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Northern Star (1837-1852), 29th September 1849, Edition 2 of 3, Page 1, DEATHS. Died, at Dundee, on the Sth iiis...

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    • u The folly of to-day is the wisdombf themorrow." " Alas! poor country'. Almost afraid to know itself!"
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      U The Folly Of To-Day Is The Wisdombf Themorrow." " Alas! Poor Country'. Almost Afraid To Know Itself!"

      u The folly of to-day is the wisdombf themorrow . " " Alas ! poor country ' . Almost afraid to know itself !"

      Ireland. To The People. My Beau Fbiexds,...

      IRELAND . TO THE PEOPLE . My beau Fbiexds , —For many years ever . since the year 1782 , when , the Volunteers , with Lord Chabiemoxt at their head , extracted their share of plunder from the English Government , through patronage and by popular force , the power of the people has heen subdued by the treachery of their leaders ; until at length the Irish people have become so disheartened that they are driven to the alternative of popular combination , to overpower the conspiracy of the Saxon law , and the duplicity of their leaders . \

      I have frequentl y reminded you that "the Jolly of to-day may be the wisdom of the morrow ; ' and you are well aware that I have been subjected to no sli g ht censure for exposing and combating the foll y of popular leaders ; while , upon the other hand , I rejoice in thendiscovery of error and their " new birth unto rig hteousness . " I thint you will admit , that during seventeen years of persecution by the Wsh ° leaders and the Irish press , I have never once denounced the Irish priesthood or the Irish people ; that I have borne the slander and the revilings of O'CoiRSELL and his party , of faction and its press .

      You will remember how often I have told you that , for either to be free , England and Ireland must be united in one common bond , marshalled under one banner , and directed to -the attainment of one common object—THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER . Neitherimm , forgotten the ihanherin winch'finp ^^^ tism has been repudiated and reviled by Irish ^ patriots and the Irish Press . The GULP WAS SO WIDE , that Mr . Duffy , of the

      * ' Nation , would resist any attempt to bridge it over ; while now the fraternity has become so indispensable , that Mr . Duffy sees no alternative but the union of the two people . Mr . Duffy having seen the foll y of having slandered the Irish priesthood—perhaps as a body , -the most devoted and patriotic men in the world—would now assume to himself and his writings the responsibility of Ireland ' s recent mishaps , misfortunes , and failures .

      "Well , I would be the last person to censure a public man for the confession of error the avowal of repentance , and the resolution to sin no more ; but has not Mr . Duffy saddled himself with a charge of such au amount of folly as has led t © the destruction—or , at all © vents , to the postponement for many a year —of Ireland' s regeneration ? Mr . Duffy , in an article in last week ' s ¦" Nation , " headed "What win the Priests Do ?" says : —

      There is another reason not to be passed orer in silence by TheXatim , A large class of persons in this country are deeply impressed with the conviction that if the Confederates had had only steel and fire to encounter in ' 48 we would ere now have had an end of foreign rule and social misery . If the priests suppressed the insurrection , -we cannot refuse to admit that the Confederateleaders had themselves largely to blame . They excited a profound jealousy -of their ultimate designs among the clergy , by indiscreet vrritings and speeches ; which to men who did not know -them , and who had been systematically prejudiced against them , meant many things they were never intended to mean . They were gnilty in this of a fatal error for which beyhavcpaidaterriblepenalty . Perhaps Thomas Meagher and Thi Xation were the chief sinners in this respect If so let it be known that they saw their error and admitted

      it In the last conversation between 3 Ir . Dufly and Mr . Meagher in Richmond Prison , the former said "You and I committed a blockhead blunder my friend—we arrayed against ns the most vital institution of Irish Ireland , by mere folly . O'Connell told the priests we were their enemies and as if to conform this calumny we uttered and published many things absolutely certain to oe misunderstood by them . And behold the result—an attempt to raise the country without their help ; a project as feasible as raising ¦ the Scottish highlands a hundred years ago without the Scottish chiefs . " " True , true , " rejoined Meagher— "it was a great error . One to be avoided again . Any future movement must be based more largely on the religion , the sympathies , the old traditions of Ireland . For if our country is to have a new birth to liberty , she must this time be "baptised in the old Holy Well . "

      Thomas Feaxcis Meagher , the gem of gems , the soul of patriots , the pride of his country , and the loved and honoured of all , is in the above made to confess his error ; while in his last letter , written to me before he was banished from the land of his birth— -as Mr . Duffy uow admits by the enthusiasm inspired "bv the "Nation— * ' was of a very different character , and conveyed neither sorrow nor repentance : indeed , so dear is that young patriot ' s name and memory to me , that I cannot refrain from publishing his defence , against the calumnious charge of repentance urged against him by Mr . Duffy ; and although it is marked " private , '' I cannot see that its publication ¦ can in any way damage the heroic young victim . Here it is : —

      ( Private . ) Richmond Prison , June 6 th , 13 « . Mt Deas FEABcrs O'Cossoa , —You will have seen , before these few lines reaches yon , that our fate has been decided . We are to leave the country —( probably tomorrow night )—as conv ' cts for Van Diemen ' s land . I write to bid you an affectionate farewell , and to thank yon—as I siucerclv and most gratefully do , for the deep symjatsij fou have felt for me , and the efforts to defend m v name and conduct , you have so generously and bravely made . May the good God , in whose jnsfioe all oppresssed nations repose their trust—protect , aid , and with his Alniirhtv : trm . exalt the cause of freedom which yon hare served so long and faithfully , and may you live to witness in its triumph , the reward of the sacrifices you hare made in its behalf .

      Tliis , my dear , excellent friend , is the sincere prayer of one who glories in the proud thought that the first days of Lis vouth have been devoted to the struggle of his country , and * that failing in that struggle , he was doomed to be removed , far , far from his old home ; m testimony of the love with which he clung to it , and the sincerity with which he strove to render her honourable before all nations—a benefactress and a glory to humanity . Be so good as to hand the enclosed to that noble-hearted Englishman , ~ - And ever believe me to remain , lly dear Feargus O'Connor , * Wherever my lot may be cast . Your sincere and affectionate young friend , Thomas Fju \ cis Meaguek . 3 * Cow let me ask how the above letter tallies

      with"True , true , " replied Meagher , "but it was a great * rror , one to be avoided again . Any future movement must be based more largely on the religion , the sympathies , the old traditions of Ireland . For if our country is to have a new birth to liberty , she must this time be baptised in the old Holy Well . " In a letter previousl y written to me , the young Martyr says : — "Though my fate is now sealed , I do not repine , as my suffering may tend to regenerate my fallen country . " But what apoor importance the Irish people must henceforth attach to the Press , when they read the following extract from the above passage : —

      " TIIEY EXCITED A PROFOUND JEAIOUSY OF THEIR ULTIMATE DESIGNS AMONG THE CLERGY BY INDISCREET ITTtl-TDCGS AND SPEECHES ; WHICH TO MEN 1 YHO DID NOT KNOW TREM , AND WHO HAD BEES SYSTEMATICALLY PREJUDICED AGAINST THEM , MEANT MANY THINGS THEY WERE NEYER INTENDED TO MEAN . " Here then , we have theTjnequivocal admission , that the "A aftoft " publishedmany things that the writers did not mean , or things which were not understood by its readers . We Icnow- not upon which horn of this dilemma Mr . Duffy will hang—whether upon " the

      indiscreet writings and speeches" published in the " Nation " or theignorance of the readers of those writings and speeches . Howbeit , we Lave the free admission of Mr . Duffy himself , that the "Nation" and its party , were the orig inators and destroyers of the recent Irish enthusiasm—I will not call it even revolution or outbreak—and the consequence is , that the Irish people , being deceived by Old Irelanders , and Young Irelaaders , and their press , are now establishing local combinations ,

      as the only means of saving themselves from the p lunder and rapacity of feudal lords , by cutting and carrying their crops , and leaving the swept soil to the landlord—to whom they hare paid , not only rent , but feudal f ees lewal costs , and other charges , to five times the amount of the rent ; and yet they are plunderers I While naught but pity and commiseration is heard for the real plunderer , who , under the sanction of law , has driven his serf to the alternative of defending the pro-

      Ireland. To The People. My Beau Fbiexds,...

      ceeds of his labour , or perishing with his famil y of starvation . ° . fs f ' ^ J ^ -erememher , something being pubhsuedmthe " Nation , " as to theprudence of delaymg operations until the harvest ot 1848 was ready for the sickle . And if such a process should again cause devastation and massacre in Ireland , surely Mr . Duffy will not have forgotten the " indiscreet writings and speeches" published in the " Nation" of that date , and the meaning of -which , the most ignorant of the peasantry appear to have literall y construed , and critically understood . ceftfls nf Wo i „ t "'

      Aow , if there is any one danger to a political party greater than another , it is that of leaders and their organs , repudiating a policy by which they have organised and directed the public mind . It is especiall y dangerous as regards the Irish people , as they are cautious , watchful , and jealous j and the confession of past errors by which they were led into great difficulties , will -naturall y make them sceptical as to . Ae ;" ainbunt of reliance tO ; he placed ih foture ^ desigiia , ' r--f , % ^ # ^^^ fe- % ^^

      p " Takiflg . alBhf / se matters mto ' consideration , will any man—the best versed in politics , or in social policy—point out any hope for the regeneration of Ireland , and of England too , other than the fraternisation of the working classes of both countries , supposed to beg £ verned by the same laws ; and b y which fraternisation they may insure a FULL FREE AND FAIR REPRESENTATION OF THE TTHOLE PEOPLE IN THE COMMONS HOUSE OP PARLIAMENT .

      Such a system once established , neither Press , nor demagogue , can mislead the public mind by "INDISCREET SPEECHES AND WRITINGS , " nor can the most cunning so misinterpret them as to stamp them with au erroneous impression . There is no man more ready or willing than I am , to make compensation to an injured person ; and I do think that the confession of Mr . Duffy ' s errors , should have induced him to offer some apology for his abuse of John O'Connell , who , with the exception of Mr . Geeene , was the only Irish member who voted for the PEOPLE'S CHARTER-a fact which has induced me to forget my every difference with that gentleman .

      L-eland is now about to suffer from another famine ; L-eland , as if designed by nature to be her oppressors' GREATEST DIFFICULTY , will also be found to be England ' s greatest difficulty-mot onl y the difficulty of the English Government , but the difficulty of the English people—as swarms of banished Irishmen will come to the Saxon land , to compete with Englishmen in their own Labour

      market—while there is a palace to be erected for the Queen in Ireland—the Cove of Cork is now Queenstown—the lickspittles of the same city hope to change its name to Alberxrowt f—and the future King of England is to be Earl of Dublin , as well as Prince of Wales . Why do not the loyal Scots insist upon his being Marquis of Modern Athens as well ?

      AU the writers in the " Nation" who touch upon the subject at all , are discussing the indispensable necessit y of a fraternisation between the two people—the developement of the Land Plan , and the justice of reducing rents to the standard of the reduced price of produce . And let me ask you—you , the reviled Chartists of England—if there is one of those questions connected with Irish policy , and the necessity for the Irish people adopting them , that I have not expounded over and over again ?

      Arthur 0 Connor—and not Giuttan , although it has been ascribed to him—declared in his speech in the Irish House of Commons , in 1790 , that " three million English slaves would rivet Britain ' s chains "—and Ireland has now more than double that number of slaves . However , the English Government may rest assured that agrarian disturbances will constitute a much greater difficulty than political quackery . In the one case , the policy is for the poor to save what they can from the ravager ; in the other , the policy is for the

      demagogue to extract what be can from the credulity of the poor . However , I hope and trust that ere long the confidence of the poor in their own order alone , will place them in that independent position , to achieve which for them , has been and still is , the darling object of my life , and in which course I will persevere until that object is achieved . And may God grant , that neither dread of persecution , nor newspaper policy , will ever compel or induce me to retract my princi ples , or mourn over the injury and injustice that my

      "INDISCREET WRITINGS AND SPEECHES" may have imposed upon others . I see before me now a great , a glorious , a noble and holy prospect ^ -if the people are but true to themselves ; a prospect—the realisation of which , neither press nor demagogue will be able to blig ht nor destroy , as the free mind of man has now ripened to that extent , that will enable it to combat against and overpower all the elements of faction . I remain , Your faithful and uncompromising Mend , Feargus O'Connor .

      < R ¦ " ^Zz Views', .Or .Ideas , Cannot ...

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      - - Ceeds Of His Labour. Tu. Ji.Tii, Wmm...

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      Union Of The Middle And Working Classes....

      UNION OF THE MIDDLE AND WORKING CLASSES . TO IDE EDITOR OF THE XORIHEKX STAB . Sin , —In the Star of Saturday last , the 22 nd instant , in a letter addressed to the working classes , by Mr . Feargus O'Connor , there appears the following , amongst other remarks , to which , with your permission , I beg to offer a few words in reply : — " Let me now explain to you the reason for thus addressing you . I understand that Mr . James Leach—recently released from Kirkdalo prison—has invited the Manchester working men to resist sternly the proposed union between the veritable middle and working classes . "

      Upon this part of Mr . O'Connor ' s letter there are only seven correct words in it , as far as regards myself—namely , "that I have been recently released from Kirkdale prison . " Whoever was Mr . O'Connor ' s informant as to me advising the working classes to resist an union being formed betwixt themselves and the middle classes must have teen greatly imposed upon himself . Perhaps he had read the lying and scandalous reports in the Manchester Examiner or Spectator , both of which seemed to vie with each other in their infamous misrepresentatioBS of the proceedings . What I did say was— " That no man in England would hail with greater pleasure than myself an union of the middle and working classes ; but that union must only be on the consideration that the working classes should fully participate in any benefits arising from the changes this union proposed to bring about . " To this declaration I am prepared to stand , regardless

      of ponce spies , then * perjured tools , or the more infamous proceedings of pretended friends . It were these latter gentlemen that I held up to the contempt of the meeting . They have been caught at their dirty work , and are' now running about the town , like so many furies , striving to do that by private slander and malignity which they dare not for a moment attempt before the people . Some of these gentlemen contrive , throush the dint of audacity and mendacity , to eke out a living otherwise than at more respectable labour ; and for some reason or other—which at present I can only guess at—some of these gentlemen seem to be in peat favour ¦ with the scribes in the editorial department of the above-named papers , and seem tohave formed a league with them to hound down one , who have , on some previous occasions , been a stumbling-block in the way of their political frauds and falsehoods , and who will , with God ' s help , trip up their heels again ,

      Union Of The Middle And Working Classes....

      whenever lie discovers them at their disreputable work of deceiving the labouring class . That you may see what these parties mean , I send you a specimen of their productions , being a copy of a letter sent to Kirkdale before my liberation . Mr . O'Connor can make what use of it he may think proper ,. as , it seems it is aimed as much at him as any one else j and I am sure , when he has read it , he will see that there is a very great difference betwixt denouncingthese cneatsand humbugs , and denouncing anuuioh ot the middle and working classes ; and yet the dei nou ncmg of these political tgfags is the head and front of my offending . But enough of them ; I have said much more than I intended , when commencing these tew lines . But it will be seen , from what I have said

      , that I am no enemy to an Union of the middle and working classes ; but , on the contrary , from what appears in another part of his letter , I go much further in that respect thau himself . Mr . O tonnor asks his readers to "bear inmind , that the union formed is not an union betwixt the middle ^ « ass employers and the working men , but betwixt the shopkeepers and then * working-men customers . ' * This , iu my opinion , is a distinction without a diffeV rence . The master-class buys the working man ' s labour aseheap as hecan , and sellstbeproduceof that laiou * . as dear ,. as he , caa ^ theiabojikeeper bus ! theJ | ahou 5 ar ^; prMH , effa 8 Jeh ' e &^ he ca % aa & 8 dn It-asvdelu * as ho- ban ; and / from what I know of them both , I am sure it is only splitting hairs to

      make a distinction between them . There are many of the middle-class employers who have given to the world many sincere proofs of their attachment to liberty , and the desire to better the condition of the labouring class , as any of the shopkeeping special constable class I know of . Amongst the former might be mentioned the late and lamented John Fielding and family , with a long list of others not necessary to name . However , whatever class will assist the -working people to throw off this monstrous incubus of oppression and political slavery , shall have my best wishes and hearty cooperation ; hut I cannot take Mi * . O'Connor ' s reasoning , upon the security he offers , for the good intentions of these new leaders of the people to be sound . " The fact , " says Mr . O'Connor , " that the principles of this new association are not based upon the mere policy of speculation , is irrefutabl y

      established , by the great fact , of Lord Nugent , Lord Dudley Stuart , Sir Joshua Walmsley , Mr . Lushington , member for Westminster ; George Thompson , member for the Tower Hamlets ; not one of whom live upon labour , or upon speculation ;" They do not live upon labour ! What do they live upon ? Do they do as the bears are said to do in winter , suck their paws for a dinner ? I have always taught the labouring class , that those who did not labour themselves , had nothing for it but to live upon the labour of others . I have not the least desire to speak disrespectfully of these gentlemen ; hut after what we have seen take place on the continent during the last two years , it will be time enough to place full confidence in these men , when they have shown , by their exertions and perseverance , that they are in earnest , I remain , Sir , yours respectfully , James Leach .

      itS- « TO THE EDITOR OP THE NORTHERN STAR . Dear Sir , —Seeing in your Star of the 22 nd au invitation to the working classes to " give their opinions on the proposed union of the middle and working classes , I take the liberty to send you these few remarks . Having been born and bred in Manchester , and being old enough to remember the massacre of 1819 , when the middle classes rode down and butchered the people for daring to ask for '' cheap bread , " and an extension of the suffrage . Having taken part in the Reform agitation of 1830 , when the middle classes united with the working people and made great professions of radicalism , which ended in

      their imprisoning Broadhurst , Curran , Gilchrist , and Ashmore , in Lancaster Castle , for not being satisfied with "The Bill , the whole Bill , and nothing but the Bill , " of the Whigs . Uow when we see men one moment professing Radicalism—nay , lauding a Republic to the skies - and a short time after taking the baton of the policeman , to arrest their poor dupes—when we see the same men foremost in the ranks of the League , and the deadliest enemies to your philanthropic Land Scheme ; and again originating the damnable plug-plot , by which you , and many of our worthy brethren , along with James Leach , had nearly been sacrificed ; seeing and knowing these things , * and a volume of other acts of deep treachery that could be told , I am in no ways startled at James Leach not

      being inclined to be made a cat ' s-paw of once again . Manchester has had its share of middle class oppression and deceit , and it is not without good grounds that they may suspect this " newest move . " The working classes have ever been the "tools " that the middle and higher classes have made use of to decide their differences . The illustrious " Reform agitation , " thoughto outward appearance a popular move is well known to have been only a Whig dodge , for the purpose of gaining and retaining place , power , and pension . It may be that the game is about to be played now under another name ; certain it is that my Lord Russell ' s premiership is

      more than doubtful in the coming session . It may be that after the union of the two classes has , by the pressure from without , forced the suffrage and financial questions on the notice of government , that "Little John , " by some showy but shallow measure will satisfy a large portion of the unionists , who will desert the ranks , as they did in 1831 , and join the " base , bloody , and brutals , " to put down the remaining dissatisfied patriots . Such things have been , and may be again , and if we do join the middle classes let us do it with our eyes open , and the recollection of their former traitorhood .

      In the proposed union I see nothing to lose , and a good chance to gain ; in fact the working classes , like a man with empty pockets , may laugh at the efforts of the light-fingered gentry . The down trodden labourer hardly can he worse under any change of circumstances , hut he may by a wise policy and masterly management , make the middle classes subservient to his purposes , and thus reverse the old customs . In the proposed union there will be one advantage that outweighs all others , and which was noticed by you last week ; that is , the opportunities wc shall gain of propagating our views before the public . I may say , then , for myself , and the bulk of this part of the Charter Association , that we are in favour of the proposed union , and will give it every assistance , though wc will stili keep our society whole and separate , until we have gained our ends . Yours , Tuomas Dicrassos . Sunderland , Sept . 25 .

      Above will be found the reply of Messrs . Jas . Leach and Thomas Dickinson to my invitation of last week to discuss the policy of the proposed union between the working and the middle clssses . There are onl y two points of Leach ' s letter which require a word of comment—or rather explanation . The one is the supposition , "that I derived my authority from some of the Manchester papers—or rather from some informant , who took those papers as an authority ! while the fact is , that I received my information from a Manchester correspondent , who made the communication in the most kindly spirit .

      The second point is where Leach says : — "And yet the denouncing of these political fiff-fogs is the head and front of my offending . " Now , there is a difference between offence and discussion . I neither thought nor said that James Leach had offended , nor could the most fastidious person interpret one word of my letter to mean offence . How could I be offended with a man—and especially with a man of no mean capacity —for expressing his opinions , however widely they may differ from my own—wh y , it is the very tyranny which has constituted the greatest difficulty in the way of progress ; and having thus explained anything that did require explanation , I have only to assure James Leach that his letter has g iven me the greatest satisfaction ; while I trust that mine will remove any doubt that existed in his mind as to my motives .

      The letter of Dickinson requires no comment . He has—in the most graphic language , and to my great satisfaction—shoiVH that the Chartistsin his locality cannot beagain deceived by any party with whom they may co-operate , as "to be forewarned is to be forearmed . " Upon the whole , no circumstance could convey greater satisfaction to my mind than the fact that two prominent Chartist leaders , in two of

      Union Of The Middle And Working Classes....

      oar . anost powerful districts , approve of the I U P ^~ an wiU take c » re that the contract is notrVioiated . ' , 1 S ; Y e Il ave som slippery friends may be [ . MM from the following letter j and I dare say-the Manchester Chartists will read it with no small surprise . Comment upon if would be beneath the dignit y of a pickpocket ; therefore reader shall peruse it ; , . ' and make' his wnicomment . Here it is — ^ S ld , ! n , L Ge . ° W . Henry Smith to Thomas W & rim , mmV lnKirkaale Gaol , dated August -rSu ! t voSfcFrienashi - P dicWtCS t 0 »« *» % wiS , « J ? 5 ana your companion are eniovto" as mnch a ^ fiws ^^ s -r ^" ¦ Sfci a sr ^ K * %£ £ K ueau « i uerxo teinumto comeand see me tiiFs Timvo * Sf 5 ratf « 5 w £ -S"S especially concems you and CroDDer . tZTinZ ^ L * is to

      ^ nere every reason excuse Grocott ' s apparent ^ neriect ^ account of his , sufferi ng tln-ough a blX ^ Ws S V ?* * , ,, , . . i nave , after a sore conflict with mvsnlf WmiSt vT « lnev'taWe- KohortBdothluis ; left the P ^ WftP / buUllo ; ivs CroppM-V ^ wife a shilling a ^ we ' efc ^ " <* « a ¦ , ' P ?^ iWieSp : ^; o £ . Sattiiafcyd & t you would find a dodge , deeply played by' Hie demagogue fry , signed , " William Hemm . " This is well backed out hy a finishing stroke in this pure paper , by the honest four disinterested Kirkdale patriots . I have been informed that W . P . Roberts , solicitor , paid all the Kirkdale prisoners a visit last week , when Leach expressed to that gentleman his determination to smash all the cracked political earthenware when he comes amongst us . Well , I will he on the platform ( God willing ) in order to help in preserving from his wrath all the sound vessels of State .

      In the new council a majonty of one are in favour of the vile demagogues , Last Tuesday night two persons waited on the council to induce them to join in honouring Leach on his release , but they prudently declined One incident I must acquaint yon with . One Sunday evening , at the Institute , there occurred some disagreeable work between me and the O'Connoritcs , over reading O'Connor's letter . At the conclusion , a person , well dressed , accosted me and told me that the people did not understand me yet but that they would do in time . I told him that I did not care whether they did or not . He went home with me , and staid till twelve o'clock at night . I fancy he lias been a Socialist lecturer . I shall tell you some day how serviceable he has been to me in matters of dispute between me and the contentious Chartists .

      In my next letter I shall send you a copy of the philanthropic bond , to be taken as a pled ge by all who join our new move . You will observe we will put the old things into the shade , and cast the old machinery aside as useless lumber , unfit for present use . 1 am associated with , men of mind , who arc willing to commence with me the work of regeneration . They are waiting my time . I am waiting yours , though , I beUeve , I shall have cause to repent the delay . I am , my dear Rankin , fiuthfully yours until death , Geokoe Henry Smith . P . S . —O'Connor , that humbugj writes a very miserable article in Saturday ' s Star . Oh ! when will the dupes be rid of the Icing of impostors ? God knows , I'll do my best o w s Is it wonderful that THE SPLIT

      SHOULD BE INEVITABLE ? There ' s a "Prince of Democracy "—the "Chieftain of Chartism "—the " Man of the Future "—too wise for the present generation ! May I entreat my eulogist to transmit me a copy of the "PHILANTHROPIC BOND , to be taken as a pledge by all who join our new move , " in order that I may append my signature to the SMITH-LIBERT Y-CHABTER ; and may I request my good friend G-uocott not to allow his daughter to visit him . Feargus O'Connor .

      The two following letters I did not receive till half-past Seven on Thursday Evening ; and the " Star" goes to press on Thursday night . However , it is of no importance , as comment upon them would be unnecessary : they are ably written , our principles well defined , and the necessit y of co-operation for the achievement of the Charter well advocated . F . O'C , It is a common case in which wc are all interested , in which wo should all be engaged . * * The City of London hath given an example , which I doubt not will be followed by the whole kingdom . —Junius Letters .

      10 THE EDlTOU OF HIE NORTHERN STAR . Sir , —I rejoice that Mr . O'Connor lias thrown open the columns of the Star to those who wish to discuss the propriety of a union of the middle and working classes in support of the new Reform Movement , and I shall at once avail myself of the privilege , aal consider it the best course to adopt in order to ascertain the opinions of the Chartist body on this important matter . At the outset , I will candidly admit that I am in favour of a most decided and cordial union of the middle and working classes , because the experience of the past has convinced me , that without this union thoro is no hope for our cause . What has been done by our Chartist

      agitations ? I will not deny that much information has been diffused among the masses on political subjects—and that many have thus been convinced of the justice of our cause ; but I maintain that all the good that has been done in this way , has been ofibeted years ago , and that for the last lewyears y ? o have made ho real progress , and at present wo are completely prostrate , and there is scarcely a good working association in existence . I believe that the great mass of the working classes are already convinced of the justice of our princip les ; but it is evident , from the history of the past—that they have no confidence , in the parties who are compelled , or who assume to be leaders of the Chartist Movement . This is easily demonstrated .

      Various plans have been from time to time submitted to the Ohavtist body by National Conventions , and associations for the obtainment of the Charter . Abstinence from all excisable articlesco-operation and exclusive dealing—the sacred month—the distribution of tracts , and the employing of Chartist lectuvevs- ~ the establishment of Chartist periodicals , newspapers , Ac . ; hut these plans have never been acted on , and scarcely one per cent , of the professed Chartists throughout the country , could be found willing to give them even a trial :

      If a few were sincere enough to commence any of these plans , they neither had the sympathy nor support of the general body ; and if expenses ' were incurred on the faith that they would be supported by the Chartists generally , these expenses have over and over again fallen on the shoulders of a few—the honest and sincere portion of the Chartist body , and many have been completely disheartened , and have retired from the agitation . Various plans of organisation have from thno to time boon adopted , but these have also fallen to the ground for want of . the confidence and support of the Chartists generally .

      I am aware that some will toll us what the working classes could do , and how easily the Charter could be obtained if they were only determined to obtain it jand enter into mathematical calculations , to show that even a halfpenny a week from every working man would be more t / tcoi sujjkicnt to obtain their just rights . But past ' experience has repeatedly shown us that we cannot even obtain this sum , small as it is ; and there is scarcely a town iu Scotland where Chartist associations have existed , in which these associations are not ' either sinking in debt , or obliged to a few earnest Chartists for cleaving them . It is true also that the National Executive Committee have been starved out of existence for want of funds ; and latterl y the whole

      Chartists of Great Britain did not subscribe as much as would pay the wages of a single individual , and the National Secretary was obli ged to travel and lecture from town to town , instead of attending to the duties of the situation in which he was p laced . It is true we have had our periods of excitement , during which many of us believed that the enactment of the Charter was just at hand , but what was the result ? The transportation of Frost , Williams and Jones—the imprisonment of hundreds of the most earnest and sincere of the Chartist body ; and | latterl y this has been acted over again , and lias resulted in the deaths of Williams and Sharp , "ffe have had great meetings , much enthusiasm , and strong resolutions , but m the end the victims are allowed to go to prison , to nick oakum , or die if

      they refused , while their wives and families were starving . Mr . O'Connor has been compelled over and over again to pay the heavy expenses attending the Chartist trials in England , for then the enthusiasm had passed away and many of those whose votes at the great meetings had brought many to prison , laughed at those who had thus been sacrificed . It is plain and evident to me at least that the groat body of the working classes never have entered tho movement with that sincerity and determination which is essential to insure success , and many have attended our meetings move for amusement than cither to give or get information or advice . From all this it is surely evident that tho great body of the working classes have not that confidence and trust in one another which alone can carry the movement to a successful ter-

      Union Of The Middle And Working Classes....

      mination and though few may he willing to admit the fact , yet it is a fact , that they look with greater respect and confidence to the men of the middle classes who profess . liberalprincipies , than they do to men of their own class . This is a fact which fields good . M » every country in theworld so far as the general , body is concerned . We may lament that it is ; so ; but instead of flying in the face of this general feeling , we should take advantage of it , and endeavour to turn it to advantage in securing the more speedy enactment of our principles , byusin ^ every honest means to effect a union of the two great classes . In the history of the world , we cannot find a single instance of tho working classes alone , gaining any great political triumph over their combined

      odtocssors ; so Wat the whole experience of thepast should teach us to unite with those whose interests are in reality identical with ours , and who possess the power and influence , when thus combined , which will at once ensure success . I have no community of feeling with the ivait-a-Uttle-hnger-parttn who tells us that if we do so the middle classes will soon come out . for the whole of our demands ; for I cannot , under any circumstances , in times ' like the present ,, ; agree , to a stand-still policy , which has -only a vagm .. probability of ¦ producing ^ X ; gPP » . xresult . . ^ Any reflecting man will at once see , that by uniting with tho Beform party we will obtain the Suffrage , the Ballot , Equal Polling Districts , and No Property Qualification , m a very short time ; and that a parliament

      eiectea on these could be pledged beforehand to pass the other two points at once as their first measure , while by remaining isolated we destroy the power of both classes and gain nothing . It does not follow that when we unite with a party contending for less than the whole of our principles , that we sacrifice any of our principles : we only believe it to he the best line of policy to adopt in order to secure ultimately the adoption of all our demands . I am aware that some will tell us that they have no confidence in the middle classes , because they deceived us with the Reform Bill . But this is an erroneous notion , for the fact is that a few designing men deceived both classes ; and though the middle classes have noun * of

      nally Hie franchise , yet the ratZ ^ oiuer law making is still in the hands of the aristocracy . This result is brought about by the inequality of the representation . Thus a few small English boroughs with a population equal to about the half of Manchester has fifty representatives , while the groat manufacturing town of Manchester has only two ! By this system the votes of the middle classes are completely neutralised , and four-fifths of the electoral body are left in a minority in the House of Commons ! Is it not evident then that they have also been deceived as well as we have been , and thus that both are still unrepresented ? Is it not then the best course for both classes to unite against the common oppressors ?

      One circumstance , however , requires explanation . The new Reform Party advocates the extension of tho franchise to every ocsupier of a tenement , or any portion of a tenement , provided he is rated , or has claimed to be rated , to the relief of the poor . Now in England all houses are rated , hut in many parts of Scotland none are rated under a £ 5 annual rental , and in some country parishes there are no poor rates at all , so that the condition thus annexed to the suffrage would still exclude the great mass of tho working classes from the obtainment of their just rights ; or if the same system of rating as in England , were extended to Scotland , this would be adding to the burdens of the working classes , which are already rather too heavy , and would also be Annmnl / lnf J * st nn . nnr * & ti . ttm Amn . kinn . « IiiAt < in lli . tULTdlWiU liU £ IWL UllU LI clllVlliaU

      ^ * UJUIg , W JUUU 13 11 IU just right of every British subject , as laid down in the Charter . I am happy , however , to state , that this has been already laid before the council of the Reform party , and that the poor-rate clause is only laid down as a substitute for the expense of registration , and is not a fundamental principle which will be insisted on , when it is thus shown to be inapplicable to Scotland . I look with great hope to the approaching National Conference , and I am convinced , from the fact that tho leading men of the Reform party hold the most liberal principles , that Manhood Suffrage will be the fundamental principle of the new agitation , if the working classes generally would at once unite with them , and elect men of honesty and principle to that Conference , they would ensure the adoption of their principles . The

      opnosirion-at-cdlnaxaraa poncy 01 tno unartists muse oe at once abandoned—it failed when applied to the Complete Suffrage party , and the folly should not again be repeated . Let us rather invite than repulse tho middle classes , for without a cordial union the isolated demands of the people will continue to be disregarded ; but a cordial union will at once command success . I am happy to inform the working men of Scotland , that there is to be a great public meeting in Aberdeen early in October—that Sir Joshua Walmsley , M . P ., and another Member of Parliament , along with our champion—F . O'Connor , M . P ,, —are to be present . So far as this meeting is concerned , there has been a cordial union of both classes , and we have the three editors of three Aberdeen newspapers on our Committee , and a town-councillor as treasurer .

      ¦ Let the men of Scotland at oace arouse , invite the deputation to visit all the large towns , and at once form a union of Reformers irresistible . I am , Sir , your obedient Servant , Aberdeen , Sept . 25 . Pro Pairia .

      " Is at expedient that the working classes should unite with the middle classes , who have commenced an agitation for Parliamentary and Financial Reform ?"

      TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERX STAR . Sin , —As the spirit of the age is decidedly progressive it is important to ascertain in what class of society the sign ef progress manifests itself . Society may bo legitimately divided into two sections , viz ., the producers and the non-producers ; the producers are those who by the exercise of their intellectual and physical faculties fabricate out of the raw material , which exists in abundance—and exists not for man individually , but for man universally—commodities necessary for the supplying of man ' s physical and intellectual requirements " . Tho non-producers are those who have illegitimately obtained tho exclusive possession of the raw material out of which alone commodities can bomanufactured .

      This class is constituted of priests , monarchs , and tho oligarchy , or the landed aristocracy . There is another order of men who belong to the non-producing class , viz ., the usurers or traffickers in money , who have a power given to them by act of parliament which they ought not to possess , inasmuch as this power gives them a chance to rob their fellow-men ol the fruits of their industry , which chance they are ever on the alert to embrace . And should not the regular course of events conduce as fully to this end as they desire , they , by intriguing with governments , through their officers , foment quarrels , which invariably lead to the demand for money , which demand leads to augmented interest , which interest can only bo extracted from the lowest grade of labourers .

      Progress can only exist amongst the producers , because the causes which generate the principles of progress are continually operating upon this class . The real and determined opponents of progres s avo the non-producers , who sec that the onward course of events , if not arrested , will ultimately reduce them to a mere nonentity—inasmuch as they must lose the power which at present keeps them in their position . Hence , it follows , that tho party against whom tho people have to contend , and who are , and ever will be , their direst enemies , are the priests , the monarchs , tho landed aristocracy , and the usurers , who never added the weight of a feather to the wealth of the nationwho are the real drones of society , wallowing in luxuriant extravagances ; while the parties who produced for them the means of their sensual enjoyments , are scarcely capable of supplying themselves

      with the common necessaries ot life . These opponents to orogresa are all-powerful ; and hence , to overcome them it is expedient that the people should take advantage of every circumstance which appears at all likely to give them increased political power . The Chartists argue , that every sane man has a right to have a vote . They would he doing violence to their principles were they by their conduct to prevent the accomplishment of the ostensible object of the Parliamentary and Financial Reformers , which , when obtained , will give an increased political power to tho people . Many of the democrats argue , that tho present movement is a farce—that the middle classes are not sincere . This is not of much consequence . While they arc in the field they are disseminating ideas , perhaps , not so liberal as the democrats might desire . yct more liberal than the great bulk of the middle classes have been accustomed to hear .

      Political changes are merely the embodiment of ideas which have had an existence a considerable time prior to the change 5 therefore , the speeches that may be delivered at the meetings of the middle classes will be constituted of more liberal views than heretofore baa emanated from that class . These

      Union Of The Middle And Working Classes....

      r ¦ " ^ Zz views ' , . or . ideas , cannot fall to the ground without producing some fruitr Another-view may bPtaken . It is a well-known . 'fact , that tho Chartist meetings have not been attended by that portion of society whom conventional usage terms "respectable . " This class could not have a . correct riotibn of what a Chartist is , or what Chartism ; means .-Hehce * the great hulk of these " respectables" in ; your city , look upon the Chartists al the blaokest of characters , capable of committing the most diabolical acts ; iwhe ' reas , when they have an opportunity of hearing them to be men who reall j ^ f ^ iin . possession ^ . of reasoning f dohlte , . aud . can : ]^ in such V manner ^ : es . '' iml ' Cewry cpnviction to their (• n ^^ 2 view , > . or . ideas , cannot fall to the ground without brddllC ' mff SnmfifWlil--- - Anr . lKftV- 'oinm Tnii'if ' lia £ 3 ran

      ignorant mmda that the . Chartists are a class ot men who are not to be - despised- * it would be very ' impolitic indeed for the Chartists to bo more spectators of the ^ movement , they ought ratherto joia it , sad > thus . " . secure-aimore favourable opportunity of avowing thcir . prinoiples , which would be conveyed through the medium ! of the daily papers to pasties , who riever , have an opportunity of seeing their views ; should the middle classes prove insincere , 3 certain organisation will have been effected which could be Saken hold ' of by the Chartists , and carried out by them alone . ; Any real improvement to the- working classes can alone be produced by themselves , but improvement cannot be produced without the existence of thet necessary machinery ; the monopoly of government must be destroyed . And if it cannot bo effected at onco it must he industriously undermined

      so that it may ultimately fall and eternall y destroy the principle which generates monopoly . Let the people be observant—strictly soberhonest in their conduct , whether it beof a publicor private character—cultivate their reflective powers —see to it , that political changes which-they may seek to accomplish are only considered as instr-umentsto he used for the social elevation of man . Let them be assured that the mere obtaining ot Universal Suffrage will not do them any material good , unless they have a real knowledge of theevile which cause them to complain ; and possessing , a , knowledge which penetrates beneath the surface , they will then have" a faith which will stimulate them to constant action , and ensure ultimate success . One large section of the operatives-aro ,. at the present time , hanging as it were like a dead

      weight upon the efforts of those who are desirous-of elevating them . No sooner do they obtain a little more remuneration for their labour than they waste their resources in gratifying then / corrupt propensities ; to talk or think of emancipating this clas ' s of men from slavery is sheer folly . Were the Pariiamant to attempt to govern , so that they could obtain their legitimate wages , they would kill themselves by their vicious habits—they arc prepared for nothing but siavery , and slavery would be their lot whatever form of government was established—yet some of this class have the

      consummate impudence to call themselves Chartists . 'I trust that the real Chartists will , on all occasions , embrace the opportunity whenever it presents itself , of speaking against the indulgence of vicious practices , as being the principle cause and perpetuator of slavery . When man is brutalised , he is driven by animal feelings alone ; and as the laws of nature have determined that tho combined exercise of the intellectual with tho physical can alone modify the raw material so as to make it suitable for tho support and comfort of man , it follows that the man who neglects , or destroys by vicious habits , tho intellectual portion of his nature , becomes a mere machine possessing physical power but not tho necessary intellectual power to give the physical its direction . Hence mother man ' s mind must be brought to bear upon this stupid

      physical matter , which is obliged to receive and submit to every indignity which may be heaped upon it ; men of this character can do nothing hut shout , and in times of excitement form National Guards , when danger appears they are gone , those who relied upon them , are seized and placed in prison—the prisoners rcbelfor want of five shillings per week to prevent them from oakum picking—are placed in confinement upon bread and water , two or three die of the cholera . An eternal disgrace rests upon the National- Guard . What have they contributed ?—absolutely nothing . These are not the men to reform a nation ; wo must seek a change from a more intelligent party—a union with the middle classes for an extension of the suffrage . Yours truly , Johx Ci'lpax , Jun ,

      Ah! Ah! Ah! If Joiijf Height Does Not Ki...

      AH ! AH ! AH ! If JoiiJf Height does not kick his mother when he reads the following letter from his former co-adjutor , Eiciiakd Cobuiix , she is safe for ever . What a joke ! The Jews not lend money upon good security ! The English Brokers not make profit of Blood ! While the English

      Cotton Lords coin sweat , marrow , blood , bones , and sinews into gold ! If the Autocrat of Austria , who has fraternised with the Autocrat of Eussia , offered Abraham a sixteenth per cent , more for money than the monarch who promised perfect Jewish Emancipation , Abraham would g ive his money to tho Autocrat rather than to the emancipating Monarch ; though it were to save Isaac from immolation .

      Cobdon wants a peg to hang his shattered popularity upon ; but all his " simple and UNADORNED ELOQUENCE " will not induce Abraham , or John Bull , to refuse profit upoiz tho blood of the Hungarians . It ' s rubbish ! rank rubbish ! and nothing else . Oaklands , near Sedlescombe , Sussex . Sept , 25 . M y dear Sir , —I have this moment read in a London paper the prospectus for a new loan issued by the Austrian Government . Now is the time for the friends of peace and disarmament to raise their voices in condemnation and exposure of the system

      by which Austria and the other Powers maintain their enormous armies , and carry war and destruction not only into their own provinces , but into the territories of their neighbours . A public meeting should be immediately called iu London to denounce this attempt to levy upon the earnings of peaceful industry tho means of paying Ilaynau and his Croats for their butcheries in Brescia and their atrocities in Hungary . There is not a friend or admirer of the oppressed and slandered Magyars or Italians who will not press forward to swell the chorus of execration at this audaeions proposal to borrow from the European public the money with which to pay the price of successful violence and injustice

      It is a matter upon which every man is called to express his opinion , for all of us arc by the terms of the prospectus invited to subscribe for tho loan . Is there a Jew in London who will not bo eager to attend such a meeting , to repudiate all connexion with the projected loan , and to denounce the authors of those atrocities against his co-religionists at Buda-Pcst—atrocities " in which Ilaynau lias surpassed everything that has occurred since the persecution of the middle ages ? I will be in town on Thursday to meet a committee of the friends of peace , and if it be decided to hold a meeting , I shall be there to take a part in it ; and believe me Faithfully yours , ' To E . Pry , Esq . It . Comdex .

      The Chartist Coxvextion Akd Assembly. To...

      THE CHARTIST COXVEXTION AKD ASSEMBLY . TO THE CHARTISTS OF EDINBURGH , LEITH , AKD THE SUKROUSDKG DISTRICT . BnouiEn Bbmochats , —Having had tho honour to represent you in the National Convention , and the National Assembly , I feel it to be my duty to draw your attention to a debt due to Mr , M'Gowan , printer , for works executed by him for those public bodies amounting to upwards of £ 40 , but . 1 small sum if every constituency paid its proportion . It frequentl y happens , in public matters , that the printer comes in hindmost for payment , and is

      sometimes victimised to his own generosity in necommodating parties without demanding the cash . In the present instance , from tho extreme forbearance of Mr . M'Gowan—although lie is now determined to act with firmness against delegates , if not satisfied —it has become a debt of honour , which we are mutually bound to pay . Subscriptions for this purpose are received every Saturday night , at tho Land Company ' s HsM . Remittances from the country may be addressed to Wm . Davies , 24 , Greenside-row , or to the Executive of the Charter Association , 144 , High Holborn . : James Ccmmixg , Late Member of the National Convention . 14 , Duncan-street .

      Deaths. Died, At Dundee, On The Sth Iiis...

      DEATHS . Died , at Dundee , on the Sth iiist , James Uolievtson , in the SCrti year of his : ij ; e . His loss will be milrll rOi'l'Dtted and long felt by llm Chartists of Dundee , among whom lie took vx active part , and was much respected , being-n man of sterling honesty , and of a kind and obliging disposition ; he was truly one of nature's nobility . lie died bf inflammation in the bead , and has left a wife ami family to mourn his loss . Died , at Stockport , on the Sth iiist ., Isabella M'Ki nley . She was an ardent admirer of the li-. ' . c Ueiiiy Hunt , ami was present at the l \» terloo Massacre ; and since that tunc she lias zcalomlv supported tho principles of Chartism through Rood nu ' d evil report , She Wiis ;\ u aftcetionato parent and a tvw ? friend ,

      ! N V

      ! N V

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 29, 1849, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_29091849/page/1/