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    9 THE NORTHERN STAR. iJ^L^^L ^

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    Northumberland aud Dorham — A district r...

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    '¦" ——a«^ 1 1 .^———.wsssart Printo,! by DOCGAL M'GOWAN , of 16, Greo*. Windmill* street, Uavmarket. in tho Citv m" Wn«H«i .,.. ««the

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    Office, in the samo Street and Parish, f...

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  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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    Saturday , Jolt22.. , Tbe Uouoe Of Lords...

    Chancellor of Irelsud , has pointed out the * ange us character of theso clubs . We may think it necei sary to introduce a measure to taeet the organisation c these clubs , bat it is to be remembered thst that orga nlsation is directed , as indeed the whole proceedings o the » e people have ber-n , by men w £ U acquainted win the law , and who , if there is a new law passeu agatns these clubs , would be found « s supple in *« Jf ntel ™* to evade the provision of that law as they havi . shorn themselves to be in evading the provisos of the ens Ing Uw . We have had , aud I bar . reived to-day further opinion of tbe Lord Canceller of Ireland « fl respect to He modeta which tho law ha . been feithert , evaded . With reiptct to tbe ciube , there u n <

    doubt thst these clubs are in themselves unKwful . _ I is quite evident that clabs for procuring arms and raisin , resistance against tho crows snaths law aro utterly il legal bnt when the law officers of the crown came tt advise the Lord-Lieuteaant as to the measures ueccssar ; for putting down these clots , it was found , that al though their general object is pufectly wcll-ljcownknown to every member of this bouse , and known to al who read the newspapers of this kingdom—jet that th means of procuring evidence as to what passes in thesi clubs , when they are secret , are not such as ; to enabl the government , with any facility , to put down thusi clubs . I say 'with any ficUity , ' because , if any mea . sure were adopted , it would soen bo found that by somi freeh evasion and un 3 sr some new form the lar

    would be evaded , and that the clubs would be con tinned in as great force aad viieh as powerful an 01 ganiEation as before . I will state likewise tho diffi culties with regard to the marchings of these clubs . Th house have read accounts of what has happened f Wattrford and elsewhere in the country , & nd they wi imagine that the latv against training , which is a ver itricgent Jaw , would bs app licable to the training in marching of these clubs to particular places . But Ms ' respect to these eases there is a great difficulty . Thes clubs avoid giving a military word of command , snd tha which ii forbidden by the letter of the law is eveded i : order ! o obtain the object which rhsse conspirators hav in view without placing themselves in the power of th aw . Bat I think , after what I have stated , and afte

    indicating that Information which the bouse has other , wise acquired , that there is bo doubt there te an associa tion ia Ireland which intends to subvert the authority e the law and of the Crown ef this country , and that 1 means to attain its object by force of ares . ( Cheers . ; If SBch Is the cass , sir , then I Snow no remedy sc straightforward , so direct in its object , and so immediate in it ; purpose ef seising the persons of those who are at the head of this movement , without in aey manner en--dangeriag tbe persons or putting t 9 iaconvenlenc ? the innocent , as what is commonly known by ehe name of the Suspension efthe Habeas Corpus Act . ( Cheers . ) Whatever measures we may frame , and whatever measures m ? y be necessary to meet particular evils in the special shape which they may assume from time to time ,

    the remedy which , above all thing * , is necessary at this tines is a bill to enable the Lord-Lieutenant to secure the persons of those who are suspected of high treason . ( Cheers . ) I come fjrward , then , to ask this house of parliament to grant to the Executive this poser . ( Cheers . ) I ask it now . I feel that I might have been justified in asking it at an earlier period . ( Marked cheering from the Opposition benches . ) Bat , sir , in weighing that question which I have anxiously weighed durisg months past —( hear , cear)—it has seemed to me that any extraordinary law to easpend the liberty cf a part of the united kingdom , which should be passed b y only a small majority , and withest o very general , if not as almost unanimous concurrence of this house , —passed amid conflicting debates , when msny doubted its

    necessity , and oppesedits expediency , tbat sack alaw , reaching Ireland only as the expression of that rc ^ j 'thy , and considering that in the sinority there might be men of undoubted integrity and love of social order , but who were not persuaded that the necessity for such a measure existed—I say that a law so passed would in my mind lose a great part of its effieacy , and would not tend , as we wish it should tend , to the complete pacification at * hat country . ( Star . ) I have therefore waited uatil , is my mind , and in fte minds cf my colleagues , the evidence of the necessity of this measure is so cUar , so notorious , and so glarisg , that I am convinced that the conviction , the almost uaivertal co & victiou of the two bouses of parliament , will bo that what I ask is absolutely necessary , and what they will grant . ( Lond cheers . ) But , sir ,

    likewise I wish to say , that if it is the coaviction of this house that sach a measure as I propoEe should bopasBEo " , I trust that the house will losa no timo ( cheers ) in arming the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland with the powers which I now ask for him , and which he declares it is necessary that he should posieES if be is to possess any means of stopping these proceedings . ( Renewed cheers ) When I ask this , I aek that which is not merely in the inUrest of those who would uphold the coastitution and wool ! d'f . nd the Thr : ne and maintain the integrity of the empera , bat I aek it on behalf of tho « e persons who would be sure to he the sufferers of an

    unsBCcesifal outbreak ia Ireland . ( Cheers . ) I have so deub ; that if we have protracted debates on this surjtct , —the measure passing netwithstanding , as it is sure to pas ? , —that with the means that the government of an empire like this have at their disposal we could put down the attempts which these wicked men are commencing of incipient insurrection . But , sir , we should put them down with the low of Ufe , at tbe hazard of psaco . at the harirtl of the means of livelihood of many of herMajesty ' s subjects fn Ireland . We should pat them do'wn efter sn outbreak and convulsion , and we should not be able to prevent that outbreak from taking place . I say , then , ths : it is for the interest of all that such a measuresfeould

    be immediately passed . ( Cheers . ) If there are gentlemen , and there may be many in this house , who , ' while they think that this measure is necessary , are , yet of opinion that other measures are also necessary , and that the whole dnty of the government has net been performed —( cries of ' Hear , hear , ' from the Liberal bsnefees)—fast we have not in this session produced and carried into effect those mtasures , whatever th « y may he , ; which arc useful , snd as they state necessary , for the | well-being of Ireland—to such hon . members I will put j forward only this prayer ; An hon . geatieman has given notice of his intention to bring forward the whole j question of the state of Ireland upon motion . I shall be

    most ready , after this bill has passed this bouse , to give j every facility for bringing on such a debate , to meet any j « cn charges as the hon , gentleman may have to bring ] against as , ani to submit , if the bouse shouts think fit by its vote to censure us for tha conduct we have pursued . Bnt I beg this house and those hon . members who are of j feat opinion to reserve until that time the expression of their visws —( hear , hsar)—and not to let a debate which should be confined to this one subject , whether the mea . sure wa propose is necessary or no , to extend into various matters and opinions , which cancel but lead to conflicting and protracted debates , and thereby to delay that which it is essential should be passed at ouce . Sir ,

    I ask , therefore , that the house will permit me to introduce this bill ; and I ask them likewise , that if they do sanction it , they will have that saaction speedily carried into effect . ( Cheers . ) Sn man can say what may be the consequeEce of the want of these powers for a short time in Ireland , and I ask those who are of opinion that the measure skoold fee passed and that these powers are necessary not to render themselves responsible for the delay of that which may be the saving of life in Ireland . I believe In my conscieace that this measure is calculated to present insurrection , to preserve internal peace , to preserve the unity of this empire , and to secure the tferona of these realms and the freo institutions of this

    country . If there be other questions , let them be states at some future time on some future motion . For my part . I stand here responsible for proposlsg this measure , responsible for not proposing it earlier —( hear)—responsible for not delaying tt now . ( Cheers . ) I and my colleagues are responsible . We accept that responsibility , and , however painful to our feelings , however adi' ni the power for which we ask , we have now accepted eur responsibility , and I confidentl y aek this house t ) accept theirs—( cheers)—and to be mindful of the blessings they will preserve , and of the risks which by any other course they will incur . ( The noble lord hers coaclud . d his speech amis loud and prolonged cheering . )

    Mr O'Coknor said he could well understand the painful feelings with which the noble lord said he rose to ask for a suspension of * he constitution ; but he thought the noble lord would now feel gratified , as tnere had been already an almost universal expression of the feeling of the house on behalf of the measure for which he asked . The noble lord told them that he would submit to them three propositions , —first , that there were serious threatening oi danger ; second , that the insurrectionists had means and appliances for an outbreak ; but the third proposition in favour of the measure he had not heard made put . Lord Jobs Bdsseu . : The remedy was the third . Mr O'Connor ; No , the remedy was the first .

    ( Laughter . ) However , if the noble lord felt it necessary to ask the indulgence of the house in proposing this measure , he ( Mr O'Connor ) thought that , considering the excited state of the continent , considering the state of Ireland , and considering the present feeling of the house , he stood in a much more difficult position . He was aware there was a disposition to attach importance to every word that fell from the Prime Minister of England ; but if he was at a loss for an answer to the statements , he would find it in the confession of the noble lord , when he besought the house not to let this measure go to Ireland as carried only after an extensive opposition ; but the noble lord said , let it go as the will of the great majority of this house , and afterwards I will

    ^ seuss remedial measures for Ireland . This wai , * ffays the course followed by a Whig government ii proposing coerciveraeasures . They always promise < to consider remedial measures after their coerciv , measures were proposed ; but so soon as Ireland wa quieted by coercion , then they said the whole countr is tranquil and there is no necessity for reme'lia measures . However , he ( Mr O ' Connor ) contende that the whole of the noble lord ' s spesch was an swered by his concluding unequivocal confession c guilt , so ingenously admitted when he pleaded guilt ; not ' to the possible , but to the well founded charg having neglected all remedial measures for In land . ( Hear , hear . ) The noble lord had told tt house that he may possibly be charged with havir

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    neglected those remedial measures , and that he was prepared to admit the truth and justice of such an accusation , but with characteristic Whig dexterity asked forgiveness of the house ; thus unequivocally proving that the neglect of those remedial measures was the foundation of the noble lord ' s present application for the abrogration of the Irish constitution ; in fact , an admission that his own neglect was the basis of the measure now called forto repress that excitement consequent upon ministerial neglect . ( Cheers . ) And thus it ever was with the Whig government , that every measure of coercion could be traced to Whig profligacy , aud that excitement was created for the sustainment of Whigs in power . The noble lord

    commenced his speech by taking a rapid view of the ag itation conducted by the late Mr O'Connell , whose p lan the noble lord said was not to lead to bloodshed , but to gather up the mind of the country , and then bring it to bear upon the mind of this house . But what was the result of this policy ? W by , soon after the period of passing the Emancipation Act the leaders were rewarded with places and pensions , while the people found that they were deluded and had got nothing . ( Hear . ) No wonder the people were irritated . But the noble lord had himself to blame for much of the irritation which existed in the minds of the people of Ireland . When the Crown and Government Security Bill was brought

    in he told the noble lerd that the effect would be the establishment of clubs and of secret societies , for it was impossible to keep down the public mind , particularly in these days . There was , however , one point in which he agreed with the noble lord , and that was that in a physical revolution the people themselves would be the greatest sufferers . It was only a good social change that would confer social improvement on the people . But he must tell the noble lord that this measure would only hasten a rupture in Ireland ; for all history showed that it vt as only in exact proportion to the relaxation of the criminal law tbat obedience to the law was in creased . The noble lord now came down with all

    the dignity of a Prime Minister , and told the house that this measure would be for the good of the people of Ireland themselves , and even for those who were offering resistance to the law ; but had the noble lord forgot how he taunted the Irish people on occasion of his bringing forward the Alien Act ? Then he told the house with an undignified sneer , ( turning to the hacks behind him , ) that the last accounts from Ireland were ' vapid , stale , flat , and unprofitabIe , ' andthat there was no treason now worth reading . The noble lord attempted to govern Ireland by patronage , ard not by social measures . It was to tbe Irish members , who were cringing to the prime minister and his dependents , and who

    were proud of an invitation to dine at their tablesit was to them he ascribed the necessity of this measure . He would tell them more , that this measure would fail , as the others had done . Let them look to America , within fourteen days' sail of Ireland , where all the passions of hatred and revenge against this country were pent up—let them look at France , which was now a republic—let them look to Prussia , which was seeking to be a republic—let them look to Italy , which was throwing off the despotism of Austria , and then he would ask them whether they could hope to maintain their position of a restrictive monarchy in this country . ( Derisive cheers . ) Or did they suppose that they could rock their

    cradle in the midst of such a confluence of revolutions and republics . ( ' Oh ! oh ! ' ) The noble lord had read extracts from anonymous letters , and from newspapers , with which all were familiar . But he would tell the noble lord that it was himself who had driven Ireland into rebellion . He ( Mr O'Connor ) had always stood up against bloodshed—he had always warned the people tbat there was no benefit to be derived by them from a physical revolution . But the noble lord ought to be the last to repress the fair expression of public opinion . Did he hope to tie up tbe Irish mind with red tape , and cram it into one of his government boxes ? Did he suppose that a starving people would pay any

    attention to his suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act ? The noble lord had taunted the Irish Repealers with having thrown off the minor measure of Repeal of the Union , and with looking for a total separation of the two countries . Now , he ( Mr O'Connor ) had never disguised his sentiments . * * * He would tell tbe noble lord that if the French instead of the English had gained the battle of Waterloo , and the broad lands of the Russells had been given to Catholic priests , he was sure the noble lord would , with his dying breath , bave enjoined his children to struggle for their independence . [ Here Lord John Russell

    rose from his seat , lifted up the copy of the oath of allegiance , which was on the table , and pushed it across to the hon . member , amidst tremendous cheering from all sides of the house . ] What did the noble lord want ? ( Renewed cheers . ) He presumed the noble lord wished to direct his attention to the oath of allegiance , but he thought , if the noble lord would examine tbat oath , he would see that he best discharged the obligation of that oath by preserving to her Majesty that portion of her dominions which could be preserved without the horrors of a revolution . ( Roars of laughter and derisive cheering . ) Yes , he would

    say-Give me the avowed , the erect , the manly foe , Bold I can meet , perhaps may turn his blow . * * * The whole question in Ireland was a question between Catholic and Protestantand until justice was done between these two creeds — until the state of things was removed which made the Protestants the masters , and the Catholics their serfs , there never would be peace in the ceuntry . The noble lord had attempted to govern the country by feeding the landlords on patronage as long as he could . When he could feed them no longer he brought in the Encumbered Estates Bill , that they might have the power of selling their own estates . Oh , but , said the noble lord , did not we send eight million last year to feed the people ? Yes , they did , but they did not spend it in reproductive works , and they only gave it to stop the excitement . ( Derisive

    cheers . ) He hoped the Irish members would not acquiesce in this measure . For his own part , if it was in his power , he would obstiact it by every means in his power . He asked the Irish members to give np their slavish position of looking for patrouage to the government , to cross to tbe other side of the house , and as the government was determined to coerce their country to give them every opposition in their power . ( No , no . ) If they did not think proper to do that , he regretted that Ireland must suffer ; but it was not in his power to prevent it . If the Irish members would be as faithful to their country as the Protestants had been to their creed , they would give the noble lord some trouble . He had no doubt that tbe right hon . baronet the member for Tamworth would give this measure his support —( Cheers)—witb more courtesy to the noble lord than the noble lord had shown to

    him when he opposed the comparatively trifling ; measure of an Arms Bill . The right hon baronet differed from him in politics , and perhaps the right i hon . baronet would take that as a compliment . ! ( Cheers , and laughter . ) But he would say of the right hon . baronet , that his firm conviction was , if he had been at the helm of the ship last year and this , there would have been no need to ask for coj ercion bills . They said it was dangerous to compli-! ment the right hon baronet ; but he must say that | he was the only man to whom the moneyed classes J and the people of this country looked as the man ; that could save the country . As for the noble lord , he seemed to take a Stock Exchange view of the 1 matter . Because the stocks went up one and a half ' per cent , when Mitchel and the others were arrested . : He reduced the question to one of tbe rule of three , ' and calculated if three felons are worth one and a

    half per cent ., what will one traitor be worth ? ( Laughter , ) He thought the present government party was the smallest section of the house . The Irish members alone , if tbey were united , would beat the government ; the Protectionists would beat them , if it were not for the juvenile staff of the right honourable baronet . ( Laughter . ) The noble lord had quoted passages from various newspapers , but why did he not produce the articles from the Chronicle during the Reform and Free Trade agitation . That paper iu shewing the people the value of street warfare , republished all the tactics of Col . Mazzaroni , and recommended them to the consideration of the populace , but that was when the Whigs stood in need of violence , and hailed and encouraged the That

    wildest expression of nopular frenzy . paper which , like a true prostitute , had gone from one side of the house to the other . But there never was in any country such a venal and profligate press as in this ceuntry . He warned the house not to fetter public opinion , as it was the national safeguard , and would break down every barrier . It was his pride to say tbat he had never attended a secret meeting never written a secret letter , never allowed the press to be excluded from meetings , or uever conspired against any one in his life . These circumstances ought to entitle him to some claim to speak for his countrymen . The noble lord had expressed a hope that the bill would speedily be sent to the Upper House . The Upper House would , of course , pass tie bill in a g $ op ; and it would not occasion hira

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    the least surprise , if it was returned to this house backed with a warrant for the apprehension of O'Brien and Meagher , and an indictment for treason against them . Having now adverted to the three propositions of the noble lord , he would conclude by reminding him of the aphorism , that to be forewarned was to be forearmed . ( Hear , hear . ) He had told him of the effect of the Coercion Bill—he had told him the effect of the Crown and Government Bill—and all his predictions had been verified . He ( Mr O'Connor ) understood his countrymen better than the noble lord ; and he now told him that the effect of this new Coercion Bill would be to

    cause an immediate revolution in Ireland . ( Hear , hear , hear . ) The noble lord might rely upon the ability and courage of Lord Clarendon ; but if he had assisted that nobleman in carrying out measures of agricultural improvement , much more would have been done for Ireland . The draining of swamps and the reclamation of waste lands were , however , pursuits of too vulgar a nature for a Whig government , which would rather place its reliance upon Free-trade negotiations with foreigners for the prosperity of the kingdom . ( Hear , hear . ) He told the noble lord not to lay the ' flattering unction to his soul' that the co-operation of the two Houses of Parliament in Bills of coercion for Ireland

    could keep a starving people in a state of tranquility , but that the effect would be to plunge tbe country in all the horrors of a civil war . The noble lord has dilated upon the apothegms , and appears to have chronicled the sayings of the late Mr O'Connell , while the mind , which is now to be repressed , is the creation of those very sayings and apothegms ; but the noble lord had omitted to remind the house of Whig apothegms and Whig sayings , when the Whig party stood in need of violence , sedition , and treason . The noble lord did not revert to the agitation for ref ^ rr : ur . ii fiee trade . He studiously avoided the repetition of the maxims of Reformers and Free Traders , the sentiments and

    teachings by which that mind which was now to be repressed was created . ( Hear , hear . ) When the Whigs required popular support they told the people that taxation without representation was tyranny and should be resisted —( hear , hear ) -that the people were the only legitimate source of power ; and that labour was the source of all wealth . ( Hear , hear . ) Well , was not the realisation of that teaching likely to be contended for by an enthusiastic , a famished , a deceived people ? The Morning Chronicle—the organ of the Free Traders , reminded hon . gentlemen upon the Protection benches , that ladies' heads had been dragged in the gutter aforetime , and that the amusement might be repeated ; and yet , with such teachings , followed by such treachery and

    disappointment , the people were to be placed out of the Constitution 1 But he would warn the house that loyalty was a capricious thing . Men were not loyal when they were starved to death ; and much as they boasted of the loyalty of their Church , let them take away the tithes from the bishops to-morrow , and their loyalty would follow it the next day . Let them take the rents from the landlords , and they would become Chartists to a man . ( ' No , no , ' and laughter . ) They might say ' no ; ' but they were not tried yet . He ( Mr O'Connor ) had critically predicted the effect of Free Trade upon both England and Ireland ; and although Ireland , as an agricultural country , had the first taste—let not the English landlords deceive themselves with a notion that their

    day would not yet arrive . ( Hear , hear . ) Their position and their influence in that house might postpone the malady by the entangled , but deceptive budget of the Chancellor of the Exchequer , the policy of whose government it was to feed class upon class , giving the politically influential the largest share of the booty . Had any single one of the extensive hopes presented in the celebrated Edinburgh missive of the noble lord been realised ? and where were the prudent and timely concessions so pompously referred to ? They are there , seated upon that bench ( pointing to the Treasury bench ) . That was the only beneficial change that the noble lord anticipated from Free Trade . ( Cheers . ) And while

    adverting to the sayings and doings of his colleagues , he would ask , where was the right hon . baronet the member for Harwich ( Sir J . Hobhouse ) once a revolutionist , but now a constitutionalist ? How easy it would be to rake that Treasury bench , branding each of its occupants with the siamp of sedition , while they are now associated together to abrogate the constitution of Ireland . He ( Mr O'Connor ) had never , expressed an opinion out of that house which he would fear to , express in that house ; and much as he longed to ' 8 , 66 the liberty of hia country established , be repeated there , what he had stated , over and over again , elsewhere , that the working classes of no country had ever derived a benefit from a

    physical revolution , because , with the last shot , some greater tyranny is established , than that which bas been destroyed , and the people mad , thoughtless , and enthusiastic , while rejoicing in their triumph , become victims to the ascendant party . ( Hear , hear . ) Yes , he understood that cheer , but what he contended for , was the right of the people to such a social system as would insure a sound political system to protect it , and around which all would equally rally . Now , he ( Mr O'Connor ) thought he best fulfilled the obligations of that oath of allegiance , which had been flashed in his face , by pointing out the means by which the English dominions may be most safely secured to her Majesty ; and he believed in his soul , tbat those

    means were by restoring to the Irish people the right of self-government , when both nations would be stronger and more harmonious than tbey are now . ( ' Oh , oh , oh ! ' ) Well , they may ' oh , ' but what would be the opinion of that house if they were aware that he ( Mr O'Connor ) entertained those opinions , but shrunk from tbeir avowal ? In conclusion , he would make one more appeal to those Irish members who sat upon those benches as the flank company of the government—would ask them no longer to be the mere hacks and sycophants of an administration , whose every act tended to the prostration of their country—no longer to consider themselves honoured by the slavish acceptance of invitations to dine with the Prime Minister or his

    colleagues , but to pass over from that side of the house to the Opposition benches , resolved to abandon patronage for the emancipation of their op . pressed country . Sir R . Peel . —Sir , by oneof the compliments paid to me by the hon . gentleman I am gratified . I am gratified by his anticipation that I should give to the measure proposed by the government a decisive and cordial support —( load and continued cheering )—a support not qualified by tbe reminiscences [ oi past contentions —( cheers ) —a support not qualified by party recriminations . ( Loud cheers . ) Sir , I look to the state of Ireland ; I look to the combination which exists ; I look to the avowals of the parties who bead that

    combination—( cheers)—I give them credit for veracity ; and , giving them credit for veracity , I believe there exists in Ireland at this moment a wicked conspiracy to deprive the Queen of her crown and government in that country , ( Load cheers . ) Such being my impression , trusting to the avowal of the Confederates , I take my part with tbe Crown of this united kingdom against tbe conspirators who are arrayed against it . ( Load cbesre . ) Sir , I won t qualify tbe value of my support by a long speech . I don ' t blame tbe government even for their delay in introducing this measure . I cannot but feel that governments ought to be very forbearing before they impose the greatest restrictions tbey can impose on tho cotistltut onal liberties of a large portion of her Maj . 'Sty ' s

    subjects . I dare say that at an earlier period a case might have been made out fjr placing the liberty of individuals at the discretion of the Crown ; but I agree with the noble lord tbat when proposals of this nature are made there ought to be a strong decisive impression on the mind of this house , and on the publio nindalso , that there is no opportunity for further delay—that the necessity baa arisen which justifies the measure , and which will ensure for it a general support . ( Loud cheers . ) Sir , I believe the question at issue in Irslnud Is not whether the union shall bo repealed . ( Cheers . ) I belleva that If you do nothing you will have doting the recess a desolating warfare . ( Chetrs . ) My opinion is that the authority of the Crown will be ultimately

    successful , after great devastation of property , after great loss of life , after the loss of life by many innocent persons—the loss of life by many who have jointd in re ' bellion from doubt as to your ultimate intentions , —but this I believe , that if the Crown should fall In re-establishing its authority , you will then have substituted for the government under which you live b y far the most cruel , debasing , and sanguinary desolation that can prevail in a civilised country . ( Loud cheers . ) There Is no concealment of what are to be the instruments by which this new power is to be established . Have I nee seen a reference made to the value of the crops that are now standing in Ireland ? Have I not seen a disti 'Ct encouragement given to the masses , to tha physical strength tf the country to combine with the men

    superior in intelligence , not that they may furtively undermine tho Royal authority , not that tbey may take means for ultimately repealing the union , but that they may at onc 3 resort to pillage for tha purpose of dividing among themselves the spoils of their success ? ( Loud cheers . ) That is the mode in which the power of these men who are conducting this combination is to ba eserlsd , \ won ' t enter Into any other questions connected ^( th genera governmjut , I believe the danger is imminent ( Cheers . ) I believe that if there has bes ^ too much delay , that comtitutes a reason for lm > ijeaiate act ; i ( Cheers . ) I for one 6 m parfcedy prepared to insist on noordmarjform .. ( L ud cb . . . ers . ) j . btlieve thot , government is justified in asking h , this measure I believe tho measure Itself-tht power to apprehend on swpiclou aad . keep the conspirators in coafiaement . ia

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    necessary . Th « conspiracy is not an agrariai ono ; It is not a conspiracy of assassins , it is the conspiracy of traitors . That is a case la whioh I think the tpprehension of the leaders ia justified . It Ii passible other measures msy be necessary . I hope , after the announcement of the noble lord , there will be no delay on the part of the government In ashing for these measures . ( Cheers . ) If thov De directed against tha clubsif they be directed against those shooting galleries established in tho metropolis of Ireland , with the heart of the Lord Lieutenant ss the butt against whioh their shots are to bo fired—if thia bo so jf government require additional powers to maintain the authority of the Crown , I do hope no delay wUl be

    interposed iu stating what are those additional powers . ( Cheers . ) I think it would be unbecoming on the part of members of this house to urge on her Majesty ' s miaisterfl addit ional powers . Tho responsibility rests with them . I will not urge on them measures of greater coercion than those their own responsibility demands ; but this I say , as nothing but necessity can justify a subnonnion of the Habeas Corpus Act , the same necessity makes immediate action desirable , and I will consent to the suspension of any forms in order to embody my opinions in the shape of an act of Parliament . With reipect to tho speech of the hon . gentleman ( Ur O'Connor ) , I tell hiai I will defend the monarchy of Eaglani against this mock King of Munster ( loud cheers and laughter ) and against bis own pretensions also in a subordinate

    degree . ( Loud chctra . ) The King of Munster ! ( Shouts of laughter . ) This gentleman who says , ¦ Dont shout out for the King of Munster yet ! ' * Not yet > ' No . I for ono am not prepared to exchange the mild supremacy of Queen Victoria for this new King of Munster . ( Loud cheers ) I did give credli to the hon . gentleman that be WOfl ' the boW t the erect the manly foe , ' during that period of his epeech , in whioh drawing a contrast between himself aud other agitators in Ireland , he said , ' he for one was the friend of separation . ' But the noble lord ( Lord J . Russell ) showed the hon . gentleman an oath by which he had esvorn to bear true allegiance to her Majesty ; upon which tbe hon . geatieman said , « And am I not fulfilling tbat oath of allegiance whea I am trying to Insure for her Majesty the subjection of her

    Majesty ' s faithful subjects in Ireland ! ( Hear , hear . ) Why , that is what tho Into Mr O'Connsll might have said , who was tbe enemy of separation , and wished to maintain the golden link of the Crown—It might hove been possible for him to say , ' I am for a separate legislature , but for the supremacy of tho Crown in Ireland , ' The position of the hon . gentleman , however , la different from that occupied by Mr O'Connell , when ho asserts bis ' boldness' and ' manliness' in declaring for the se . paration of Ireland from England . If he means by ' eeparatlon' that Ireland shall stUl remain associated with England—why was ho Beared by that oath 1 ( Loud cheers . ) I thoug ht the hon . gentleman ' s declaration in favour of' separation' had been absolute ; but on seeing and being reminded of that oath he said , lam

    endeavouring to preserve the integrity of her Majesty ' * Irish dominions . ' ( Mr O'Connor— ' Her English dominions . ' ) ' Her English dominions ! ' That oath was takes without that equivocation . . ( Loud cheers . ) The allegiance promised was allegiance on tho part of Ireland as fully and completely as on the part of England ( loud cheers ); and if the hon . gentleman really took that oath with a secret reservation that he would be a faithful and loyal subject in this part of the United Kingdom , but reserved a perfect latitude of action in Ireland , and a right to sever tbe sister country from Her Majesty ' s dominions , —that latitude of construction Is so large as would crtainly convince me that there Is no value whatever in such a declaration ef allegiance . The hon . gentleman asks whether we think it possible to maintain a restricted

    monarchy after the example we have had in what has boon occurring in France , In Italy , in Germany , and other European states . Sir , I say not a word with re . epect to the internal administration of the affairs of other coustrles . I have dene what I could since the commencement of these disorders humbly te discourage any reflections on what has occurred in Paris or elsewhere ; but when the hon . gentleman holds up tho example of what has taken place in other countries as a reason wh y wo should distrust the advantage of maintaining the monarchy of this country , I have no diffi . oulty . I have a right to say that , looking at what has taken place on the chief arena of revolutionary Europetaking France , taking Paris as the example—looking at the government that existed before February , the securities for public liberty—( bear , hear )—tbe state of the revenue , the condition of tbe manufacturing clasiej , the principles that were acted upon with respect to tho

    reward of labour—looking at what passed in February , looking at what passed in the interval of three or four months—in Jane , when tbe new government , founded en the barricades of February , was txposed to the most violent opposition from those whoso hopes had been dis . nppolntcd—looking to all this , I draw a fitting reflection from it for the guidance of the people of this countryand I say , so far from what has pas-ed in Europe indue ing me to distrust the advantage of limited monarchy , or to believe that its foundations are less secure—to believe that there is less of affectionate devotion towards the person of the Sovereign , or less of rational oonviotlou in favour of the advantage of limited monarchy—I look to the experience of tbe last six months , and I retain au increased conviction , that tho monarchy of this countr ; is secure , and is endeared by new cons { derations to the affectionate support and devotion of the people of this country . ( Load and continued cheering . )

    Mr B . OsBsatrE believed that tha object of the men against whom this biU wau directed was not repeal , but murder and pillage . It was , therefore , a measure of mercy to lockup those men who wished to accomplish such an object , and to deluge Ireland with blood . He could not , however , vote for the continuance sf this bill to the 1 st » f March , 1849 , because he thooght that the house ought not to be prorogued , but should sit from month to month in deliheration upon the remedial mea > suras necessary for Ireland . He thought that there might be some modification of the Act of Union ; but still he would not , when the house was on fire , do any . thing to Impede tbe operation of tbo engines upon it . The state of things in Ireland was most alarming . He had received that mjrnlng information from Ireland tbat numbers of houses in Tipperary had been stripped of their lead in order to make bullets . Under such circumstances he should not oppose the introduction of tie bill .

    Mr Sadlieb thought that it was hUh tima that tho movements of tho revolutionists should be stopped , and should , therefore , cordially support the bill of tbe neb ' e lord . At the same time , he told him that the extensive disaffection which existed lu Ireland could not have existed without great misconduct on the part of Its rulers . Mr S . Cbawfobd fo « nd it very difficult to convey to the house any idea how vary painful it was to him to proceed to a division upon the present question . The condition of Ireland was one of the greatest possible danger , and no one more earnestly desired than he did to uphold her Majesty's loyal subjects in that part of the Uaited Kingdom with all tha force tbat law a * d government could pu » forth for their protection . But .

    Iooking at the measures of the government , he found it impossible to come to any conclusion favourable to their plans . On the contrary , ho believed their whole ad . ministration to be utterly inefficient for any useful purpose , and more especially did he consider that the present measure would be wholly unsuccessful , He wanted to see peace established In Ireland , and be feared that tho proposed bill would bring with it no peace . He admitted that times arose when the common principles of the constitution must bo suspended ; but what he wanted was , that sueh measures of suspen . sion should sot go alone—that they should be oooom . panled with practical plans ef social improvement . He begged the house for a moment to consider what were the causes ol the present agitation and discontent . They

    evidently were to be found in tbo condition of the people . Was their social state a healthy condition Were they not depressed to the lowest point which human beings could reach ? In some parts of-the country the population were actually starving . Such was the state ef Ireland at present , and such it had been for a length of time past . And this was going on without any attempt to provide remedial measures . The strongest promises of remedial measures were uniformly made by every Ministry , and as uniformly negleoted . They were growing worse and worse every day . In tho year 1800 the Habeas Corpus Act had been suspended in Iraland ; it had again been suspended from 1802 till 1805 ; from 1807 till 1810 ; again iu 18 U ; and ones more , from 1822 till 1821 . The Habeas Corpus Act ,

    then , had frequently been suspended , and they even bad martial law from 1803 till 1805 . Arms Acts were frequently enforced , and now , In 1848 , after forty-sevrn years of union , Ireland must be held by tho sword , or ty that which few governments liked to propose—good remedial measures . If remedial measures were not adopted , tbe consequence would be social disorganisation in Ireland , and a realstanoo directed against property and order , which the government had not a sufficient tody < rf Iroopa to put down ; for there was a great difference between meeting a rabble iu a field , and taking that military occupation of the whole country which , under the circumstances he alluded to , would be . oomo necessary . Iu 1798 there was a force of 109 , 900 men in Ireland ; and , he would ask ,

    was government prepared to famish as great a force now 1 There could be ao more dangerous policy than to adopt apparent measures of coercion unless the government possessed the power of carrying them out . He dreaded the disorganisation of the country , and tho reiistance to rents and taxes whioh would arise , unless remedial measures wero adopted , and which no coercive measures could adequately reach . The violent opinions held by individuals in Ireland had b . 'cn referred to ; but why wore such opinions held and expressed t Because there had been that oppression of the country—that want of attention to its Interests and wishes , which impelled those persons to have a desire for separation , He wanted to know why the act already passed , commonly called the

    Felana Act , could not be sufficient for the purpose , and I why , It bad not been fully carried out ? Tbe government had not used the powers within tbeir hands ; and why , then , should that house bo called oa to pass a new coercion act ? He recollected the proceedings of 1708 when ii was alleged at tbo time that government had negloettd all proper precautions with the view of letting hings come to a onsia ; Ho hoped thot such was new not the case , though there might appear some grounds foT the suspicion , when It was eeon that tho laws of the hud already In existence were not put into exeouilm . Ilobell & vud that one of tho most dangerous kinds of ooorcion was tho arresting of persona ou mere euspUlen ; an ] ' be recollected the bad effects of the exercise of such a

    Saturday , Jolt22.. , Tbe Uouoe Of Lords...

    power in former times . Under theso circumstances , he felt it to be hii indispensable duty not to let tho house come to a vote oa this question without recording bis opinion of the inutility of the proposed measure of coercion , and of the necessity of the house applying itself to tbe adoption of remedial measures . Ho felt himself the mora bound to do this because ha had hitherto been prevented by various circumstances from bringing before the house tbe whole question of Ireland , and tbe remedial measures he would recommend . The hon , member con cluled by moving au amendment to the following effect : — ' That the present distracted state of Ireland arises from misgovernment and from the want of remedial measures , without which no coercive measure could restore either order or content to the country , '

    Mr Faoak seconded the amendment , and contended that Lord John Russell had not made out any case even upon his own showing , for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act . The evils of Ireland were of a social character and required a social remedy . Tou could not long preserve that country to the emp ire either b y a system of packed juries or by your military foroo . Mr Dueaeli declared his intention of giving the measure of government his unvarying and unequivocal sup . port . If he could bring himself to think that this

    pending insurrection arose from the social and political grlev . ances of Ireland , and that this bill would be aa obstacle to the remedy of those grievances , ho should be inclined to view it with distrust . Its character was fhgrant it was avowedly an invasion of the constitution . The only excuse for it was its necessity , and its necessity had been proved by the circumstances to which Lord J . Russell had alluded in bis speech . His lordship had not come down to the house with a green bag full of anonymous communications , but bad only referred to clrcumatancos with which all wore familiar , as o jastifi cation of the measure which he recommended . He

    considered this pending insurrection to be neither an agrarian nor religious msvement . It did not arise from any perverted sentiment of nationality , fer it was nothing more nor less then a Jacobin movement , Now , looking , as he did , upon Jacobinism as a system of unmitigated fraud aud violence , we must encounter its violence with greater force , and must meet with courage that audacity , which had baen encouraged by events which had not occurred in Eagland , nor as yet In Ireland , Ho p rotested against the attempt to mix up the social and political grievances of Ireland with the question then before the house . He also protested agaiast its going forth to Europe that this was a question between the English government and tho Irlsa people . The

    majority of that people were not traitors . Ho could not believe that the Roman Catholic priesthood would look with favour on a Jacobin movement , nor would he believe , though some of the peasantry might have been deceived by tbe delusions of bad men , that the great body of them in the south of Ireland were heart and soul tn this menacing movement . It was the movement of a party stlmuloted by foreign events aad encouraged by foreign success . Ho bad no doubt that their plots would meet witb discomfiture ; but he wished that that discomfiture might not be accomplished at the same expease of life and treasure anil good feeling at which it had been accomplished on former occasions , and for that reason he supported this bill .

    Mr Callaoh * h opposed the measure , which , he bo . lievod , was foanded on tha misrepresentations of tbe press , and would not have the effect anticipated . Sir D . Noeeets supported tha measure , and called on tbe government to seize the leaders of the conspiracy at once , and thus save his poor wretched countrymen , who were misled by them , from tho misery whioh would otherwise fall on them . Mr Dbomhond observed , that the general policy of the government with regard to Ireland was not the question then under the consideration of the house . Whenever that question was properl y raised , he would be ready to enter at length Into it . The point for them then to consider was a particular remedy for a particular state of affairs . He agreed with Mr Disraeli as to the origia of the present movement in Ireland , and would

    cordially support the government In any measures which it might deem necessary to meet the case . The hon . member proceeded te make an attack npon Mr O'Connor and this journal : —The hon . member for Nottingham has spoken of a profligate press having done much to influence the pabllo mind improperly , It is not for mo to stand up iu behalf of tho press , » or indeed , do I think tbat it has need ef any defender in this house but I should like to know what meaning tbo bon . member for Nottingham attaches to tbe werd ' profligate' in this instance . ( Hear , hear . ) I suppose he means to describe a person who , iu his connexion with the press does some unworthy act for the eahe of his private ad . vaatago or gratification . Now , I should like to know whether there is a person connected with any pap r In the kingdom bat one , who will publish a long column of

    blasphemous books and recommend them to all his readers . ( Loud cries of 'Hear . ' ) I will not pollute my lips nor disgast the ears of tha honourable members by reading tbe titles of these works ; but I wish to know wbe ^ tr the paper which acts in the manner I bave described is the ' profligate prese' referred to by tbe honourable member for Nottingham ? ( Cheers . ) I give the honourable member for Nottingham the choice of two alternatives—either he believes in and approves Of tho doctrines of the books advertised ; er , knowing and believing them to be immoral , irreligious , and blasphamous works , he publishes their titles for tho sake of the money he gets for so doing . ( Hear , kear , ) I charge the hon . member for Nottingham with having , more perhaps than any one , tended te foment Jacobinical feelings . When I spoke on a former occasion of the doctrine pro "

    malgatod by M . Proudhon , loute propriete est « n vot I was ignorant that the same doctrine had been broached by the hon . member for Nottingham ia hh newspaper . Here it is — ' The land is yours , and one day or other you'll have your share of it ; and the sooner you arrive at a knowledge of its value , the sooner wlli you be prepared to assert the great principle , that the land is the people ' s inheritance , and thst kings , princes , users . nobles , priests , and commoners , who have stolen It from them , hold it upon the title of popular ignorance rather than upon any right human or divine . The natural right is yours—the human usurpation is thtlrs ' ( Loud cries of'Hear . ' ) But that is not all—the hon . member for Nottingham is not merely discontented with the tenure of property , he declares that the whole state

    of society must be subverted , ( Hear , hear . ) This , then , is not , as the noble lerd bas argued , a question as to the separation of Ireland—it is not a mere question of repeal ; it is a question affecting the foundation of society itself . But the hon member for Nottingham hall speak for himself : —* We frankly avow that we have no respect for society as at present constituted . Civilisation means ill-requited labour , starvation , gaols , bastilles for the masses , To the millions civilisation U a huge lie , an organised hypocrisy . Perish such civilisation I' ( Loud cries of ' Hear . ' ) Amongst the things which have maddened the too excitable people of Ireland , we may enumerats that curse an ' unruly tongue' whioh ' eotteth on fire the course of nature , and is set on fire of hell . ' ( Cheers . )

    Mr Home : I beg to protest against tke abominable doctrines whioh the hon , member for Surrey has quoted on the subject of property , and to express my abhorrence of the man or the paper which could pander to the passions of any portion of the people bj promul gating such doctrines . ( Cheers . ) I hope that there are few papers which would act eueh apart , and I do n » t hesitate to designate a » ' profligate ' any party whe would endanger the peace of society by holding out to the I gnorant expectations which he must know can never be realised ( Chsers . ) The man who takes that course is dangerous to society—he is dishonest and ought to be shunned . { Loud cheers . ) In my opinion there is nothing more pregnant with danger at the present time than the pernlcious principles relative to property which have beeu widely disseminated in a neighbouring countryand

    , whioh some indivlduols have for years back fosterej in this . ( Hear , ) To interfere with tha labour of others and to attempt to establish community of property is a direct violation of the fundamental laws of society , It appears to me that the remarks of th » honourable member for Surrey would have been more applicable to Communis n and Jacobinism . Great evil has resulted in France from the promul gation of the doctrines of Communism . I hope that no individual will rise in ibis house and support such doctrines . ( Hear hear . ) It would le dangerous to do so at any time , but it is doubly dangerous at a period of distress , when the passions of the poorer classes can be easii y worked upon by men who promise what they knew can never bo carried into execution . ( Cheers . ) The hon . member then proceeded to observe , that the part which he had always

    taken with respect to the affairs of Ireland caused him to take a deep interest in the condition of that unfortunate country ; no man not connected with Ireland had brought the evils which afflicted that country more frequently under the notice of tha house than he had done no person could be more impressed with the necessity of removing those evils by wise and honest legislation but perceiving the danger which now menacea Ireland ho was constrained to vote for a measure which would invest the government with power to suppress any attempt to praise civil war . Like the hon . member for Cork , he was of opinion that the peace of Ireland could never be effectually secured until tho Legislature removed the long-continued causes of discontent which existed in that country . For many years class had been opposed to class in Ireland—Protestants against Catholics—and eminent had traversed tho

    men country preaching the doctrine that English oppression was the cause of Irish misery , and that England was the deadly enemy of Ire land . That was the state of feeling which prevailed down to 1829 , when the Act of Emanci pation passed , lhat measure having been carried , he hoped thac the evils of Ireland would be remeved b y the adoption of n system of mild and conciliatory conduct on the part of tho Legislature ; but in that ho had been disappointed Ireland , was in its present disturbed state because their civil rights were withhold from the people . Thev were not placed on tho same footing as the people of Eueland and Scotland . Since the Irish people were not treat d as freemen it was too much to expect that thev should demean themselves as patientl y and orderlv as their more fortunate fellow subjects in other parts of the empire . The source of tho demagogues' in

    power Ireland was the misery of the people . The promises which the Ministers had hold out to tho people of Ireland had never been fulfilled . ( Hear . ) When the'forte » were iu ofrioe their opponents upbraided them with being the cause of the misery of Irelaad by refusing to make COUOesalons which would restore peace nnd contentment t J th ' it country . But what had the present Ministers done for Ireland ? ( Ue ; ir , boar . ) It was extremely to be regretted that the promises which had been made over and over again to tho people of Ireland had not been fulfilled . Ireland had been neglected for o'ght or , nine months , and now , at the cud of the session , tlio j government comes to parUitment und asks for addi . tonal powers for tho purpose of coercing the people , The I present bill might have the effect of arresting the course of the loolish or wicked men w ! io wore exciting their fellow countrymen in Ireland ¦ to that ostent it might

    Saturday , Jolt22.. , Tbe Uouoe Of Lords...

    hush and quiet the present excitement , but the bill wq um be but temporary . IHseontent would remain as lonir m its cause existed . Ai fast as the government mffh ? arrest agitators In one place others would arise in ann ther . Ministers were about , fer the second time in on » session , to deprive the people of Iraland of some of thn privileges of tbe constitution . They possessed them selves of power , and were responsible for tho exercise of it . They were in an especial degree answerable for tha evils of Ireland , because they bad not availed them selves of the opportunity they possessed of fulfilling th ' promises the ;* had made . ( Hear , hear . ) The Irish people could not forget the declarations repeatedly made by e / ery man now sitting on the Treasurv bench , th » t there could be no peace in Ireland as long in the Irish church remained in exis . tence . ( Loud cries of 'Hear , hear . ' ) England was

    obliged to maintain 60 , 000 men in arms in Ireland That country was governed , not as he wished to sea it un ' der tbe mild and maternal sway of fietoria , it was held as a Rnrripon , and the expense was now visiting the people of En (?! and as a punishment for the course which had been pursued towards tbat unfortunate country . It was not alone ia a pecuniary point of view th '< t England suffered the risk was incurred of the disorganisation which prei vailed in Ireland extending to this country . Our parishes were overrun with paupers , whilst the profits of trade . nd the means of employment were daily decreasing . It was the duty of Ministers to bring forward immediately measures calculated to conciliate the people of Ireland and Parliament ought to sit from day to day to pass them . ' The noble lord at the head of the government used fori merly to regard the extension oi the suffrage as one of tha means of conciliation ; but what was the case no w » Ireland bad once 200 . 0 W 0 representatives- ( great laughter ) —he should have said electors ; but he did not believe that the number of electors now amounted to more than 40 , 800 , Was that a state of things that ought to be continued when the popu ' ation reached 8 , 000 , 00 ( j ? He asked the nobla

    lord to consider this subject , as well as the state of tha grand jury laws in Ireland , and the state of its municipal institutions , and he submitted that parliament ought not to separate without an attempt to applj remedies in each of these particulars . He agreed entirel y with bis hon . friend ( Mr S . Crawford ) that remedial measures ought to be introduced as speedily as possible , but he should ba sorry to see any division on the motion now before tho house . ( Hear , hearvi Ht hoped that remedial measures for Ireland would be brought forward to-morrow —( loudi laughter )—he meant Monday—though he could not help thinking the better the day the b ?**» r the deed . He did not know tbat any man could employ the Sabbath day better than in giving peaee to Ireland—( cheers )—if sitting on a Sunday could bo made the means of doing so . He , therefore , advised his hon . friends near him not to oppose ) the motion , but to allow the bouse to come to an unanimous vote upon it , though he was quite ready to support the proposition of his hon . friend when it come before tho house in a separate shape . No man , to judge from tha speech which he had deUvered , was more impressed with the necessity of passing remedial measures for Ireland than the noble lord , and he only regretted that the nobta lord had not acted upon his own convictions .

    Mr Nbwdeo * tk would give his support to this measura as a great measure of policy , but he considered tho case as strictly exceptional , and he wished to guard him » self against the supposition that be thought such a mea . sure ought to be considered as the occasion for Any great constitutional changes . He trusted that her Majesty's government would pass this measure without making any conditions , for past experience ought to tell them that tf they did so they would onl y sow the wind to reap th « whirlwind . Mr Grooan . as representative of the loyal citizens of Dublin , thanked the government for this bill , which wou'i put an end to that aeitation which had reduced so many of the opulent and industrious tradesmen of Dublin to bankruptcy and ruin . He regretted that this measure had not been introduced earlier , and hoped thdt the go . vernment would not show any indecision in carrying it into effect . °

    Mr RETNOina differed Mo ccelo from his hon . colleagu ?; He prophesied that this bill would pass and would be % failure , Still , in expressing that belief , he must declare himself favourable , not toits introduction , but to its ex . traction . He should vote against it in all its stages , and hoped that those stages would be long and tedious . The bill would make Repealers , and would extend all the evils which it professed to cure . Mr Mcntz asked Mr 3 , Crawford to withdraw his amendment . He lamented over the necessity in which he felt himself placed to give support to her Maj-sty's go . vernment , but he felt that under existing circumstances he could not help himself . He warned her Majesty ' s government , that if they did not forthwith redre , s tha grievances of Ireland he never would support them in another Coercion Bill for that country .

    Sir H . Babbon added his testimony to the absolute necessity for adopting this measure with unanimity . Ha had that morning received letters from Ireland of tha most alarming nature . People of all descriptions were lamenting that the government had not adopted these measure sooner . Some of the leaders of the intended rebellion who had some property , were most anxious for the passing « f this bill , and would rejoice when they heard the sound of the prison £ oors closing behind them . For they knew that they aid their property would be sacrificed in a risin ? which must lead to their ruin . No one was more convinced of tbo hopelessness o ! the rebel , lion than some of the leaders of It , and to his knowledge soTie of them had expressed themselves to that effect . Colonel DOMNK concurred in tha amendment of Mr S . Crawford , but nevertheless declared his intention of sup . porting the bill .

    Mr Scollt considered that this bill might be fatal . He denied the disaffection and disloyalty which had been attributed to Tipperary . If the government did not in . tend to introduce remedial measures for Ireland , this bill would never introduce into that country permanent peace . The house then divided , when the numbers were—" For Mr S . Crawford ' s amendment ., 8 " ' Againstit .. .. .. .. 271 Majority against it ,. ., 263 Leave was then given to bring in the bill ; and it was brought in by Lord J Russell and read a first time .

    Lord J , Rossbii .. —Sir , as thehouse ^ has ^ sounequivocallj expressed its opinion in favour of this bill as to leave net doubt thnt it shall pass , —( cheers . )—I do hope that the house will now agree that , under all the circumstance * it would be bet'er that the bill should be passed im . mediately . ( Loud cheering . ) I therefore move that this biU be now read a second time . ( Renewed cheering . ) Mr O'Connor . —I will not take up the time of the house by any further expression of opinion on my part , seeing that the house has so very unequivocall ydeclared itself in favour of the bill . Sir L . O'Beiew ( brother to Mr Smith O'Brien ) . —Sir , I wish to explain in one word tbe vote which I have just given . ( Hear , hear . ; lean assure you , when I heard

    the announcement of the noble lord yesterday tbat it waa his intention to bring in this bill , my first Impression was not to vote upon it . It occurred to me that the vote of a single individual would be but of small importance ; and , considering the possibility of my near relative being ono oi the first to be affected by tho measure , the impression on my mind was , that it would Oe more decorous not to vote . But , considering that if I abstained from votin ? my conduct might be mistaken in Ireland- ( hear , hear ) — and being strongly impressed with the necessity of these proceedings being put an end to for the sake o ; the poor persons who are sure to be involved in great sufferings by tosir ccctinuance , I thoueht it mora becoming to < rivo a decided vote in favour of the measura . ( Cheers )

    Mr Hum * -A great piweris given by this bill to tbe Lord-Lieutenant or the other parties who are to carrv on the government of Ireland of imprisoning the subject . Now , I want to know if any record will be kept of the individuals who may be arrested , in order that at the proper time we may be satisfiedithat the law has not been impro . perly exercised . ( Hear , hear . ) I should like to know what is the rule in such cases ; and , if there is no such fu 1 i Vu !? « ° " f . * think we ought to take care that the liberty of the sub ject is not unnecessorily interferes , with- ( Hear , hear . ) ' Sir G . G * ei . —On former occasions , when a law ex . actly similar was in force , it was provided that any warrant for the apprehension of any individual should be lodged with the Oierk of tho Feace for the Citv of Dublin . '

    Mr BBTKoiDs .-Sir , the sense of thehouse has been so distinctly and decidedly expressed on this subject that I for one , do not feel I should be justified in callim ? for another vote upon it . The bill has now been read a first time , but I ask the government whether it is oerfectlT fair towards tne people of Ireland in tho absenseoftho great bulk of their representatives - (• Oh , oh ' j-to pro . pose to read it a second time to-day ? it appear , to be a £ Til l oour 8 e , to "J 1 the second reading of a bill of which the , people of Ireland have received no notice whatever . The bill has not been even placed in the hands of members . All we know about It is that it proposes to suspend the constitution in Ireland , and , perhaps , with a principle so sweeping , it motters little what the details may be . ( Hear , hear . ) But I mk whether it ii respectful to the people of Ireland and their representatives , who are necessarily absent , to prooeedin this hurried manuert The second reading may be postponed till Monday at all

    u- \ -i T , ' . ' - ll ; ave"ated that I de not feel my . self justified in asking for a division again , and it is nst my intention to do so . I feel , indeed , that it would be uh . pardonable in me to do so , after so decided an expression of the seme of the house . ( Hear . ) I believe that tho ma . jority being sp very tergs and the minorit y so very . mall is entirely to be attributed to tho fact that the represen . tatlves of the people of Ireland have had no voice in the matter . Surely the country is not in such im . minent danger as to require all this haste . f'Piyide . divide . !) ' " * » l Mr MoNSKLt : —I will not occupy tho attention of tho house tor more than one moment . The hon . gentleman who has just sat down has spoken of the coursepropogod by her Majesty ' s government as unusual jbut lam sure thn hon . gentleman will admit that the state of Ireland is nn S ^ S'Jm : ( ChcerB ) J en , tr eat the noble lord at tha head of the government , and I entreat this house , if the * value human life , not to delay the passing of this „ % » . „ J ? 1

    uueersj . only state what is my atfnnt » n „ r „ : . P when I say that on the passing ef ^ l , WU fnd ? h- , CH ? fl ' on it suddenly dopenos the . a 1 „ tW L ' eHv ^ ' £ „ S tudes of my fellow countrymen , particularlynf'ihJ classes-rcheersj-nnd / thei ? eCenS ? tU ? h ^ . ? S interpose no obstacle to the passim ? of n . mY * . ? I- t has been too long delayed . ( Cheering ) ***** Wmch sec ond Ze ! fUrthef c 0 " * °° the bill w „ read a i , The house then went into committee on tha hill ^ j vsxssr ™** thebi » * £ ** % »« ^ Mr Osbobsb begged , In accordance with the views ha had already expressed , to observe , that X houle oLha st of M Jnh wi «? . Pr 0 p ? . i to refflai " in f 01 ' ce tiH th 1 st ot March . What security had the house thnt tHp » on « ation t T , iSSe , . ^" ' ^ "e thif bnAvas in ¦ taKEni * H nW most s « " > hk'ly deprecate such « t ^ lwn' l , A and ' . theretore ' he would now move that , s V ^ ° l , P iV " . ° ? i * t 0 the l 8 t ^ September , 1818 . COh . oh !'! Heshould do so for this reason , that ttiey Unci lamontible experience that the house would not pass other measures absolutely necessary for tho well ,

    toengot Ireland , lie , then-fore , moved that the bill ba only extended to tho 1 st of September 1848 . ( Cries of « No . no . ) " ( Concluded in the First Page . )

    9 The Northern Star. Ij^L^^L ^

    9 THE NORTHERN STAR . iJ ^ L ^^ L ^

    Northumberland Aud Dorham — A District R...

    Northumberland aud Dorham — A district rre '« i lrg will be held in the house of Wm . Gilray , Cross Keys , We- > t llolboro , South Shields , on Sunday , Au us- 0 h , at two o ' clock , to audit the district accounts .

    '¦" ——A«^ 1 1 .^———.Wsssart Printo,! By Docgal M'Gowan , Of 16, Greo*. Windmill* Street, Uavmarket. In Tho Citv M" Wn«H«I .,.. ««The

    ' ¦ " ——a «^ 1 1 . ^——— . wsssart Printo , ! by DOCGAL M'GOWAN , of 16 , Greo * . Windmill * street , Uavmarket . in tho Citv m" Wn « H « i .,.. «« the

    Office, In The Samo Street And Parish, F...

    Office , in the samo Street and Parish , for the Proprietor , TEAUGVJS O'CONNOtt , Esq ., M . P ., and published by William Hewitt , ot' Ko . 18 , Charles-street , Bran , dou . atrtct , Walworth , in the parish of St . Mwi . Nerf , ington , in tho County of Surrey , at the Ofiloe , No . \« , Great Wiudmlll-stveat , Hnjmarkct , in thv CitrofW" *" minster . —Saturdoy July 29 th , 1813

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 29, 1848, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_29071848/page/8/