On this page

• Departments (1)
  • 
• Text (2)

  Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

  • 

    amatttal Eatfiawent Jp^ 28,11849. . ' , • ..,¦,,_,;,__, ,...,,, ¦ _ JfoflE.^ . ;_.;„., „

  • 

    SATURDAY, Jult 21. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-The...

• Transcript

  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

    Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

    Amatttal Eatfiawent Jp^ 28,11849. . ' , • ..,¦,,_,;,__, ,...,,, ¦ _ Jfofle.^ . ;_.;„., „

    amatttal Eatfiawent Jp ^ 28 , 11849 . . ' , .., ¦ ,, _ , ; , __ , ,...,,, ¦ _ JfoflE . ^ . ;_ . ;„ ., „

    Saturday, Jult 21. House Of Commons.-The...

    SATURDAY , Jult 21 . HOUSE OF COMMONS .-The House met at noon for receiving the report of the committee of Ways and Means , when Mr . Osborse called attention to the

    -Aefaiss of Hungary . The hon . gentleman rose tomove , pnrsuantto notice , for any papers connected with tbe advance ofthe Russian troops into the kingdom of Hungary . It was generally supposed that Hungary was a province of the Anstnan dominions , but the fact was that it was a free and independent kingdom , and had presented itself from the earliest times as an : oasis of liberty amid a desert of despotism . The perfidy of the Austrian court had never been fairly put before the people of England . In 1 S 48 , Ferdinand II . guaranteed the existence of Hungary as a separate kingdom ; but he broke that guarantee in 18 i 9 . ' Female influence was at the bottom of this , and the Archduchess Sophia played just the same part which

    Henrietta Maria did in the time ot Charles . He would not allude further to the intrigues of this ¦ w retched camarilla ; buthe must sayi he Ihought that they had seen the last of the Holy Alliance . They had , however , witnessed its embers smouldering in another place—not where unfortunate spirits wereout another place not very distant from that House . JThey had heard the moans of an ex-Foreign Secretary , and the melancholy drone of a Scotch bagpipe lamenting over the last glories of " our ancient ally . " Surely we were bound to maintain our undent alliance with'Hungary , which formed two-fifths of the Austrian empire in size ^ hear , hear)—and which wasa much greater part of it , if considered in reference to her commercial advantages and her

    great military power , as much as . with Metternich or the camarilla of Austria . He : contended that the Emperor Prancis Joseph was not King of Hungary either de jure or de facto : 'Whativras the third article offer ancient constitution ? - « ' The King of Hungarv cannot be discharged from the duties of sovereignty without the consent of the nation . " Yet Ferdinand H . was shuffled off like a bag of dirty ¦ clothes , and a hoy not twenty was put on the throne , the mere puppet of Count Stadion and general Weldon . He might be Emperor of Austria , but King of Hungary he-was not , " The movement in'Hungary "was in ho way connected with the movement which -was going on in France , for it had been going on for the last thirty vearsj and was entirely a national

    movement to resist the aggressions of Austria . The whole constitution of Hungary was eminently aristocratic , and the people there was as much attached to their aristocracy as the middle " classes here were to the institutions of this country . It was nothing therefore , but alove for their constitutional privileges and rights which had induced them to rise against Austrian tyranny . Hon . gentlemen ; might say that this was a purely democratic movement . The fact was . the popular party in Hungary was the aristocratic body , in the present sense , and which -had always been celebrated for its attachment to liberal principles , to the vindication ofthe lights , and to tbjp promotion of the best interests of the people -with whom they were connected . ( Hear , hear . ) In

    1572 who abolished serfdom in Hungary ? Who dd this but the Hungarian aristocracy ? Who was it in 1832 instigated the first great reforms in Hungary ? 3 t wa ? the aristocracy of that kingdom . Who was it who first established the liberty ofthe press in Hungarv ? It was that man who will leave Behind him a name which will never be forgotten , Clarum et venerabile nomen—he meant the President Kossuth . It should not he forgotten thatthar . great man , for merely publishing the debates in the chamber , was imprisoned by the Austriahs for four yea * s . They all knew that on his release , he was borne into power on the shoulders of die Austrian people . In 1848 , under his government , the last feudal privileges were abolished , and the tenure of all property was

    enfranchised from its former restrictions . The custom of the peasants having to give twelve days' labour in the vear to the nobility was abolished , as well as all dis--tinction of classes . Tbe man who did this had heen held up to the people of England as a wild and desperate robber ; but he now stood in as proud a situation as that of any man in Europe , and he , like Washington , had been placed by the general voice at tlie head of a great , a free , and a noble people . He might be told that this was a war of races . Nothing ofthekind . Hungaryhada population " of 14 , 000 , 000 , nearlv the whole of which was engaged in this cause ;

    and the Slovack was taking common cause with the 3 Jasrar . No doubt a portion of the inhabitants of a territorv annexed to Hungary had taken part with the Austrians . He allowed that the Croats , who were nothing more than a set of banditti and savaged , had done so- These robbers had been made use of to put down the liberties ofthe Hungarian people . ( Hear , hear . ) He was sorry that the first Minister ofthe Crown , and he ( Mr . Osborne ) was sure it was a mere inadvertency , had afew nights ago made use of the word insurrection as applied to the people of Hungary , for it might be taken in an invidious sense , " lie was sure the noble lord meant nothing of ¦ '

    thekind . \ Lord Johx Russell said , as he was then present he perhaps might , at once be allowed to state that whenhensed the word insurrection he thought he iad applied the proper term . He did not . however , aiean to assert that by this term that thh was an unjus * and unprovoked insurrection . ( Hear , hear- ) 5 ie had nsed the term which he thought at the time was most applicable to the case . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . B . Osborxe . —The noble lord was quite xi « u * in one respect , for this was the legitimate and right term in Hungary . If they looked into the lecentniessagetothe Diet , they would find the word " insurrection"hadbeen used . In 1710 also , -when the whole population rose in a mass in favour usedThe

    < rf Maria Theresa , the same word was . cause for which Kossuth and the Hungarian nation -were now contending was the same as that in defence of which Hampden died ,, and which caused the revolution in 1 GSS , and was one with which every true Englishman must sympathise . ( Hear , hear . ) The Government of Austria had been spoken of in another place as tbe paternal government of our ancient ally . Why , what had been the conduct of this paternal government ? Need he refer to the atrocities perpetrated in Galicia , where the peasant had been set against the noble , and thenoble against the peasant ? Seed he remind them that this pat * raal « werninent had on the one hand bombarded Tenfce and Milan , and on the other Presbnrg and Pesth Need he remind them that this paternal

    government had invited the barbarian Cossack to xavase Europe , and had countenanced the order of the ltusaan General ( Paskiewitsch ) that all Hungarians wearing the national colours should be publicly ¦ whipped ? Or need he refer to the excesses of that modern Attila . General Haynau ? Need he remind them ofthe villages which had been burnt down in Hungary hy this paternal government ; or would they for-et the paternal kindness whkh flogged ladies of lank ( hear , hear , ) and shot pr isoners of war ? ( Hear , hear ) This was the conduct of the paternal government of our ancient ally , whichmet wish such strong svmnathy in another place . He would pass over the commercial advantages which this country might derive from a recognition of the free and independent Kn « 1 nm of Hunsarv , —for our ancient ally had _

    aiw-af * imposed a duty of sixty per cent , upon inglisn merchandise ; but there was another question which in his opinion was of much greater importance . Tins was not a merestmgalefor Hungarian independence . He looked upon the struggle now going on in Europe < is a conflict between the two prineiples of despotism and constitutional government . ( Hear . ) It was a sira—le which had commenced in Hungary , put bod inew where itwould end . If this Cossack invasion ^ ras tolerated the last harrier between Russia and Constantinople would be swept away , and Hungary would become a mere dependence of the Kussian empire . He believed there were persons in another -place who wished to see Hungary become a Russian province , and those persons had endeavoured to ii , «» r nhlnnnr nnon a foreign Minister ( Lord

    Palmerston ) of whom he ( Mr . Oshome ) would say that he was the most independent anl successful Eoreifn Minister who had ever held office in this countrV . ( Hear , hear . ) They had passed an alien hill asainst unfortunate wretches who werejoing about the country spreading revolutionary doctrines , hut there were now here other aliens , eX-Ministers . who were intriguing in the upper circles , and who had their tools and agents in the other House to S ^ one ^ ho bad alwa ys shown the strongest hbe-SSencies . He Believed that if the noble lord £ & S 5 to Neapolitan tyranny and to Austrian

    deq , Dfism , those parties ould nave Dowea « u . u * p for ? him and licked the dust at Ins . £ e conadered that the liberal party Vv JZSto the Ss ^ mistaken in not giving their ^ ^ PP" * to ^ sicauj j " . _ Foreign Affairs , inat ^^ ss ^ SwSKa phSuhermparV andhewould inerewasinpatRw ^ . tQ pe 0 P ie 0 f this iake ^ npon ^ f ^ Lce ^ thenohelosd . and country rcpos ^ fuU copnaenre ^ viewed with ^ satisfaction the « g ^ tMcd . & , e He would oidy add . t ^^^^ Muidtend ^ £ ^ fS |^^ S -s « i & ss 8 S ^ 2 B 53 S ^^ - between the British government and any roreign

    governments on the subject . ' _ ., " ¦ Mr . M-Mh ^ es , in seconding the resolution , said Tie conceived the question they had to cbmidef was ^ Wther the British Minister for Foreign Affairs had iJl ^ expSsed the opinions of this country with Sd to the entrance of Russian armies into the - WEJr of Hungary- He would certainly be un-^ f ^ teSTthat that nobl e lord-who ; had ' ^ " ^ rtSt Sntertained such large and expansive ^^ rSard S forei gn affairs of Ettropeviews wrhr ^ aruio ^ ^^^ . ^

    Saturday, Jult 21. House Of Commons.-The...

    more important , and replete with far more fatal consequences , than any event which had occurred during the last two remarkable years ; for , notwithstanding the great confusion and tumults which had taken place in some states from attempts to change the territorial dispositions of the treaty of Vienna , nothing had occurred to lead to the expectation that any considerable change would be made in . those territorial arrangements , except tho single event to which the attention of the House was now called . That event would render the future independence of Austria absolutel y impossible ; and if Lord Palmerston were the enemy of Austria , as had been foolishly and vainly represented , it would be to him a matter of high gratification to see the independence ofthe Austrian empire utterly submerged in the waters of Russian absolutism . It was verv easv

    to say that a province had revolted from Austria ' ; that the troops of the Emperor were encased elsewhere , and that it was therefore most convenient for him to seek the assistance of his neighbour the Emperor of Russia to enable him to put down this slight insurrection . This was the diplomatic form in which the matter was . represented , but the House would see on consideration how delusive and superficial that representation was , hud how it really evaded the whole question at issue . What was this insurrection of Hungarv against Austria ? Was jt not a civil war ofthe Jiiost frightful and desperate " character ? . Two-fifths of the empire of Austria were ranged against the remaining portion of'the empire . . So long as the question remained -that of a _ civil war it bore a complete analogy to the great civil war in this country ; and the parliamentary paradox then so famous ,

    " It is to serve His Majesty thatwe against him fight , ' . ' was perfectly carried out in Hungary . In the early part of the contest Hungary was considered the inostloyal part ofthe empire ; and until the Emperor of Austria called in foreign aid not one word was uttered . hy the Hungarians against himtheir complaint was against his ministers . But the armies which the Emperor of Russia had sent to subdue 1 ! he kingdom of . Hungary were so enormous that it was almost impossible that any effort of patriotism on the part of the Hungarian people could prevent the destruction of their independence , and the consequence would be , that Hungary would become essentially and prncticallya Russian province . He might remind the House that before this Russian intervention no terms had been proposed to the Hungarians by the Austrian government , and no attempt had been made to effect a satisfactory arrangement without calline in an immense alien force . He WUWUV

    ... - «« ... « q —— - — - > .. — . — - would be glad to hear that the noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs-had eithjr pressed upon the Austrian government the policy of attempting , to come to terms with the Hungarians , or that he had , since the Russian intervention , represented as strongly as he could the fatal consequences of that intervention to the independence ofthe Austrian empire . It had been truly said that this was not an aristocratic or a democratic question ; it was purely a national one . Many most emiwmt individuals—and , amongst others , a valued friend of his own , Count Adrian Bathyany , the foreign minister of the Hungarian nation , a man of the highest character , possessing a princely fortune , " and who had never been-associated with political-tumults and plots—had risked not only their fortunes but their lives in the attempt to secure the independence of their country . If Austria had acted with anything like justice and moderation—if she had been wiflins' in the first

    instance to admit Hungary into a'federal relation with her , the demands of the Hungarian people would have been satisfied , and Hungary would have been rendered one ofthe most attached and loyal portions ofthe Austrian empire . The House would bear in mind that no republic had been proclaimed in Hungary , —that no pretence for a republican form oi government had at any-time been put forward . The present political state of Hungary was a regency , at the head of which was that remarkable man Kossuth , which was acknowledged by the Diet , and which was simply an interregnum of a provisional character , thatmigbt be put an end to at any moment by a constitutional election tothe crown of Hungary . He did not believe it possible that the state of the continent could , so back to

    what it had been , and he was satisfied there was no other permanent foundation for the peace and order of Europe than the establishment of the nrineiples of constitutional liberty . ( Hear , hear . ) He recognised the statesmanlike spirit of the noble . Foreign Secretary in the circumstance that that noble lord , looking somewhat beyond . ordinary politicians , had years ago anticipated the awful changes which had recently occurred . When others supposed that the state of Europe would remain unchanged , the noble lord saw the latent power working in the hearts of nations , and called upon the governors ofthe world to be prepared for the changes that were coming : — ( hear , hear)—and the noble lord had been accused of bavin" brought about existing evils , simply because he nad anticipated them . It was an absurdity to suppose that any English minister would foment foreign disturbances for the sake of producing tunvuhfin the world . ( Hear , hear . ) A foreign

    minister of England knew that his popularity depended upon maintaining peace ; and to suppose that he would risk disturbing the peace of Europe without one national or commercial object was a delusion that could only arise from passion and prejudice . He ( Mr . Milnes ) believed that this was one of many quest ions of a similar nature with which they would have to deal in future years , and he was convinced that to secure the : peace and order of Europe the principles of constitutional liberty must be generally established . The great principle of this country must be non-intervention in the affairs of foreign nations . Another eminent minister besides his noble friend had foreseen the evils which were approaching , for a- Prussian diplomatist mentioned in a recently published work that Prince Metternich had once remarked to him , " lean see the symptoms of disease in the state of Austria , and I know that they are fatal . "

    Mr , Roebuck said that the principle which his hon . friend wished the House to sanction was thisthat with respect to the internal regulation of a nation ' s affairs no -external force ought to be employed to alter the will ofthe people . This principle was violated hy the interference of Russia in the affairs of Hungary ; but , unfortunately , the despot , as he was called , of Russia , _ was not the only power in Europe guilty of infringing the great principles of international morality and policy ; and , while they directed their shaft against the great despot of the Xorth , let them not forget that many-headed despot , the Republic of France , which was just now adding ridicule to injury ( the ridicule , however , attaching to itself ) hy its attack upon the unfortunate people of Rome . ( Sear , hear . ) However

    strong then * indignation might be at these proceedings , their indignation would go for nothing unless it was aided by some practical proceeding on the part of the government ; for , under the despotism which existed , the expression of opinion in that House would never be allowed to reach the cars of the Poles and Hungarians , and hardly of the French . Therefore , fie wanted to know whether it was not possible to interfere in some way practically in this question , and to give our aid in support of those great principles of international morality they were now endeavouring to enforce . ( Ileaiyhear . ) He did not concur with the hon . member ( Mr . Milncsjin tlimlung that the Mnistor for Foreign Affairs was necessarily unpopular under whose administration England went to war ; for the people

    of England liked the Minister , and held him dear in their hearts , who maintained the honour and dignity ofthe country —( hear , hear)—and he would not believe in any school of politicians who brought them down to such a low level of morality as bound up all their interests and feelings in the mere interchange of commodities for profit . ( Hear ^ hear . ) He believed that there was something more in the souls of our people thauthat , and that they really had ( to use a phrase which was uttered the other night only to be disowned ) cosmopolitan feelings . They did desire to see good government spread ovcr the world by the effect of reason ^ thought , and moral force ; and they did wish to . have . the great name of England employed as a means to ' stop the advance of barbarian despotism , whether under the banner of

    Russia or of France , for those who trampled ; upon the Roman people in their present unhappy weakness , using the mighty engine of an army to work out the purposes ofc a-paltry intriguing spirit in Paris , were more despicable and more barbarous than the Russians . ( Hear , hear . ) When the people of Belgium rose in insurrection against their king , to whom had been guaranteed the ; possession of Belgium and Holland as a united kingdom , England and -France interfered and did what was wise and benevolent on the occasion . They separated'Belgium from Holland , and let . the former choose a king of its otfn . Greece afforded another : instance of our interference . There the people rose up against their ruler , whom he believed to be about our oldest ally . ( "Hear , hear , " and laughter . ) England interfered , and now the people of Greece were indebted to England , if it were a subject of gratitude , for their present king . Those were two marked cases of insurrection against lawful

    acknowledged sovereigns , and our old allies . ( Hear . ) If , then , the English" government interfered in those cases , and with the consent of the people of this country , why should not the government interfere now in a much greater case , for he concurred in his hon . friend ' s statement asto the danger existing to the civilisation of ^ Euro pe in consequence of i the present uncalled-for interference on : the . part of Russia in the affairs of Hungary . ( Hear , hear . ) j He wanted to see whether they could not make -this a practical' question ; by some appeal on the part , of England to all : the great nations of . Europe . to arrange and settle the disputes now going : on . ¦ j He entreated the noble lord , the Foreign Secretary , to reflect on what consequences might flow to civilised Europe from what was now passing iniHungary . Let the noble lord consider , too , how this i country might he affected by it . Suppose that Russia , with herenormousarmy , were victorious , and crushed tho Hungarian people , did she not thereby also such

    Saturday, Jult 21. House Of Commons.-The...

    Austria , for Austria was great only by the union of her manifold populations ? If Russia , then , crushed Hungary and Austria , what should keep her from Constantinople ? and , when there , who could say . how soon she might interfere with our Indian empire ? This was no fantastic idea , for Egypt now connected England with her Indian dominions , our highway to the latter lying through the Red Sea . If Russia were at Constantinople she would soon . be in Syria ' and Egypt ; and then we should have war on our hands under the most disadvantageous circumstances . Therefore , he thought the people of England were directly interested in this matter ; and it would net do to shut one ' s eyes and say , ' * We are a peaceable people ; we do not want war ; we are afraid of war ; we want cotton-spinning ,

    linen-spinning , and woollen-spinning , and the profits I thereof . " ( " Hear , hear , " and laughter . ) He knew they wanted all those things , but they should not have them unless they were a , great and mighty people ; ( Cheers ;) He was not to be deterred from expressing his views on this Hungarian question because he might be likened to those who advocated therepealofthe union between England and Ireland . He had been a repealer in the case of Greece , and in the case of Bel g ium , and he might be a j repealer in the case of Sicily ; hut he was not a' repealer in the case of Ireland , simply because in the former cases there was great injustice , and he denied the injustice in the case of England and Ireland . He contended that the English were directly interested in this question : and he called unon the

    noble lord , the Foreign Secretary , to apply his mind to the consideration of the means , of . emploving the moral power of England in the settlement of tlieso disputes . In his hon . friend ' s eulogium upon that noble lord he perfectly concurred , He did not wish it to be supposed that he was linked to the chariot wheels of the noble lord , for he stood there in opposition rather than in support- of- the government with which the noble lord was connected ; but he must say that were he to point . to one part of the transactions of the government which more than another he approved of , or rather to the only part which he could perfectly approve of , it would bo the proceedings of the noble lord . ( Hear , hoar . ) : It appeared to him that the noble lord had a purpose , and that he had the courage to effect , that purpose ;

    and 11 the noble lord s colleagues would act in ithe same way , they would receive , the . same meed of approbation , not only from him ( Mr . Roebuck ) but from the whole country . The principle upon which the noble lord had acted—and ; it was the duty of the Foreign Minister to act upon that principle—had been to keep such a front to all foreign nations that , ' if disposed , they should fear , to injure Great Britain . ( Hear , hear . ) As far as -the noble lord was . concerned , his administration of . the functions belongto . his ^ office deserved and received the-approbation ofthe country . ( Hear , hear . ) Let' not the : noble lord suppose that , because peace meetings were got up ,- the whole spirit , of the country was . with them ; and he deprecated the Use of any expression in that House which w'ould lead foreign nations to fancy

    that England was afraid of war ; for there were calamities more dreadful than war ;¦—the subjugation , lor instance , of a people to despotism , and the extinction of all- their , high and noble , aspirations . England , in the place which she occupied among nations , was so great , so mighty , and so secure from danger , that she . of all others should take on herself the character of arbitrator , and say : — I'Listento . me and to my suggestions ; and he who militates against the great principles of international morality and policy must not count on my support . " If that were known and felt by every power in Europe , from the Emperor of Russia to the smallest monarch in Italy , this country would obtain submission , not to her arms , but to the suggestions which humanity made' through her

    moans . . ( Hear , hear . ) Colonel Thompson represented a community composed of men of peace , and who abhorred the effusion of blood j but they were not subject to the mean , imputation of being insensible to the welfare of other nations , or to the interest this country had in the progress of constitutional principles throughout Europe . ( Hear . ) lie believed that England had now the same interest in supporting liberal principles in Europe as our forefathers considered they , had , in other times , in upholding what was called , the , Protestant ¦ : interest in Europe . The spirit ofthe English people was with freedom everywhere . ( Hear , hear . ) First-horn of liberty , she looked for nothing so . earnestly as for the success of her younger sisters in every clime . ( Hear , hear . ) He did not think that the English people , would be satisfied when they : found the ultima ratio of

    European - politicians consisting in the bayonet of the barbarian .. ( Hear , hear . ) The Russian empire was divided into . two distinct populations , , the northern and southern ; and it ¦ would bo a great blessing , for humanity , if one set up against the other , both being thereby neutralised . ( Hear , hear , and laushter . ) : Russia had interfered where she had no right to interfere , and he : asked what our position would have been if an interference of the same kind had taken place in the days of our struggles for constitutional freedom ? ( Hear , hear . ) He believed that European liberty would and must progress ; and he thought-that by the present time liberal institutions would have been spread through Europe if it had not been for mad political economy . However , that would blow over , and he trusted that posterity would see Europe free , and this country glorious for . having aided in effecting so valuable an improvement . ( Hear . ) ' --. ; . -

    Mr . M'Gregor disapproved ofthe interference of Russia in the affairs of Hungary .- The government of Austria was called paternal ; but it certainly was not so with regard to Hungary , for , Austria had for along time prevented the Hungarians from exorcising their constitutional rights . The hon . member expressed his approval of the conduct of our government in regard / to the affairs ofthe continent . He was glad the subject had been brought forward , but should be sorry that any expressions should be used which might wound the national feeling of other countries .

    Lord C . Hamilton protested against the assumption that in this cause the Hungarian people , as a people , were fighting for their privileges . Kcvev were people more ground down to tho earth by a privileged aristocracy than the unfortunate peasants of Hungary had been . AH the descendants of those who had been nobles were privileged , free from arrest , from toll , from , military service , and they had the power of inflicting corporal punishment upon the peasantry . They had also other privileges ; none but a magnate could sit in the lower house , or vote for a member of it ; and the members for boroughs , though they might speak , must not vote . He ( Lord C . Hamilton ) spoke now of the old constitution , which it was said Kossuth and the Hungarian people were fighting for . There had been

    changes in the last few years ; but it was astonishing that any reference to those changes could be made without an allusion to a venerated llungarian nobleman whose efforts to improve the condition of the people had been opposed by a party of magnates , of which Kossuth was now the head , and whoso disappointment and despair , and the shock his mind received from the infamous conduct of this Kossuth , had deprived him of reason ; and now Kossuth was put forward as the author of ail those improvements wliich his party had opposed . ( Hear , hear . ) : The lower Magyar party had all along been the stumr bling-block which prevented those obnoxious distinctions being broken down . For years and years the government of Austria , being bound to respect this machinery ofthe constitution of Hungary , had

    never been able to wring any concession for the countiy except by exchange ; and therefore it was that they were obliged to keep up _ the high frontier duties , in order to have something wherewith to buy for the peasantry of Hungary that liberty , of which their clamorous , liberal-talking , but not liberal-acting countrymen , wished to keep them deprived . ( Ilear . ) The people—not indeed these Magyars , but the real peasantry—were against this movement ; they had been forced into it , driven with cannon behind them . The privileged class constituted but a small minority ofthe population ; and the question was , whether that minority was to domineer over a large but scattered people and treat them as serfs . Croatia and the other countries were to be mere provinces under the Diet . The , great

    mass of the people , exsktog these Magyars , uw not desire the old and tyrannical constitution ^ and would be glad to come to any terms that would allow their magnificent country to develope its wealth . ; ( Hear . ) Let hon . gentlemen look for some better indication of the popular , feeling than the statements of agents sent heroto support a particular cause . ( Hear . ) ,. Let there be some attempt to show . that " the . constitution ; that was talked of gave liberty and freedom to the . Hungarians . : Tne truth was that it was the grossest engine of tyranny towards the lower orders ; let the House , before it gave any decision . ; upon this subject , ascertain whetfjer it might not be trying to fix on the Hun « t rians the remains of a feudal constitution , . whrai was the greatest curse of the country . ( Hear ; , ) |_ ., Lord Palmeksion said , —Inthe few observations which I shall feel it my duty to make upon the motion of mv hon . friend , and upon what has passcu

    in debate , I wish to guard myself in the first place against the possibility that anything which I may say may expose me to the imputation ' . ' of entertain- , inof unfriendly feelings towards the government : and empire of Austria . ( Hear , hear !) I know well , that imputations have been cast . upon her Majesty s government , and upon myself as the organ of that government in regard to our foreign-relations—impufatioris of being guided and impelled in our . intercourse with the powers of Europe . hy personal leeiings of hatred to this power and to that .. ( Hear , hear . ) Such imputations , let them come fromwliere they may , and whether they be written or spoken — - { hearj-r-if they be sincere , aire the result of ignorance and folly —( hearV- ^ if they are insincere ,, 1 leave others to qualify them as they may . , ( Hear . ) It is the grossest ignorance to' suppose , that the government of this country—that the man who may tor the ' time be charged with the conduct of . its ip reign relations , can be influenced , iaths manage

    Saturday, Jult 21. House Of Commons.-The...

    ment of those affairs by any other feeling than his conception of what is his duty , according to his political , opinions , and according to his' views ofthe interests of his countrv and the general interests of the civilised world . ( Hear . ) Austria is a power towards which the government of this countrv- ought upon- many accounts to feel great consideration . ( Hear , hear . ) We have been told that Austria is our ancient aUy . Wo have had the term " ally " anu aJlios rung , in our ears by those who either must bo ignorant ofthe slip-slop expression they were using , or w } 10 j through what I must admit to have been its general acceptation , forgot that they were using a totally unmeaning term . Why , what is an any ? An ally is a power allied by treaty engagements in carrying on sonic active operations , political or otherwise . But to call a country an ally merely because it is in a state of friendship with you is to use an expression that has no meaning it is

    o n , ? . l ° ' ' ta- ^ -because applicable to ill 2 ' otlle 1 ; . Pterin the world with whom you may S ?? p ? n ;? . i 1 ° "e in a state of war . ( Hear , hear . ) iJit Austria has been our ally . - We have been allied M « n « . n „ wi' " mo 5 fc important European transac-S , V ? Li 'i 0 remembranco of the alliance ought & n l i i ° cre * tein the breast of every'EngouEv 2 Sr " *\ recol . lec ^« of the histoz / of 1 . 7 s uoSlnti 1 ?' P cct tow ^ s a power with It is norfBctlv ; beenin such alliancc- («» r . hear- > np 4 rS n trUe ' , thatin thc course of those i-ehers but C , f ! Austvia ' not ft ' ora an > ' fault of wK ™ Dea ^ Hv BW W ° f Resistible necessity , uSWd tnL W l , 5 d t 0 dcP » ,, fc from thc ' ¦& ffioundIIJ ?™ K ¦ thc - en * agcmonts by which she rith Si Xfi t 0 us ' ) Ve did not ^ P roacU !«»• witn yiDiQing to the fv tu Li 1

    nncnec * e n « . ; . „ .... „ ,, „ £ *& £ ° - ! -necessity ot tne moment , and ^^ . TOHtttMtfc oso cii ' cumthotio wlif V" any d ° Sree t 0 diminis'i or weaken J l „„ L +. i ! om if * transactions miist create between 1 the governments of the two countries . ( Hoar , near . / > isut there arc higher and larger considerations , which ought to render the maintenance ofthe Austrian empire an object of solicitude to everv Lnglisli statesman . Austria is . Tmost important olOftOnt in the balance ' of European , powijv . ( Hcifl-, henr . ) Austria , stands in the centre of Europe , a barrier against encroachment on the one side , and against . invasion on the other . The political independoueeand liberties , of Europe are bound up , in my opinion , with the maintenance and integrity of Austria as a great European power ; and therefore

    anything which tends by direct , or even remote contingency , to weaken and to cripple Austria , but still more to . reduce her from the position of a firstrate power to that of a secondary state , must be a great calamity to Europe , and one which every Englishman ought to deprecate , and to try to prevent . ( Hear , hear . ) However , it is perfectly true , as has been stated , that for a long course of 'time Austria has not been a favourite with the Liberal party in Europe . - Austria , byithe course of policy which she-has pursued , has , in . tlie opinion of a great part ofthe . continent , been'identified with obstriictionto progress . ( Hear , hear . ) That circumstance unfortunately has . made her proportionately a favourite in the eyes of some : and when we hear

    such declamations in favour of AustPra , I would warn the Austrian government not to trust too much to those protestations . ( Hear , hear . ) It is not as tlie ancient ally of England % ring war—it is not as the means of resistance in'the centre oi Europe-to any general disturbance of the balance of power—it is as the former ( though I trust it is no longer so)—the former symbol of resistance to improvement , political and social —( hoar , hear)—it is in that capacity that Austria has won the affections of somo men in the conduct of public affairs , ( Hear , hear . ) There arc persons who see in the relations of countries : nothing but the intercourse of cabinets , who value a country not for its political weight , but . for its ' political opinions , and who

    consider that the relations between countries are sufficiently intimate when , tlie personal intercourse of their governments is placed oh a complimentary footing . ( Hear , hear . ) Sir ,, there are men who , having passed their whole lives in adoring the government of . Austria , because they , deemed it tho great symbol ofthe opinions which they entertained , at last became fickle in their attachment , and transferred their allegiance to the government of France , because they thought that in that government they saw an almost equal degree of leaning to the arbitrary principle —( hear)—and because they , forsooth , suspected that government of designs hostile to tho interests of freedom .. ( Hear . ) We have heard of persons of thai sort making use ofthe expression

    " old women . " ( Hear , hear ;) Public men ousht hot , to deal in egotism , and I will not apply to tlmm the expression that has fallen from their own mouths . . 1 " will only say that the conduct of such men is an example of antiquated imbecility . ( Cheers and laughter . ) With regard to tho present question , I am sure that everybody who lias heard what has passed , everybody in this country who has given : attention to the most important events that have taken place in Hungary , must feel that my hon . and gallant friend need have made no apolosy for drawing the attention of the parliament of England to transactions ' : deeply affecting the political principles-of . Europe , ancl having a most important bearing upon the general balance of European

    power . ( Cheers . ) The House will not expect me to follow tliose who have spoken to-day by endeavouring to pass judgment either way ' between the Austrian . government and-. the . . 'Hungarian nation . ( Hear , hear . ) I say the llungarian nation , because , in spite of what has fallen from the noble lord opposite ( Lord C . Hamilton ) , I do believe ,. from the information I have received—and I do not protend I may not be mistaken—but I firmly believe , that in this war between Austria and Hungary there is enlisted on the side of-Hungary tho hearts and souls of the whole people of that country . ( Cheers . ) I believe that tlie other races , distinct from the Magyars , have forgotten tho former feuds that existed between them and the Magyar population , and that

    the greater portion of-the . people have engaged in what they consider a great national contest . ( Cheers . ) It is true as . my hon . and gallant friend has said , that Hungary has for centuries been a state which , though united with Austria by the link of the Crown , has nevertheless been separate and distinct from Austria by its own complete constitution . ( Hear , hear . ) That constitution has many defects , but some of those defects were , I believe , remedied not long ago —( hear , hear)—and it is not the only ancient constitution on the continent that was susceptible of great improvement . ( Hear . ) There were means probably within thc force and resources . of thc constitution itself to reform it , and it might have been hoped that those improvements

    would have been carried ' into effect . ( Hear , hear . ) But , ' & ofaras I understand tho matter , I take the present state of the case to be this : —Without going into the details of mutual complaints as to circumstances which have taken place within the last year or year and a half , I take the question that is now to . be fought for on the plains of Hungary to be this —whether Hungary shall continue , to maintain its separate nationality as a distinct kingdom , and with a constitution of its own , or-whether it is to be incorporated more or less in the aggregate constitution that is to be given to the Austrian empire ? ( Cheers . ) It is a most , painful sight to sec stick forces as ai"e now arrayed against Hungary proceeding to a war fraught with such tremendous consequences on a question that it might have been

    hoped would bo settled , poaeelully . ( Hoar , hoar . ) It is of the utmost importance to Europe that Austria should remain great and powerful ; but it is impossible to disguise from ourselves that , if the war is to beibught outj Austria must thereby bo weakened— ( hear , hoar );—because , on . tlic one hand , if the Hungarians should be successful , and . their success should end in the entire separation of Hungary from Austria , it will bo impossible not to see that this' will , bo ' such . 1 dismemberment , of tho Austrian empire as will prevent Austria , from continuing to occupy the great position she has hitherto held amon « j European , powers .- ( Hear . ) If , ontlic other-hand , tho . war being fought out to " tho .. uttermost , ; Hungary shouldvby superior forces be entirely crushed , Austria in that battle will have crushed : her own

    right arm . ( Cheers . ) Every field that is laid waste is an Austrian resource . destroyed—every man that perishes upon the ' . field ; among the Hungarian ranks is an Austrian soldier deducted from the . defensive forces of . the empire . . ( Cheers . ) Laying aside those other most obvious considerations that have been touched upon as tothe result of a successful war ,. the success of which is brought , about by foreign aid , —laying that wholly , aside ,. it is obvious that even , the success of Austria , " if ifc ; is fsimply a succcs ' s ' of force , will' inflict . ' a deep wound on the fabric . a ' nd- frame , of the Austrian empire .. ( Cheers . ) It is therefore much ; to be desired , hot simply , on the principle ; of general humanity , but on the principle of sound . European , policy , and from " the . ' most

    friendly regard to the Austrian empire itself , —itis , I say , devoute'dly to be . ; wished : that . this great contest may be brought to a termination by some amicable arrangement between ' the contending , parties , which shall on the one hand , ; satisfy the national feelings of the . Hungarians , and on the other hand , not . leave to Austria another . and a larger Poland within her .: empire . . " ( Cheers . ) Her Majesty ' s government have not , ' -in the present state of the matter , thought that any opportunity , has , as yet , presented- itself that could' enable' . . them ! with any prospect of advantage to make any ' official , communication of . those opinions ' which they entertain . on

    this . subject . ' I say . official , as ' contradistihmiish ' ed frpm opinions expressed in . ¦ t . moreprivatcand confidential manner ; but undoubtedly , if ariy roccasion were to occur that ! should lead , them' to , think the expression of such opinions would tend to a favourable result , it would be "the duty ofthe government not to ; , let such an '( opportunity pass by . ;' . ( Cheers . )" Hpon the , gerieval . questibh v ' arid in regard to ; the conduct which . it ought ' gener ally to bo the . duty of ; thisgovernment' to purstie in . its relations to foreign ; powers , ; . 'I ' havo , heard with . greht satisfaction much that has fallen from'thc gentlemen who have taken a partin'this debato . 5 l . 'tuluTtho record ' 6 ' the . sentiments that nave been expressed will bo of great utility . - ( HQar ' . V IV &' "inost" desirable that

    Saturday, Jult 21. House Of Commons.-The...

    forei gn nations should know that on the . one hand England is sincerely desirous to preserve and maintain peace —( hear );—that : we entertain no reelings of hostilit y towards any nation in the world —( cheers );—that we wish to be on the most friendly looting with all , —that we have a-deep interest in the preservation of peace , because we are desirous to carry on with advantage those innocent and peaceful relations of commerce that we' know most be injured by the interruption of our friendly relations with other countries ; but , on the other hand , it is also essential for the attainment of that object , and even essential for the protection' of that commerce to-which we attach so much importance , thai it should be known

    and well understood by every nation on the face of the earth ' that we aro not disposed to submit to wrong- ( checrs ) , -and that the maintenance of peace on our part is . subject to the indispensable condition that all ' cow *^ shall respect our honour and our-dignity , anif ' ehall not inflict any injury upon our interests . ( Cheers . ) Sir I do not think that the preservation of peace is " any degree endangered by the expression of opinion with regard to the transactions in Hungary © r other countries . ( Hear . ) I agree with those who think —and I know there are many in this country who entertain thc opinion—that there are two objects which England ought peculiarly to aim at . One is to maintain peace , —the other is to count for something in . transactions of tlie world —( cheers );—that it'is not fitting-that a country occupying such a proud position as England—that a countrv bavin " such various and extensive interests , should lock

    herself up in a simple regard to her own internal affairs , and should be a passive' and mute spectator of-everything that is going on around , ( Hear , hear . ) It is quite true that it may be said , "Your opinions are but opinions , and you express them against our opinions , who have " at our command largo armies to back them—what afe opinions against armies ? " Sir , my answer is , opinions are stronger than armies . ( Cheers . ) Opinions , if they are founded in truth and justice , - will in the end prevail against thc bayonets of infantry , the fire ot artillery , and the charges of cavalrv . ( Loud v ? w L ' Tb-ererore I say , that , armed bv opinion , it that opmionis pronounced With truth andiustice , we are indeed strong , and in the end- . likelv to make our opinions prevail ; and I think that ' wSjt is happening on the whole surface of the continent of Europe is a proof that this expression of mine is a truth . ( Hoar , hear . ) Why , for a great many years the governments of Europe imasiucd they could keep down opinion by force of arms , and that bv

    obstructing progressive improvement they would prevent that extremity of revolution which was the object of then ; constant dread . ( Hear , hear . ) We gave an opinion to the contrary effect , and we have been blamed for it . ( Hoar , hear . ) We have been accused of mffdling with matters that did not concern us , and ot affronting nations and governments by giving our opinion as to what was likely to happen ; but the result has proved that if our opinions had been acted upon grout calamities would have been avoided ( Hear , hear . ) Those very governments that uscd'to say , " Tho man we hate , tho num we have to fear , is the moderate ' Reformer ; -we care not for your violent Radical , who proposes such violent extremes that nobody is likely to . join with him—the " enemv we are most afraid of zs the moderate Reformer , because he is such a plausible man that it is difficult to persuade people that his counsels ' would load to

    extreme consequences—therefore let us keep off , of all men , the moderate Reformer , and let us prevent the first step of improvement , because that improvement might lead to extremities and innovation "—( hear , hear)—those governments , " those potvers of Europe , have at last learned the truth of the opinion expressed by Mr . Canning , ¦ " That those who have checked improvement because it is innovation , will-one day or other be compelled to accept innovation when it has ceased to be improvement . " ( Cheers . ) I say , then , that it is our dutv not to remain passive-spectators of events that in their immediate consequences affect other countries , but which in their remote and certain consequences are sure to come back with disastrous effect unon us :

    that ,-so far as the courtesies of international intercourse may permit us to do so , it is our duty , especially when our opinion is asked , as it has been on many occasions on-which we have been blamed for giving it , to state our opinions , founded on the experience of this country , —an experience that might have been , and ought to have been , an example to less fortunate countries . ( Hear , hear . ) At the same time I am quite ready to admit that interference ought not to be carried to the extent of encbtfngering our ' relations-with other cowntries . There ate cases like that which is now the subject of our discussion , of one power having in tho exercise of its own sovereign rights invited the assistance of another power ; and however we may lament that circumstance

    however-we may bo apprehensive that therefrom consequences of great danger and evil may flow , still wc arc not entitled to interpose in any manner that will commit this country to embark in those hostilities . . ( Hear , hear . ) All we can justly do is to take advantage of any opportunities that may present themselves iii wliich the counsels of friendship and peace may be : offered to the contending parties . ( Hear , hear . ) We have on several occasions that have happened of late in Europe been invited to " intermeddle , " - as it is called , in thc affairs of other countries , although it has been said of this country , that it stands so low in public opinion in Europe that we arc treated with contempt both by governments and by nations . Certainly the way iii which

    that want ' of respect'has'been shown is singular , when from the north to tho south , in cases of difficulty , not only between nations but internally between governments and their own subjects , we'have been asked and invited to interpose our friendly mediation in their affairs . ( Cheers . ) We have oh those occasions done our best to accomplish thc object which we wore called upon to fulfil ; and , in one case at'least , wo have now nearly succeeded . ( Hoar , hear . ) Wc have heard a great deal , in the course ofthe session , of" sham mediations" in thc contest between"Denmark and Germany , but that " sham mediation" has ended in a real preliminary treaty—( hear , hear)—and I hope that preliminary treaty will soon be followed by a permanant pacification , ( near , hear . ) Sir , to suppose that any government of England can wish to excite revolutionary movements in any part of the world—to suppose that any government of England can have any other wish or desire than to confirm and

    maintain peace between nations and tranquillity and harmony between governments and subjects , shows really a degree of ignorance and folly which I never supposed any public man could have been guilty of —( hear , hoar)—which may do very well for a newspaper article , but which it astonishes me to find is made the subject of a speech in parliament . ( Loud and continued cheering . ) . Lord . p . Stuart looked upon tlie speech which had been delivered by the hon . member for Middlesex ,-followed as it had been by the hon . member for Sheffield , and by ' the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs , as one of the most important events of the session . ( Hear . ) It was impossible to overestimate the importance of the struggle now going on in Europe . In Hungary transactions similar to tliose which dismembered Poland were now to be witnessed , but he hoped that that gallant people would'bo able to resist . ill tho efforts of their

    enemies . The noble lord opposite ( Lord C . Hamilton ) had spoken of the eonstiluiioh ' of Hungary in a speech full of tlie most violent epithets , but exceedingly' weak in argument . Now , that , constitution more resembled our own than any other to be found in history ; and tlie man who was called the " infamous Kossuth , " and the ' other Hungarian patriots , had ' : done much to improve it . They improved it just as wc did our constitution in 1832 , and hence the attempts , no . w making to put them down . ( Hoar , hear . )' . If . William the"Fourth , when the Reform Rill was . passcdj had brought . ' over 'Hanoverian troops 'to .. prevent that great change being carried info . effect , it would have been a . case perfectly awaloirous . td that now witnessed in Hungary liy the

    invasion of the Russian troops . ( Hear , ' hear . ) Ho maintained , in opposition to the statement of the noble lord ( Lord . C .-Hamilton ) , that . the people of Hungary were in favour of . the' present movement . Ho rejoiced at the speech of his noble friend tho Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs . ( Cheers . ) It was a speeph ' which , did him great honour , svnu nothing would' contribute so largely to confirm that popularity in the country which he was happy to see his noble friend enjoy . ( Renewed cheers . ) His noble friend had spoken of the necessity of having Austria strong , and potent , in ; order to maintain a balance of power in Europe . That too had been his ( Lord D . Stuart ' s ) opinion so . long as , he saw' the chance Of Austria fulfilling that' part ; but Austria

    as ' a power was now effete .. Having called in Russia to her aid she by . that act , as his noble friend had well shown , ' , had destroyed herself for ever as . one , of . the gre . 1 t Huropean powers . ; Whatever henceforth slie . might . ' acquire would , serve' only to aggrandis ® the power of Russia . This alone made it more' important . than ever- - . that the independence of . Hungary should bo , maintained . The real ; and true balance of power would , have been to re-establish Poland , nor did he how think- that Europe would ever . be in a satisfactory state until theysaw Poland and Hungary establishedas . twogreatconstitutional countries ., Nothing would . " contribute morelo the peace ofthe Svorld or to the commercial advantage

    of this country than that those two . powerful and constitutional governments- should '; be' established in that part of Europe . ; .. ( Hertri ; hear . ) He was glad , to hear his noble frieiiu , declare that he ; would lose no opportunity , of . remonstrating ' against any . attempt , to put down - ' Hungary ; iri ; : heivrighteous struggle ' , for liberty , and . indepen denee , " 'irid he felt the greatest satisfaction at the ' occurrence of this debate ; because he bclievcd . it ' would' have tho . ' effect of enlightening ^ , tbe ; public ; min ' d ; upoh ; the . iieal state of things ^ and would at tho '; saihb time show , t ' o ; the world-the ' , ' great ' interest ' . which tlie ' House of . 'tominohsV as well ' as" ! tho' country at largei'felt ih [ the struggle which ' was how going oh to establish the cause of liberty'inthe east of Europe . ( Hear . ) 1 Mr . Wild said , after the almost uhammous . ox-

    Saturday, Jult 21. House Of Commons.-The...

    Km ? ? ° . pinion thafhad'been ' exhibited during n ^^ ui 0 ' ' , woul ( 1 only say a very few word £ R ,, « i Cd n ? ' ° lt 0 « i"W attention to the fact , that nf ^ wfi ^ W f , " » iluenoo extended to territory cXl . ' *? ° f "ritish manufactures receded . ( Rear , hear . ) This was tho case with the trade of this country wit ) , Moldavia and WnllaohS and the present events in Hungary would' if lWashn influence succeeded , shut out" EnglSI from ono of her most important markets . Tl ^ " ^ ff $ i ° f tanfcy of sending goods to the value of sixteen millions a year to the Hungarian market , and at a time when Rntish commerce received so many blows ho hoped tlie noble lord would so protect tlie interests of this country that they would not suffer in any new arrangements that might be entered into bv Russia ' with regard to the Austrian territories .

    , Ml ' . 0-3 . U 011 . VE said , iliiit as the noble lord had intimated that there were no official papers to produce , ho would , of course , not press his motion . ( Hoar , hear- ) The amendment was ' actorilingly withdrawn , and the report on ways and means was brought up and agreed to . r Several bills wore advanced a singe , and thc House aujoumoa ! at a quarter past four o ' clock .

    MONDAY , Juk 23 . ' HOUSE OF LOKDS . -STAT * of Hu « uRT .-lord BnoOTiifljr , after referring to the debate in tho Commons on Saturday last on tlio subject Of-Hungary , and to thc constitution of that countrv , repeated a sisular question to that lie had put a ' short time since , whether there had been since that time any recognitspii of Kossuth and the- Hungarian insm-gents by her Majesty ' s government . ° The Marquis of Laxsmowxe had onlv to say that there had been no alteration iu the circumstances w which Enghwid stood with regard to Hungary since he had answered his noble and learned friend ' s former question , therefore there could be no such

    recognition as tluvt referred to . Earl Nelson , on behalf of the Bishop of Oxford , presented thc report of the committee on the African Slave Trade . The Stock in Trade Bill , after a short discussion , in the course of which the Earl of Waimesbwy . urged the adoption of a national rate for the relief of the poor , was . read a second time . A discussion ensued on thc subject of army and navy medals , at the instance of thcDuko of llicnmosd , in . which Earl Gkey , tho Duke of TVelusotox , and Lord Coi . ciiEsiEutook party after which Tho Titles of lleligious Congregations Scotland Bill passed through committee , and Lord Casu-bell moved that it bo read a third time on Tuesday .

    Lord IJkdbsdaie submitted an amendment that the bill be read a third time that day three months , and , on a division , the amendment was carried by a majority of six—tho numbers 23 to 17 . Lord Campbkll having moved the second reading ofthe Small Debts Bill , Lord Staxlky complained that , when parliament was within a week of being prorogued , important bills were brought up from the other House , for the due consideration of which no time was allowed . There were no less a number than twenty-three important orders ou thc paper , and ho must protest against such a system of legislation . Lord Campbell agreed in tlie justice of the noblo lord ' s complaints : but the bill was read a second time .

    On the reception ofthe report ofthe Foor ltelief ( Ireland ) Bill , on the motion ofthe Earl of TYicklow , clause S , providing that rent charges by way of annuity and jointure should be made liable to poor rates , was struck out . After which clauses proposed by Lord Moxteacle , the Earl of Lucax , and the Marquis of Salishury were added to the bill , and tlie report was .-igrced to . ' Various other bills passed their stages , and tho House adjourned at half-past ten o ' clock . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Thc House met at noon .

    Ax English " Razzia . "—Sir E . Buxton put a cruestion to the Under-Secretary for the Colonies respecting a sanguinary attack lately made , under the orders of the Governor of the Gambia , upon the savage tribes in the neighbourhood of that colony . It appeared that the Governor , Mr . MacdoniicII , received some real or supposed insult from a native king in the vicinity , and that he applied to the authorities of Sierra Leone for troops , and to the naval authorities for ships , in order to punish the offender . It seems that assistance from Sierra Leone was refused , but the Governor collected a force , ' went up the Gambia , attacked a native town , and utterly destroyed it . Thc attack was thus described ' . — " The town was burnt in all direction ?

    , and our enemy had to bolt for it . when immense numbers were killed , both from the grape discharged from the buttery and the fire and bavonots of tho skirmishers . IVo reduced the town to a heap of ashes , destroying every portion of the stockade and houses . " The next day another , town was attacked , and as far as possible destroyed . Ho wished to ask whether this . proceeding , which was apparently of a most extraordinary nature , had . been adopted with tho sanction of the authorities at home ; and also whether thc government hud any objection to lay upon the- tabic any correspondence which had passed , between Earl Grey ami tlie Governor of the Gambia respecting the expedition . ¦

    Miv Hawks answered that tho government had received no other official information than that which was contained in . a despatch from the Governor , and whatever had been done had been . done entirely upon his responsibility . He was not at present prepared to lay the despatch on thc table , but undoubtedly at a future period , not only' that despatch , but the correspondence consequent . upon it , must be laid before parliament ; but he might add that the governor had undoubtedly entered upon tho expedition not altogether without provocation . Thc amendments of the Clergy Relief Bill were considered .

    On the order of the day for the second reading of the Sunday ' 1 ' kadixc ( Metropolis ) Bill , Sir G . Gkky suggested to Mr . Hindley , who had charge of the bill , whether , in the last week of the session , when there was so little chance of his passing the bill , and so much business was before tho House , he would not do better to withdraw it . He did not . ohjoct to the principle of the measure , but the whole ' difficulty of a bill of this kind consisted in its details . Mr . Hindluy declined to adopt this suggestion , but , after some time lost in conversation , and a division upon a motion to adjourn the debate , thc bill was in effect withdrawn .

    The House then went into committee upon thc Cruelty to Animals Bill , the enactments of which underwent great consideration , a-new clause , proposed by Mr . Hesrv , to put down steoplo-chasiug , being negatived 011 a division by a small majority . " The House then went into a committee ( in' progress ) upon the Protection of Women Hill , which was likewise very fully considered , and in some parts amended . On the next order , thc consideration ofthe Marriage Bill , as amended . Mr . GovLiwus declared his determination to oppose thc bill , if persevered in , at thc next stage , whereupon

    Mr . S . Woktlky said , it was impossible to hope , under tho circumstances , ' in the hveo of such a declaration , that hc could pass the bill this session ; but the subject could not by possibility sleep ; and unless it was . taken up in tho other House , or by some other member in this , lie should introduce another bill at the earliest possible period next session . The bill was then ordered to hc read . 1 third time that day throe months ; so that it is lost . _ A groat many bills wore advanced their respective stages , and it was not until half-past six o ' clock that that business was suspended until eight o'clock . State . of Ikglaxd . —Mr . Uorsmas moved ah

    address , praying her Majesty to take into considcrrtion the unhappy state " of Ireland , representing that a wise legislation mig ht lay the foundation of prosperity in that country , accusing past legislation for Ireland , special and permanent , of deficiency ,, and praying her Majesty to direct the attention of tho government to the evidence Liiid before parliament , which furnished ample materials for a solid , profound , and regenerative legisktion . Commencing with a" description , of .-the . ' state of Ireland ,, he proceeded to investigate the causes . The famine , he observed , ' was ' not the cause of one-tenth of tho evil ; bad and careless and criminal legislation was the real cause of all , and especially the poor lawa rotten poor- law from the-first—which was mado tia bear a burden beyond , thc capability of such a law to sustain . Ho- then came to the essential question , "VXhat was to be- done ? TaltiJig . tho unioa evils

    of Ballina , as a sample ,, he showed that the wore of a permanent character , to bo remedied gradually by the . infusion of fresh cnpital and proprietors , j that the general destitution was mainly promoted by bad agriculture and . dependence upon the potato—the social curse , of Ireland ; . and that the redundant , population must be diminished by emigration—tho one thing needful for Ireland , since security of property could not co-exist with unlimited , destitution ,.. tho effect'of overpopulation . This measure- must be accosaf anicd' . by a well-regulated poor law , with a ' limitcd liability , and reduced area of taxation , and the- workhouse test . He had not framed his motion , nad ho did-hot mean it , as a censure upon ministers ; the measure ' s ; which had failed had been introduced by tho past as well as the presentgoverriment . and for those which this session hail booh unequal to thocrisis parliament were responsible .

    ' ' Sir' W . SoMMivitrE expressed his surprise that Mr .. Horsmah should have asserted that parliament during ' the ' present sessiotf ' . bid ' manifested ah indisposition to' attend "to Irish / affairs , ' whereas ; the House , had listened with the utmost patience to every proposition ' i-eliiting to Ireland , Ho complained , too , of his superseding the functions of Irish members , and ; ' without knowing anything ox

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 28, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_28071849/page/7/