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Northern Star (1837-1852), 28th October 1848, Edition 2 of 3, Page 1, The AuaTRm Corar.—The court of the Austr...

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    • TO THE CHARTISTS
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      To The Chartists

      TO THE CHARTISTS

      ~~- •:-- R: Dundee;Wednesjay" M Y Dear F...

      ~~ - :-- r : Dundee ; WednesJay " M y dear Friends , * ' c ^ - ' - . - < - ' ^ You will not expect a ; loogIetteirftom me tiis week—next / week yot f shall have a full leport of my tsar . 'I arrived at Montrose on Saturday , and had to look out for some of the Old Guwds . I fished out a veterani Mr Bate nd soon had a good staff . They would have a

      aeeting , and called upon the Provost to allow tte dnininier and bellman to go round and araoun . ee it ; but the old woman—AN OLD CLOTHES man—told them that the HABEAS CORPUS ACT was suspended , and that no meeting -oould be held , and that he had received positive orders from the Lord Advocate of Scotlandi to , PREVENT ; ALL CHABH 5 T MEETIN < JS-iand that , if t £ e

      meeting was held , he would SEND THE POLICE . I sent my compliments to know if the HAB ^ S DEOMMUS iand HABEAS BELLUS Act was J : susjiended ? — that I would hold the " meeting—and if : he sent the police , I would instantly have them taken into custody , as disturbers of the public peace- — and at aix o clock the OLD GUARDS , went about with their CLAPPERS , and at eight we had a Hall full of as good men as ever lived , A half-mad man , of the name of Monro , a Mend

      of the Provost , got up to defend him , and was laughed at A good Chartist—a Mr RobertjPeters—was in the chair , and , after alor ^ lecture , a . vote of thanks and confidence Vffi proposed , when Mr Monro proposed , as an atrfemiroent , " That they had no confidence in mer- After tea minutes ' delay , he got a seeoader , and , when put , two hands—those of the proposer and seconder—only were held up against the vote . I then spent till past twelve in conversation with a number of the

      OLD GUARDS . On Sunday I went to Aberdeen , and there we had a bumper . Old veteran Archy McDonald was in the chair . I made proclamation for the delegates to the National Assembly , who . had abused me in my absence , to come forth and charge me with , any crime cemmitted by me during the awful time , or the whole of my life . When I had spokenTor nearly two hours , Mr Soirron , delegate , came forward , and you shall have an account of the drubbing I gave

      him next week . A very complimentary address was then presented from the members of the Land ^ Company , and another from the Chartists . A vote of confidence was proposed . Mr Shirron moved no amendment , but , belonging to the Upper House , he PROTESTED , and I insisted npon the protest being put , when about a dozen middle class hands were held up . We then had three rousing cheers for the Charter , and at a quarter to twelve a number of the good and true sat down to supper . There 1 remained till two , delighted .

      On Tuesday I started for Dundee , and the mail being "full , I was obliged to go outside for forty miles , pelting rain the whole way . At Dundee ., we had a splendid meeting ; -- I gave them nearly two hours , when Mr Graham , Delegate to the Convention , made his appearance , but after a very excited tirade , I answered every one of his charges—oneafter the other—amid cheers ; and when a vote of thanks was proposed , not one single hand was held up against it . I spent till past one with the OLD GUARDS from all parts—some from forty miles ; and , as I always told you that there was luck in

      leisure , and pleasure in waiting for it , next week 1 will give you a narrative of the conspiracy got up against me and the cause , and the mode of Mr Shirron ' s election , and the character of Mr Henry , and others of my revilers ; and I will give you good and unequivocal authority for all . and you will say that Powell and Davis were angels to some . When you read , you will say that I have a charmed life . I have had an hour to spare in Dundee , which I devoted to a visit to John M'Crae ' s school , an account of which I will give you next week , and my visit , to which pleased ma beyond expression . It is a new and fascinating mode of education , but I will give you a full account .

      As far as I have gone , I am bound to say that the old ship is about to float once more , and the crew are determined to have the OLD PILOT at the helm , and the Old Pilot is determined to hold it . Nest week I shall be in the Conference all day , but shall devote my nights to my Scotch narrative . All is not yet over , as Mr Shirron told me , vindictively , that I wa-4 to be met in Edinburgh . Well , be it so . / Jfndnow , Chartists of England , you will wonder why I made Scotland the first battle field , and I will tell . you . From the Scotch Delegates of Aberdeen , Dundee , Edinburgh , and Glasgow , I received the most abuse ; and you will bear in mind , that I have appointed the whole

      people as a tribunal to try me ; and I have come to the places where I was most vilified , and have carried the war into the enemy s camp , never having written one word , or attempted to make any party , or to create any feeling in my favour ; but if I cannot stand the treason of professing Chartists , as well as the treason of powerful Governments , then I am of no use to you . For some years I have not had such labour , and for years I have not felt so hearty so well , and so confident . I have rallied Chartism OVER THE BORDERS , as I promised to do ; and I nave driven THE VERMIN from the ranks . This is my twenty-sixth year of agitation , and I conclude it as I commenced : —

      "Come one , come all , tbis rock eh all fly From its firm bass as soon as I . " The establishment of a NEW NEWSPAPER was at the bottom of the Scotch conspiracy , just as of old ; but the RED CAT , which will commence its twelfth year on the 11 th of next rronth , has broken all their CROCKERY WARE , and still lives . I am off to Edinburgh , to meet the foe . Your faithful Friend and Representative , Feargds O'Conxoe .

      The Land! The Land!! To Tbe Members Of T...

      THE LAND ! THE LAND !! TO TBE MEMBERS OF THE XATIOJf Alt LASD COHB & 25 Y . Bboiheb Members , —as the Land , and a proper application of it , is the only thing by which the working classes can ba raised to happiness and comfort , it is of the utmost imparlance that they should know what the Land is capable of producing , and of which they must ba ignorant in eecseqaence rf s large majority being brought up either in tbe factory , th « mines , or to some handicraft or trade . I know by experience that thousands of agriculturists ksow nothing about what the Loud will produce y . hsn cultivated by the spade , and which , no doubt , is the main cause of the falling off of the weekly receipts of the National Land Company . But as 1 kaiw gone little of what the Land will do , I frill craw yonr attention to two or three facts which 1 aa prepared to prove .

      My father occupied a cottage and one acre of Land , oie third of which was bad , for which he paid eleven guineas rent per year , situated three miles from Selby and twenty-three from Leeds . I and my father left it and went to America , bat after srme time we relumed , and knowing the value of Land , would bare been glad to take the same place at the same rest 1 should have said that we paid all taxes as well as the rent I have an ancle iu the fame village , who has a cottage and one acre of good Land—his own property—bat he entered it without money er any t ^ h er property . He has lived well , and never worked for any ' one bat himself , on his own Land , for at ifc sst . thirty years .

      My wife's father has occupied a cottage for forty-** o years with two acres of Land , but the landlord would only allow him to cultivate one acre , the tther remaining grass for which he has paid £ 12 per jear and taxes , ue has brought np a large family , atd has teen so far independent as never tube compelled to work for any one , bat when it suited his < "m convenience , 1 intended saying more ; hot beiegose of the slave cass I bare no more time at present , but I think 1 fe '; ve saidsnfficient to show that our interest ia to carry out the scheme as fast as possible . Hull ROBEB PHTD 2 R .

      '^^.^^M^ J *^ R S ^^^

      ' ^^ . ^^ m ^ *^ s ^^^

      ,

      ,

      Fitee Trade And Its Conse---:¦ -;- :: R ...

      FitEE TRADE AND ITS CONSE---: ¦ - ; - :: ;;; -QpNjDES / ^ v . r to raE \ vtSSe classes . ; - ;>\ Mr ; j ^ ENl ) S , "' ;; "'" , ' .. ^ u-jri ' - ^ i , ' . Editors , tractwriters , anthors , statesmen , and politicians , invariably call attention to predictions which they never made , and would establish their title to knowledge upon those predictions ; Hence ^ wefind that every foreign corres pondent of every newspaper in the kingdpn ^ reminds his readers that he foretold such atid

      such evente-the fact being tb ^ those coires pondej ^ iad > predJcted ; ' not the events' that did o <^ r ; 'b . ntthe events best suited to the p ^' pe ^ lSryhich they wrote . Hence we find > thatj casing the Quixotic war of Charles Albert ^ the correspondent of ; the ""TtmeSj " who appeared to be catHp-foIlower to the Sardinian monarch , eulogised every step taken by the Sardinian Sling—represented him as a Roman hero , and his arrangements as masterly and complete ; but when the tables were turned , the same correspondent depict his former royal hero , as an imbecile , an idiot , and a Quixote .

      With these numerous instances of editorial latitude before you , you must naturally be sceptical as to any reference made by a public man to his past predictions and anticipations ; and . yet I am bold enough , and confident enough , to invite your attention to every one of my prophecies concerning FREE TRADE . In 1834 , when Mr O'Connell all but dared the Irish Liberal members to oppose the measure then brought forward , I did ,

      nevertheless , oppose it , and thirty-seven Liberal Irish members were compelled to vote with me ; and from that period to the present moment , I have never relaxed my opposition to this greatest breach of nations ! faith . I represented it as the keystone of the social arch , which , if once struck without securely propping the centre , must result in the ruin of the whole social fabric I showed you plainly that the National Debt and national confidence were based

      upon Protection . I showed you that the poor rates were based upon Protection—that rents were measured by the standard of Protection —that wages were regulated by Protectionthat mortgages , incumbrances , marriage settlements , personal liabilities , house rent , and taxes of every description , were regulated by Protection—and I showed you that the labourer would be the first to suffer from the shaking of the foundation of this social fabric . I showed you that three years , at least of casualty , uncertainty , and despair , must take place , and that those who had capital to live upon during tbis period of fluctuation , and who made the laws , would be able to dictate their own terms to those who live from hand to

      mouth , and had no share in the representation of the country ; and I predicted—Firstly ?—The disappointment . Secondly , —The distress and suffering ; and Thirdly , —The impossibility of averting a revolution , unless the change was accompanied , not by the unexplained " timely and prudent concessions' * so mysteriously hinted at in the celebrated Russell Edinburgh missive —but such timely and prudent concessions as would preserve the social distinction of classes according to the new standard of policy—that

      is , that presuming 15 , 000 Z . a year toi-epresent ' the head class , and 30 / . a year to represent the last class ; that the first-classman ' s property reduced to 10 , 0007 . a year , and the last-class man ' s property to 20 / , a year , should be made as available to the wants and requirements of each under the new system , as the former amounts were under the old system . And this , I showed you , could be only accomplished by a complete revision , not only of our system of taxation and expenditure , but of our Labour system ; and this done , I proved to you , that all classes would still maintain their relative

      position m society . However , the Free Trade question was made a political "CRY , " and , as I predicted , its most injurious result has been the election of several of its advocates to represent the system in Parliament ; and every one of whom live , thrive , and prosper , not upon legitimate profits made by trade , but upon their ability to cow Labour , to crush Labour , and reduce the wages of the Labourer .

      It is very true that all my writings and my speeches have been confined to one organ , and read onl y by one class ; but then I wish the friends of the system to understand , that what has created revolution in every country , has been either the misrepresentation or the nwirepresentation of the wants and will of the industrious classes ; and , curious to say , the farmers of England look upon me as a violent Free Trader , though I have always opposed the measure , while the Press and " the middle classes of England have represented me as a destructive physical-force monster , although 1 have invariably denounced the system , and have shown to you most unequivocally how every physical revolution has ended ia a middle class ascendancy , and Labour ' s prostration .

      Let me now recall to your recollection the effect of the first Free Trade measure—namel y , Sir Robert Peel ' s Cattle Tariff . When that measure was being debated in the House of Commons , before the Easter recess in 1842 , and when a little breathing time was demanded to take the opinion of the country during the recess , Mr Wakley read a letter of mine from the "Northern Star , " predicting what the effect of the measure would be , and honourable members responded by a laugh . I predicted that

      the effect would be a glut of meat through panic—that the farmers , apprehensive of the arrival of foreign stock that did not exist , would overstock the meat market ; and that I was right , was at once established by the fact of meat almost instantaneously falling to little more than one-half of its previous price , and much that would not keep beingthrown into the Thames . Now that was panic . There was no surplus of cattle in England , but the farmers feared there would be , and they all rushed to market .

      _ Well , while the measure was under discussion , all the London journals sent their Commissioners abroad to take stock of Continental countries that could trade with England in that commodity , and one and all assured us that the fears of the English farmer were ridiculous and foolish . Firstly . Because there was no surplus of live stock in any of those countries ; and , Secondly . Because the expense of transit would swamp the speculator . I answered those two absurd propositions by reminding

      you—Firstly . That a surplus of cattle did not exisf / in any country , because cattle , like wheat , could not be stored , and that the feeding of a surplus stock entailed expense . Secondly . That although an Act of Parliament might establish a tariff , it could not compel foreign cows "to go to bull / ' and that , consequently it would require full five years before the effect of the measure could be felt in England ; and , Thirdly . I explained upon the Free Trade principles— " Where there ' s a demand there ' s a supply "—that the shipping interest would very speedily furnish a competitive cheap transit for an increasing trade . I use these arguments for the purpose of apprizing you of the effect of the system of com-

      Fitee Trade And Its Conse---:¦ -;- :: R ...

      Ple ^' Fre ^ Trad jBf which ^ it is said comes into operation in February next ; while 1 contend , and uuon the same basis ; that it is at this mo-, mmtin ^^ 6 j ^ ti 6 n , ' . ' . ' : J ! fay , . mq ^ : that from the present . time tiU February the price of wheatl ^ ill uot be measured by any possible Free Tr ^ estandard , butby English panic . Corn is a thibgiwhfch can be brbUght-cheapl y from other countries : ; andaUother ^ f ^ n j ^ r ^ rand especiaR yAmerica ' and Canadayrhave ; . been - preparingfor the aovlnt " of FreeTtade .- Andthe formers of England , with a perfect khdwledge of the large supplies abroaiywiR ^ dreaiibe ; competition from this anticipated ; giat £ andwill consequently overstock ^ the iriariretffrom ' this

      period 'to ; the ^ dreaded time . But there is another arid ' perhaps a more cogent reason for " presuming such a result—it is said that the haryest of . this year-was gathered in such a 'dfflnp state as will not allow of its being long kept on hand . ' 1 think I hear the Free Trader exclaim , " Why this is the very result that we anticipated from the measure , THIS IS CHEAP BREADS True , but it is only one of the trinity , for what becomes of " hnih wages , " and " plenty to do ? " And how often have I told you , that cheap and dear bread are relative terms , and that the man without a penny to buy the cheap loaf , is in a worse condition than the man who can pay a shilling for the dear loaf .

      Let me now come to the question of RECIPROCITY—the basis , the only basis , upon which "timely and prudent concessions " could be established , We . hear much about England ' s glory , and her national faith , but let me now show you that her National Debt , her taxes , and her rents , and every engagement that I have before mentioned , is based upon what is called Protection , and , therefore , I call it the keystone of the arch . The rents of this country are mortgaged to the fundholder , the tithes are estimated by Protection , and the taxes are measured by the same standard ; and as the rents of the empire amount to more than the national expenditure I will deal with that item first .

      Rents are measured according to the price of wheat , presumed to be insured by a tax upon foreign corn , and the rate by which rent is established we will call 60 s . a quarter , or 7 s . 6 d . a bushel—that is , that it would not pay the foreigner to grow it , pay the duty , risk freight and insurance , at a less amount . If we then average the yield of England lowly at twenty-four bushels , or three quarters to the acre , and if the competition of foreign com reduces English produce to 5 s . 6 d . per bushel , and it will reduce it much below that , mark ,

      this will be the result—every English farmer will lose 2 s . per bushel upon the produce of his land , or 48 s . upon each acre . If , then , we estimate English rents at 1 / . per acre , we find that this loss increases the rent to 3 / . 8 s . per acre , or more than trebles it . But , says the Economist , " , wheat is not the only thing produced in England . " True , but the price of wheat establishes the standard value of gold , and of everything else ; and the rent of grass land , upon which a blade of wheat may never be grown , is regulated by the presumed price of wheat .

      This you may say is the landlord ' s view of the question , ultimately . Not so , however , it is firstly the labourer ' s view , because the farmer will not employ him ; it is secpndly ' the farmer ' s view ; who ' will become very fractious and disloyal , before he allows his all to go ; and it will , thirdly , become the landlord ' s view , when he is called upon to pay tithes , taxes , poor rates , mortgages , provisions for younger children , personal and judgment debts , out of unoccupied land . Well , but again , the Free Trade manufacturer exclaims , " What ' s that to us , they are the very class whose rights and privileges we sought to destroy . " Perhaps so ; but what becomes of their trade when the

      staple trade of the country , employing more hands than all others put together , is paralysed and in a state of perfect stagnation ? Will the landlord employ as many servants ? Will he be as good a customer to the several trading classes ? Will he be as good a mark to the creditor , whether national or personal ? Will the farmer be as good a customer , or will the pauper in the workhouse be as good a customer to those several traders ?

      That is only one view of theLandlord , Tenant , and Labour side of the question . And next comes the most gloomy . It is this j— So far from these reduced rents and reduced prices ending with the injury they inflict upon the landlord and the tenant the poor rates will increase in the exact ratio in which the landlords' and tenants' poverty increases ; and according to their inability to spend in the manufacturing market , will the profits of that class be measured ; and according to the ability of all , will the national exchequer be measured ; and according to its stability , will be measured the loyalty of bishop , parson , soldier , sailor , landlord , tenant , manufacturer , operative , labourer , banker , merchant , shopkeeper , and policeman .

      Now , depend upon it that it must , and will come to this ; because ascendancy , equality , comfort , and contentment , and not preference for any system , constitute the bonds of allegiance , aud the ties of affection . But I shall proceed to show you the folly of placing any reliance upon the meaning attached to the words of a man looking for office . When Lord John Russell wrote his letter from Edinburgh , he knew no more about the question of Free Trade than he does now You have been governed by an entangled system of policy , which has been tortured into intricate political phraseology ; a minister is not expected to talk sense ; he submits a riddle to the country , and asks the country to solve it ; but will he solve this riddle ? If the national

      faith was pledged to the fund-lord upon the understanding that protection for domestic produce should be the basis of that faith , can that faith be kept if the basis is taken away ? in other words , does any man in his senses , or does any man , except an official receiving his quarterly salary for juggling , believe that a pound can be paid out of ten shillings ? And , if he does not believe that , or if the conjurors cannot accomplish that , must it not be plain to every man with a grain of common sense in his head , that the fund-lord must go without his dividend—that the mortgagee must go without his interest—the parson without his tithes—or the landlord must go without his dinner ?

      Now , observe that the landlord is still the man possessing political power ; and rest as . sured that a few rebellious landlords , surrounded by the sturdy yeomanry of England , would become a much more dangerous army than the whole corps of shivering Free Traders . The landlords had no concert , —the landlords could onl y act together in tne House of Commons ; but the bluster , the noise , and the promises of the Free Traders , had its effect out of the House of Commons , and in the House of

      Commons as well . Many landlords went with Sir Robert Peel , never understanding the con sequences that would result from Free Trade ; others were chicken-hearted , and dreaded the threatened revolution in case lof resistance ; while those whose estates were mortgaged , or whose properties were small , measured their allegiance to the Free Trade minister by the political , rather than the agricultural , Jstanddard , One said , " I have not £ 4 , 000 a year , nor £ i 0 Q a year , if my debts were paid , there-

      Fitee Trade And Its Conse---:¦ -;- :: R ...

      venueT ^ ^^ a ^ W ^ 8 feoo ^ - % latioip & !^^ S »^ S |^ misfions , DFacea ; oj |§^^ Others , hayj ^ saidi ^ J ^ Ia ther ^ rve ^ ahd ^ ls " healthy ; I h & ehlj ^ habits ; : my > poIitics d { ppbm ' hii , but ; they arethe | onryhait fj ^ WT ) dmmkrM tftp , . ^ ' ^^^^ l ^ -: y ; : ;& ; ;& £ ; et YouwulunderPndj tjien , lhatFreeTrade wasscarried bya # mister ^ uggUvb y delu , sivepromises *& hd ; bIUs ti ^? afid b ) £ timidity * the . L ^ aguerS prpm | 8 ^§ bB lMds got ^ lghtS *^ 1 But the

      yoo'have ^ n ^ een veritable commence-^ gP ^ I ^ P ^ adeyet , : It was made a political question , as a « questions are—and fellows who had jumped from their clogs into Spanish leather boots—from dung carts into carriages —and from the sanded floor to the Turkey carpet—had the insolence to designate every man as a Tory who opposed their Free Trade agitation . The question of Cotton , from its importation to its exportation , is perfectly understood by

      all financiers . We have tables without number , showing us profit and loss—what can be safely given for the raw material—what can be paid for labour to manufacture it , expense of machinery , fire , oil , candles , casualties , and all the rest of it ; but we have no table submitted to us of the farmer ' s liabilities—in a great measure depending upon natural causes , over which he has no control , Let me give you one . Suppose we take M'Culloch ' s estimate of land under cultivation at twelve million

      acres ; in that case , what I contend is this : that the difference to the . farmers between a fine weather harvest , and such as we have just had , amounts to over six millions of moneythat is , if a farmer has a hundred acres of grain—the difference between saving that grain in fine weather and catching weather , will be over 10 s . per acre . I estimate it very lowly , as you would find if you understood the expense of bad harvest weather to the farmer . I make no estimate for several items , but I merely take the difference of saving , leaving the difference of price , consequent upon

      damage , wholly out of the question , and those six millions confer no benefit upon any one . A Lincolnshire farmer , a Norfolk farmer , or a Suffolk farmer , or , indeed , any farmer , has a quantity of corn read y for cutting—he knows that there will be a scramble for men ; he sends his bailiff on Sunday to employ the required number , whose wages are measured by the requirements of the farmers . Those men are employed by the week ; they set to work on Monday morning , at nine o clock ; it begins to rain ; they are obliged to be set at some fiddling work for the remainder of the

      day , or , perhaps , for the week—and thus the farmers , in the aggregate , lose six millions , while the labourers are onl y benefitted by receiving their wages for befog idle , or uselessly employed , instead of working . No doubt the Economists will tell us that this is all right , as the six millions circulate more extensively , and are merely taken out" of the pockets of the farmers ; but that is the very question I am on , because I am showing the effect that Free Trade is likely to have upon that important body , and , through ., „ them , ns ^ every other class of society . ' 'lam showlBOfet it is easy to measure ; national faith bw ^ orectiori , hut

      hard to uphold ^ jwtan ; , ^ awayi' Arid * 'r ^^ atso' ^ lUnf ?^»^ attention to what I have told you a thousand times : that , Free Trade once established , and then an abundant harvest in those countries that supply us with food , and a good season in those countries for gathering the harvest , and a deficient harvest in England , got up in bad condition , and expensive in consequence of catching weather , and the English farmer is a bankrupt ; and when the English farmer is a bankrupt , I should be glad to know what will become of the English labourer , the British manufacturer , British faith , and the British Constitution ?

      I tell you now , that Free Trade is all moonshine . I tell you that Free Trade should have been the end , and "ftimely and prudent concessions" should have been the means of making it harmless . Not such paltry concessions as altering the mode of collecting a few local rates , and reducing the price of a few articles of luxury and necessaries of life . As long as you pay interest upon seven hundred millions of debt , and as long as you pay twenty-four or twenty-five millions for Governmental expenses , and as long as you pay fixed salaries to officials , the farmer must get 20 s . for his pound ' s worth of wheat , fixed at that price by Protection ; and if he only gets ten shillings , instead of the pound , he cannot possibly meet his national faith engagements .

      My friends , this is no political question . The Reform Bill was no political question—it was a party question ; Free Trade is a class question—and yet those spouting beggars who spoke about" High Wages , Cheap Bread , and Plenty to do , " and were so loud in their protestations of philanthropy , called themselves Liberals—and now that the thing has wholly and entirely failed , they invite those who were to have "High Wages , Cheap Bread , and Plenty to do , '' to become emigrants , and leave their native land . Why , we were to want population to keep pace with the briskness created by Free Trade . The emigrants that were banished by idleness , were all to return . So what has become of the benefits of this

      measure and where is the working man in England who can say he has been bettered by it ? I foretold the condition to which it would reduce the Irish people , and my prediction has been too faithfully verified . I foretold its effect upon the English people while they were most enthusiastic in anticipation . I foretold that you would have crowded workhouses , crowded prisons , sedition , and revolution . I did not wait for those occurrences to guess at the

      result , as other writers do , nor could it be considered a prediction , as it was the natural consequence of the measure . And now I predict , that before twelve months from this day you will have a national bankruptcy : —that the landlords , as I told them in the House of Commons , will all have become Chartists-that they will have begun to see the expense of a State Church—the burden of feeding unwilling idlers , and the foll y of feeding idle , pamperei ? , bloated , useless officials .

      Working men , Free Trade was a CRY " —its motto was "HIGH WAGES , CHEAP BREAD , AND PLENTY TO DO " R ^ rra nn as ' fCRY " -its mo « o ™* " PEACE , RET RENCHMENT and REFORM . " You have seen how the national faith hasbeen kept . The French Republic r ^ T mll ""^ m 0 tt ° ' " LIBERTY , EQUALITY , FRATERNITY " sealed with the "KISS OF LIFE , " and you have seen how that has ended . Prussia had its

      CR l , but it was such a long lamentation and huilagone that I cannot recapitulate its motto . Vienna has now had its revolution , and the enthusiasm of fools , who believe that with the last shot popular triumph is proclaimed , are loud m their expression of hope . But I tell you that that also will end in moonshine , or , what is worse , in the establishment of the reign of cap i tal ; and yet Free Trade will go farther to disturb and destroy all the rules and order of British Society and of the Constitu-

      Fitee Trade And Its Conse---:¦ -;- :: R ...

      turn itself , than the great Continental ^ , war : i ^^^^ Mlhetfiattlei 0 ^ . ^ aterloo ^ : . ¦ r & l $ |^^ iwj ^ JEend ^ d ^ cbnstfifa ^ of the ta | pp ^ : ^^ And ^ Qie ^^ e ^ lueyof the Land at homei and the value ( n ^ otectioh foi , ri ^ iyeinflu 8 try will

      be disebvered . : Whenithe jugglers have tried all other means to . preservenational faith , but ?^ 8 P ^ aUy ; td ; p ^ eVvffth ^ , ascend-*? sfe , 'K wj « bebhliged iovfallbflCk-uponthe Qotta ^^ . ^|^^ BiddriiS ^ tM «< ' « a dfefeiid tiiem , jhMeh i like ( Qiuiiitus Cihcinnatus , - ! will cheerfully return to my plough . Your faithful friend arid representative , Feargus O'Connor .

      To The Queen Of The British Empire. Lett...

      TO THE QUEEN OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE . Letter III . Respected Sovereign , Europe is in a state of high irrationality , and in many places so excited as to be bordering upon insanity and madness . The contests in which some of them are engaged , and which threaten to extend to others , are far worse than useless .

      They inflame the passions , and destroy life and property for no rational object ; on the contrary , they make matters much worse , and , if allowed to proceed , will yet more involve and confuse all pirties , and render a speedy adjustment of their differences impracticable . Where there is power , the times and circumstances require strong and prompt measures of coercive , friendly interference — and Great Britain , Russia and France , as their interests are deeply involved with those of all other

      countries , should say to the contending parties , " We must have peace established throughout Europe , in order to ' caim the minds of all / and prepare them for a common-sense adjustment of the aristocratic and democratic opposing feelings" —feelings which blindly and most unwisely exist between parties not now knowing what they are contending for . There is but one real interest throughout Europe ; in fact , throughout the world . That interest has now to be adjusted , rationally , for the benefit of all people .

      The three days' revolution of February , in Paris , has rendered it necessary that real liberty , equality , and fraternity should become a universal fact ; for it . cannot be a fact in France without becoming a fact throughout the world , and the sooner this change shall be effected the better it will be for all in every country . The only question now deserving the consideration of rational beings is—by whut means , and in what manner , can this most desirable change from falsehood to truth , from ml to good , be effected loith the least injury and most benefit to all parties ?

      Existing contending interests , which have arisen from the injurious , artificial , or false state of society , as it has been formed throughout all nations , will answer this question , each according to the confined locality of ideas prevalent within the narrow circle of class ,. sect , and party , in whatever division of Europe their characters have been misformed . jlavingbeen early in'life permitted ^ to overcome and see beyond thp ^ artificiBi ^ and de ? , tanging loc ^ iaflue ^

      interestM ^ edtQ , the general interests of ali humariif ^ Ptsappears to me , under these cir cumstancesj to be true wisdom to terminate the disorders of Europe , by a congress , to be held in some place near its centre , or in London , as it would be there better protected in its deliberations than in most other places . This Congress to be composed of Delegates from every Power in Europe—two from the large powers , and one from each of the other independent States .

      These Delegates to be elected in each State by Universal Suffrage ; their business should be to form a general Constitution and Code of Laws for Europe . It is presumed that these Delegates would be the most practical men for the business to be transacted in this Congress , that the different countries possessed , although probably many mistakes would be made , to remedy which evil , the Consress should have the power

      to elect , by a majority of votes , twenty-five « f the most experienced men in Europe , according to the best knowledge they could acquire of each person ' s qualifications . These twenty-five to form a Council of investigation and revision of the acts of Congress , and no Constitution or Code of Laws to be adopted , except sanctioned and agreed to by a majority of the Congress and of the Council .

      The questions firstssbmitted to the Congress for decision should be the following : — 1 st . —Whether the Constitution and Laws for the government of the population of Europe be based on the fact that the character of each individual is formed for him ; or on the old belief , that each one forms his own character . 2 nd , —Whether the responsibility of fornv i » g the character of each should be on society ; or on the individual 3 rd . —Whether there should be one Constitution and Code of Laws for Europe ; or more than one—and , if the latter , how many ,

      4 th . —Whether there should be one or more languages in Europe—and , if only one , how that one should be decided upon . 5 th . —Whether Europe , in future , shall be composed of separate independent scientific societies , federatively united under one government , with one interest ; or kept divided , as at present , by different languages , and opposing governments and interests . 6 th . —Whether the present contending classification of the three divisions of society into upper , middle , and lower , shall be maintained ; or a new classification adopted , in which the most useful and best qualities of each of these divisions shall be combined in the character of

      every individual , so as to form a real and superior equality among the entire population of Europe , and , ultimately , of the world . 7 th . —Whether the population shall be divided in interest , every man for himself and each opposed to all ; or whether individufilism shall be superseded by an unity of interests in which all shall be instructed and provided for in the best manner that existing means and knowledge will admit .

      8 th . —Whether the present most inferior and dishonest mode of producing and distributing wealth shall be maintained by the authorities of Europe ; or whether the superior and scientific mode of producing the best qualities of wealth in superfluity , and of distributing it justly and beneficially , shall be adopted , on , WliPthpr the neonle shall be left to 9 th—Whether the people shall be left , to

      . have their characters formed from birth by accident and under such vicious and inferioi circumstances as to render , in after life , falsehood and deception unavoidable ; or whether each one shall be well cared for by the State and scientifically trained within good circumstances from birth , so as to insure the most valuable . ' and best character to promote the prosperity and happiness of society that the natural organisation of each will admit .

      10 th . —Whether the people of Europe shall be governed as heretofore , in the most ignorant manner by the few . for the unnatural and

      To The Queen Of The British Empire. Lett...

      injurious supposed advantages of those few , keeping the mass in slavery and starvation ;' or whether they shall be trained to govern themselves like rational and intelligent beings j beneficially for themselves and their posterity , Including also the few who have hitherto governed Europe on the fundamental principle of falsehood and deception , requiring for its support a continued increase of force and fraud . K v

      llth . —Whether ; the people , of Europe shall live in large towns and- cities filled with all manner of vicious , injurious , and inferior circumstances , and in isolated situations , with few social advantages ; or whether they shall be bow placed within superior circumstances , scientifically arranged to secure to all the rea advantages of cities and isolated > esidences > WithoutHhe ^ yicious , injurious , . or inferior circumstances iisw common . to both . ' * ' : ' ' ¦ . ; ISth ^^ hettew the Government p ^; Governments ^ lai ^^^ all continue to employs tha wealth produced by the present ' ' over strained- working' of the industrious classes , to , create the most vicious , injurious , and inferior circumstances ; to waste the $ ffhJan faculties , physical and mental ;

      misapply capital ; produce vice , crime ignorance , gross oppression , and universal misery ; or whether it shall be applied to create good and superior circumstances everywhere , to the exclusion of the vicious , injurious and inferior and thus ensure goodness , knowledge , and happiness to all , without evil to any . And , lastly , whether the change from falsehood to truth , from all that is evil to all that is good , shall be commenced throughout Europe immediately ; or that the change shall be indefinitely postponed . These being the questions of the deepest and most permanent interest to the human race , will naturally occupy the first attention of Congress , as the foundation on which to construct a rational Constitution and Code of Laws for Europe .

      These subjects now opened to your Majesty are new to the higher classes of society , and , with few exceptions , will at first alarm many ; it has now , however , become most necessary for their safety that all should fully understand them . In two memorials presented from me , by the late Lord Castlereagh , to the Congress of So . vereigns held in Aix-la-Chapelle , in 1818 , the circumstances which , if allowed to continue , must of necessity lead to the present disorganised state of society over Europe , were distinctly stated , and the remedy , or mode of prevention pointed out . The advice then given was disregarded , and the natural consequences have followed .

      It ; is not too late for the . Aristocracy of Europe , if its order possess mind and decision equal to the crisis which has arisen , yet to save itself and the people from great suffering and destruction of life and property . Believe me , it is practicable by open and straightforward measures for your Majesty ' s Government to stay ' this volcano of revolutions

      over Europe , ' establish peace , and secure per . manent progressive prosperity for all parties ; —truth , honesty , and decision are alone wanting . It is indeed grievous to see such enormous means to produce permanent universal prosperity ^ and happiness so misapplied , as to inflict misery—more or less—upon all , and to throw the civilised world into complete confusion and disorder .

      If the British Government does not interfere between ' the contending and opposing principles of individual and ) united interests , or in other words , between Aristocracy andproperly understood—Democracy , one or other of the parties must be destroyed , and that party in the nature of progress will be the Aristocracy . It is my duty to state these matters plainly to your Majesty , that , if possible now , at the eleventhhour , a right direction may be given to the enormous powers of society for the permanentgood . of all . i- . ; . ' , < -MeBt respectfully , , .-,. '¦; . f & D . t ;¦ " : ^ m t ' Majesty ' s'mithfulSubjeciv ; * 20- '/¦ " ' "' 'i ^ :- " ' - ^ ROBERT'DWEN London , 24 th October , 1848 .

      The Land And Its Capabilities. To The Kd...

      THE LAND AND ITS CAPABILITIES . TO THE KDITOllOF IHB NORTHERN STAR . Dkab Sib , — -I shall take it as a favour if you can find room for the fallowing testimony of '*!? praefcioa experience , as I consider it the duty of every man t > give his information upon a subject of such importance as the capability of the soi !; and as the oa ! - tivation of wheat should be one of the first co aidsrationa of my brother allottees we should take the best mode of producing that useful uknt . I have toied the experiment of producing wheat in six different forms in ona field . One p ! ot was sown in the common waj—the next on the top and ploughed in—the next drilled with the Norfolk drillanother wai done with the pressoc—one was drilled with the plough drill . The last was dibbled in rows seven inches apart , and six in the row ; and from

      four to * ix grains in each hole , or about two bushels per acre . The drill and the pressor sowed atOUt fivfl atvokea , and the other sowed one bad per aoie ; bat the dibbling far exceeded any of the ; n ; and I feel convinced that if the dibbling is properly managed there is no other mode that will produce as mucht But I advise all who dibble wheat on dry laad to have the rows about seven inches apart from each other , and the hales five inches fro . a each other in ths rows , dropping about four cams into each hole ; by allowing seven inches between the rows it not only gives the plan ' s more air , but i also fjives aa opportunity of hoeing hstween the rows , aud clewing away the weeds , which ough never to be allowed to grow to the injure of the plant ? . Fanner , I ad rise my brother

      allottees never to sow bad seed , for I never saw a farmer who sowed bad seed that was a good manager But it is no use my saying much epon that subject as they wilt have Mr 0 Connor ' s very valuable work on Small Fatnu , which I hope iuy brother allottees will pay strict attention to . Now , as there are some who think that four acres of land will not grow suf « ficient to support a family of five persons , I will only say totnoEe persons , go into sr , y well-managed garden and measure the ground so mauaged , and value the crop , and ! you will ba astonished at your ignoraeee But somo will say that a Hold cannot ba made to grow so much as a garden . WhaS can be

      | produced from ono acta can be reduced from four , if the same means are used . Now last year , as well as this year was not a good peos-. m for gardening , and I sold rff oro , ) B at the market price , which produced me 3 § -i . per square yard , and this year they will make 3 ii . per yard j and Et 8 : 1 . per yard it amounts to £ 60 IOj . Od . per acre , mm the crop was only sown iu March , and sold off in the h ' r . 4 week of November ; so if . will be seen tbat the ground baa only been occupied seven montba out of the twelve . Youra truly , Jko . Bestlet . Chicken'e y , n ? ai- D ^ wsbury , Oat . 21 .

      Restriction Of Labour. To The Printers O...

      RESTRICTION OF LABOUR . TO THE PRINTERS OF CALICOES ASD DELAINES IN SCOTUXD . Fellow Workmen . —As thn Luhw qn : s > tion is attracting general attention , I off r fb <> e few remarks for the benefit of tbe trade 1 hfc ! on » to , while it is applicable to all kinds of . labour . It is a well known fact , that it ia tie surplus hands which regulate the price of labour , and it is fbo all-enflrsssing question with the employed how thev are to protect their wages . The employed priutcw , have been very lukewarm towards tbe unemployed , although there are men idle who would spurn th ? idea of a reduction , although they havo bspi : tint of work for a

      twelvemonth . But what is to be done ? The idle awn have n ° t got one shilling rer month for the last year . They do not want charity ; thtf n- « nt a fair share of the work that ' n going on . N-iw in place of the printers working ten houra per duy whin thoy have work , snd sometimes twelve houw , when ( hero are plenty of bands doing nothing , if the employed would adept an eight hours biH , this wru'd take the surplus bauds out of the labour market , and is by far the best mode of protecting > agt's . It may be said that tbia is impr & oticiiblu . bV > it ia q < . \ ite j »& cticsble tf men would be havest , and it would be a be « nefit bub » o the employer and the employed , I remain , One of the Unemployed Calico Printers , NeilslO'i , Oct . 23 rd . WuxtAu Gormbt .

      Austrian .^--Rc Receiving Aa^T^-'-' Hrm*...

      Austrian --rc receiving aa ^ T ^ - ' - ' hrM * JZ $ n pension )} S fffi * f , 0 th * rEvi 4 '"' . ' , £ tef : ^' '' Austrian v-TT ; uvin ftVS £ . I xr ^ M ?^ asion > W ^ ' . < 16 oth 4 wAy 4 / i ' 'i « J BW ! 2 li l

      The Auatrm Corar.—The Court Of The Austr...

      The AuaTRm Corar . —The court of the EsnpCi ' ur iscompoaed of 3 , 875 ptrson j . salaries 1 , 716 . 882 florins , (* b , ut £ 180 . 000 ; . ditton , thore are 680 pernons receiving the amount of 400 , 000 florins a-jt-ar , aud 996 receiving 150 , 000 florins a-year .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Oct. 28, 1848, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_28101848/page/1/