsistence where you are . It was the disfranchisement of the noble minded , high spirited , patriotic Forty-Shilling Freeholders , that filled the towns and villages of England with Irish Labourers . You achieved emancipation and your own ruin at the same time ; but you knew nothing of the base

      bargain which your profligate Leaders made for your destruction , and their own aggrandisement , at the time . The fact is , they sold you for silk gowns , seats in parliament , and on the Irish bench . - These Leaders , not content with the utter annihilation of the bone , sinew , patriotism and real wealth of Ireland , got up a new agitation ; and , in a series of letters , addressed to the passions of my warm _, hearted countrymen , roused the nation from centre to surface , for the Repeal of the Union . The first of these letters is dated

      " Derrynane Abbey , 6 th Sept ., 1830 . " and commences thus : — " Is there no native arm Whose veins the Irish blood doth warm ? Is there no heart in the trampled land To spurn the usurper's vile command ? Con the wronged realm no arms supply But the abject tear and the slavish sigh ? "

      " I will not weep any more for Ireland . I will not tremble any more for her future destiny . The experiment has been made , and tbe result is eminently triumphant . The late elections tried the metal of which the soul of the people of Ireland is composed , and it has been found to be brighter , and , though shattered , keener , than the burnished steel—purer than tho virgin gold !" In another paragraph the same great patriot

      says : — "The change which is now necessary , and which we are now prepared for , is the Repeal ofthe Union . " And again in another paragraph : — " In my next letter I will discuss' the evils of the Union , and the probability of its speedy repeal . " Daniel O'Connell . Now , fellow countrymen , bear in mind the date of this letter ; the direct allusion to fighting con tained in the poetic quotation which precedes the letter ; and the probability of a speedy " Repeal of the Union . " Just read that over again , and thinkof a speedy Repeal of the Union on the 6 th day of September , 1830 .

      Well , then , those exeiting letters were written for the double purpose of screening the author of them from the odium which should otherwise be attached to thc man upou whose sworn testimony those very persons whom he describes as " purer than virgin gold , " the forty shilling freeholders , were disfranchised . How many thousands of you have become men since the 6 th of September , 1830 ? and who know nothing of the motives which influenced the promoter and leader of the Repeal agitation and its direful consequences from that period up to his abandonment in 1836 ?

      The other object of this agitation was to force the government to give good fat places to the Irish Repeal patriots . The screen for abandoning the movement and gliding Into the places , was the Coercion Act of 1835 , for every clause of which the Libera * tor voted , and complained that it did not go far enough to put down his own followers , you and I , my friends , and the rest of us , dupes and fools as we are . Up to that period , 1835 , 1 thought he was sincere , and [ that the agitation for Repeal was a sincere and an honest agitation . But when I saw the Liberator voting for the atrocious Coercion Act

      when I saw Raphael , the Jew , a non-Repealer , recommended , for the bribe of -6 * 2 , 000 , to the electors of Carlow ; when I saw Baron Maule recommended for another bribe to the Repealers of the same county ; when I saw Mr . Ashton Yates , another non-Repealer , returned by the Repealers of the same county ; when I saw the corruption of the English rotten boroughs , fiatton and Old Sraum , transferred to Dungarvan , Cashel , Carlow , Clonmel , Kilkenny , Drogheda , Dundalk , Wexford , New Ross , Waterford , ) Youghal , and Tralee ; and when I saw that best of Irish landlords , Mr . W . S . Crawford

      turned out by the Repealers of Dundalk , for voting agaiust the Coercion Act of 1835 , and also against thc Continuance of Tithes in Ireland ; my eyes were opened—the cloud was dispelled . I then saw thc whole end and object , of the Repeal agitation ; even before Mr . Chvistopher Filzsimon sold to the Whigs ( the sworn enemies of Repeal ) the Repealers of the County of Dublin for -Gl _. OQO a year ; before Mr . Morgan O'Connell sold the Repealers of the County of Meath for . £ 800 ; before Mr . Charles O'Coniiel ' l

      sold the Repealers of the County Kerry for £ 000 a year . Having seen all this , and having taken an . _- . ctive part in the agitation for Repeal from September , 1830 , till June , 1836 ; and having seen the Repeal formally abandoned by the adoption of the following resolution , which was moved by Mr . O'Connell , seconded by Mr . O'Brien , ( not \ y . S . ) : — ta _' th ? _i'JI _' _ofXfi _™ _V , _" } 03 * _Hvely ' gratitude to the Earl ot _Mulgrave _, for his Urt _^ manly , liutne _uorwmneot m jielmio _. aud reposing uniituited

      To The--Irish ^Residents- In "Great..'.....

      confidence in the sincere and unequivocal disposition of her Majesty ' s present Ministers to do justice to Ire land by placing her . on a footing of equality with En | r land and Scotland ; but , | aboveall , and before all , _fiihjj with most respectful and dutiful gratitude to het mo < t gracious Majesty for the enlightened and pv triotic policy which has distinguished the commencement of her auspicious reign ; we do , under these circumstances , deem it a proof of our confidence in the existing Administration to declare , that this As . sociation is dissolved , devolving the carrying out of _U 8 purposes into full effect on the Irish popular members , in aid and support of the Queen ' s Government . * -

      N ow , then , let me ask you , havmg seen all these ' doings—these tricks upon my confiding and warmhearted countrymen , would I not be one of the greatest blockheads that ever existed , if I did not see the object of the present Repeal agitation ? You , my countrymen , shall soon see it also : but you were duped anil cheated and so was I the first time , but I was not since 1835 . In my next letter I shall direct your attention to thc extraordinary changes which are going on at present , and shall also submit to your consideration a short and easy rule by which yon can distinguish between a political knave and an honest man . Patrick O'Higgins . Dublin , 25 th July , 1846 .

      Parliamentary Review. The Star Of Free T...

      PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . The star of Free Trade is still in tbe ascendant _. After a short fight of two nights the allied forces , under Russell and Peel , carried the second _reading ofthe Sugar Duties Bill by the sweeping majority of 130 , in a house of 400 members . This is nearly two to one , and virtually settles the question ; for it is ridiculous to suppose that at tin ' s late period ofthe session , and in the face of such a majority , the Lordswill give any strenuous opposition to it , It was evidently concerted between the late Premier and th © present , that the fight should be a short and decisive one . Peel spoke on the first night of the debate , in

      order , no doubt , to remove all uncertainty as to the course he Intended to pursue ; and ' also to influence votes upon the division . But though Sir Robert gave Lord John the aid of hig vote and influence , hia speech did not support Lord John ' s measure . Indeed he hinted ' , very plainly , that it was a measure h « would not have brought forward ; but the practical question he put to himself was , " If I join its opponents and beat Russell , who is to succeed him ? I am not prepared , at present , to re-enter office . The Protectionists , if they were in power , would speedily be out of it again . It is not convenient that we

      should have these changes just now , and , therefore on these grounds , wholly irrespective ofthe measure , and simply on account of the present state of parties I will support it . " Such was the pith ot Sir Robert ' s speech ; and so long as he is prepared to give this kind of support , Lord John , as the Chronicle says , may dismiss from his mind all anxiety as to the security of his place , as first Lord of the Treasury . But , it is clear , that he retains office solely by the forbearance of his great administrative rival . lie is-Peel ' s cat ' s-paw , and merely permitted to keen the seat warm , till a change of circumstances makes it , in Sir Robert ' s opinion , prudent to turn him out .

      As to the measure , Lord Brougham , in the Lords , very felicitously dissected the motives of the Whigs in bringing it forward . If he was not successful in his treatment of the question in itself , he was at least terribly in earnest , and most unsparing in his exposition of the low cunning and paltry tricks of his quondam political friends . " Set a thief to catch a thief , " says tbe old proverb . None but an old Whig could _hnYe so accurately and forcibly pourtrayed the character of Whiggery . Animated by the lowest motives according to his Lordship , they merely aimed at clutching the credit of passing a great mea

      sure in the hurry and scramble of the fag-end ofa particularly exciting and protracted session , before people ' s minds had got sobered down after the late eventful changes , and when , by a junction of force , in the then state of both houses , they could force decisions without giving the necessary time for cool debate and practical consideration . - In all this there appears to us to be much truth . When the time for cool reflection arises , it will , we anticipate , be found thatthe Whig Sugar measure is , like Whiggery itself , a sham and a mockery . Even when

      they have got a great principle in hand , and a greait question to settle , they go about their work in that small peddling , and temporising spirit which is the essence of their political creed , and the hopeless constitutional infirmity of tlieir party . Tlie Sugar Bill will , in the end , neither give satisfaction to the people of this country nor to the West India colonists , whose position , in consequence of our antislavery policy , is one of a most painful characterj and loudly demands consideration and measures of a practical nature , utterly beyond : the comprehension of Lord John and liis * ' open question" cabinet .

      Lord George Bentinck has added another -laurel to his wreath in the eyes of his party , by the manner in which he proposed and supported his amendments on Monday night . There is , perhaps , no instance of a Parliamentary reputation and standing of the first class having been acquired under such singular circumstances as that of his Lordship . For upwards of twenty years a member of Parliament , the world knew nothing of him except as a successful speculator on the . turf . lie was classed with the illustrious obscure , the great body of " ayes and noes , " who , like the supernumeraries in a theatre ,

      march on and off the stage without saying a syllable , at the command of the prompter . All at onoe , however , Lord George has shown that he has mettle in him not previously suspected . He gets up his cases remarkably well , is particularly voluminous in figures and facts , which he takes great pains in verifying , and has the tact of shaping his arguments broadly and consistently to the point he aims at . . lie is quite a Godsend to the M country party , " and it is no wonder that they propose to honour him by a grand dinner , to whieh all thc leading Protectionists in both Houses are invited .

      Mr . D'Israkh supported Lord George , in one of his most telling speeches of the session . He , too , has quite disappointed the expectations of many people . It was said that his bolt would bo soon shot . He had but one subject—Peel , aud when he had exhausted his stock of sarcasm , ironical epigram , and bitter Ion mots , that there would be an end of him . But the statistical researches of his noble friend seem to have inspired him with kindred ardour for arithmetic . He finds that now a-days nobody is anything if not statistical , and therefore , though he does not overlay his speeches with figures

      of arithmetic to the extent of damaging the effect of his figures of rhetoric , he adduces sufficient for the basis of bis arguments , andean now fence with the weapons supplied by the venerable Cooker , with the best of his opponents . It is not , however , in this useful but plodding school that D'Israku will ever shine . lie is a man of genius whose suggestive imagination cannot be tied down to the folios of ledgers aud the items of bills of lading . Even where obviously wrong in his inferences , there is a dashing originality in many of his theories respecting our constitution and its tendencies , which

      take him clean out of the herd of gentlemen who write M . P . alter their name . No man in the House is ao attentively listened to . Tho _inoment it is heard that he is up members hurry in from lobbies and smoking-rooms , listless inattention gives place to earnest , thoughtful and lively sympathy with a speaker , who now launches a sarcasm sparkling wilh brilliancy , anon propounds a new reading of history , defective perhaps iu its philosophy but startling by its novelty , or extracts out of the most [ rugged and unpromising materials the means for constructin < r theories as to

      our actual trade , and the future prospects of the country , which , if sometimes fallacious , are always pregnant with the highest qualities of intellect . One cannot help feeling gratitude to such a man for gilding the " gentle dullness" ofthe "House" by the brilliance of his talent , even where that talent showo itself in an erratic absolutely erroneous shape . IliB

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Aug. 1, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns3_01081846/page/4/