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Northern Star (1837-1852), 28th February 1852, Edition 2 of 2, Page 1, [As the columns under this head are open...

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      A A Proteetionififc Ministry Is Again In...

      A A Proteetionififc Ministry is again in power . LoKLord DfiHBr , warned by his failure to form an aim administration last year , and knowing the feeble and rid rickety condition of the Kussm Cabinet , exposed it to a to a dissolution at any moment , was prepared for the em * emergency A telegraphic despatch on Friday night to to Badminton , whither he had gone on a visit that da * dav , brought him np to town by the mid-day train on Sa Satordav . A few minutes after his arrival herecei ceired the Royal command to attend at the Palace on on Sunday , obeyed , and undertook at once the duty of of fonninga New Ministry . This time tuero was no

      fle delay or difficulty . On the meeting of both houses en on Monday afternoon , the resignation of the Wbiga wj was formally communicated , and the fact that Lord D P BBBiwaa their successor . In the ' Herald , ' which is is the new Ministerial organ , a list appeared in the m morning , which showed that for most of the offices tl the new Premier had the names ready cut and dry . i A short recess of four days was requested to complete H the arrangements , and in that time the Ministry and t ! the Kstof the Household Officers were alike finally ari rang ed . The country party , which we were so fret quenfly told was dead and buried , and beyond all c " chance of resurrection , is once more instailea m 3 Bowniug-street With , few exceptions , the new

      i Ministers have not formerly held office , lhey are : a fipick and span fresh lot , and so far preferable to a junta of red-tape hacks in office . Whether they will be equal to the task they have undertaken time alone can show . Meantime , though there are serious misgivings , thereis at the same time a disposition to give them fair play . The late Ministry were so thoroughly incapable , and had so completely lost the confidence of all parties , even of their own friends , that it is a positive relief to have got rid of them ; and with that sensation a far inferior and even Ibbb tried Cabinet than that just constructed by Lord Derbi , would have been hailed with at least the negative Batis fc ^ nn-of having escaped from a terrible © ore . A short trial witr snow ; wneiner ~ w « jli « T « exch anged King Log for King " Stork . ^

      Taking advantage of the short cessation of parlia mentary business , the week has bgen made a busy one of public meetings . Some of these had been announced previous to Lord J . Russell ' s sudden trip np by Lord Palmebston subject : —the sham reform , which expired with the official existence of its author . Of course , it was of no use slaying the slain , or subjecting to a detailed criticism a measure which had almost fallen still-born . Still we are happy to perceive tliat , at all these meetings , the same estimate

      we had formed of its utter inadequacy to satisfy the demands of any section of earnest and genuine Reformers , was strongly and unmistakeably expressed . That is a hopeful sign of the times , which is not the less encouraging because the Tories are again in office . The meeting for the repeal of the Taxes on Knowledge called forth a demonstration of public opinion on that question ; which proves that it is ripe for settlement . Vast numbers left the place unable to procure admission , and the speeches were up to the mark .

      A huge Anti-Militia gathering took place on the name evening in the City , at which there was evinced a very decided hostility to the revival of that species of force , whether it is called 'local' or ' general . ' Paimebstos ' s plan , for which the Commons voted , was as little to their liking as Russell ' s , which was kicked out . The fact is , that John Bull , though he has no objection to fight when thereis absolute necessity , does not like Compulsory soldiering , which may cause him to neglect his business ; and he does not see why he should be called upon to submit to the consequent loss thereupon , when he knows he has been for many years paying at the rate of £ 17 , 000 , 000 sterling for soldiers and sailors , arsenals , and ships of war . If these things really are needed , where are

      they ? Surely we have paid enough for them . If they are in existence , let us have the use of them ; if not , let those who have misapplied and squandered the public money he duly punished for their misdeeds , before any more good money is sent after the bad . Seventeen millions yearly is a pretty fair sum to pay for assurance , especially when it is taken in conjunction with the £ 28 , 000 , 000 we pay as interest on the cost of old wars , which were said to be for the same purpose . If more is needed , let the people who have the property to protect , pay the premium . It is surel y * too bad' to levy a forcible conscription , and , in fact , to make our young men liable to five years compulsory service for the protection of the property of others , while they are refused a vote for members of Parliament . If Lord Palherstos and the Tories insist on

      carrying the measure further , the cry should be ' no vote , no musket . ' Strife' and alienation between employer and employed continue to be the order of the day . In addition to the standing quarrel between the Employers and the Operative Engineers , a new struggle has commenced between the Omnibus Proprietors and the Drivers and Conductors . The statements of the latter —made at meetings after midnight—prove how thoroughly anarchical our present system is in all its ramifications , and how totally opposed it is to the intellectual and moral development and progress of the class who , under its influence , are condemned to helotism , while they are mocked with the name of freemen .

      A strike among the Coalwhippers on the Thames f . jr an advance of 24 , per ton , appears to have been generally successful . It is a peculiarly laborious and trying occupation , and at the old price of seven , pence , to which the work had been reduced , the averago earnings were onl y 12 s . 3 d . a week . The strike seems to have been conducted with great moderation and discretion , and without giving rise toany disorder . Among the other meetings in the metropolis that

      claim peculiar attention , was that with reference to the late Wolverhampton strike—the particulars of which have been so amply reported in this Journal . It was expected that the defendants , whose term of imprisonment expired on Monday , would have been present at the meeting , but they were arrested on coming out of the Queen ' s Bench by sheriff ' s officers , and conveyed to Horsemonger-lane Gaol , where , under much inferior treatment and much more

      stringent regulations , they will have to remain until the taxed * costs of the prosecutor are paid . Unless the funds be forthwith raised for that purpose , this will be equivalent to a sentence of perpetual imprisonment on men whose only fault was their honest , and numly , thoagh temperate , determined defence of their * order . ' AVe earnestly trust that , numerous as are the calls upon the purses and upon the attention of the working classes at the present , these brave men , who won a substantial legal victory for Trades '

      Unions , will not be suffered to languish in prison ; in one case we fear , from onr personal knowledge , that further confinement for even a short period would be attended with dangerous , if not fatal , results . The sum for which these martjrs in the cause of Labour are incarcerated is large in itself , but would be a'trifle to the trades collectively . It is a matter which will not brook delay . Continental affairs present scarcely any novel feature . The French Dictator continues to issue decrees

      at the usual rate , and gives p arties at the Elysee and the Tuileries , which are marked by the two notable characteristics—first , the absence of every respectable Frenchman and Frenchwoman ; second , the presence of Englishmen and Englishwomen , who , we mast suppose , would have been quite ready to drink champagne and waltz with JACK Shetpard , if he had only possessed the means of ' doing the thing handsomely . ' Meantime , the elections are carefully and openly manipulated by the creatures of the Dictator , so that even the slender vestiges of freedom of choice , which appeared in the so-called Constitution , will be entirel y destroyed , and no man who has

      the slightest independence , or who dares to have an opinion of his own , will be returned to the Chamber of Mutes , who are in future to be the body slaves of the French despot . There are , however , symptoms of a coming storm—trade is dull— ' order' has been gained , but nothing besides by tbe bourgeoisie— 'discontent spreads wide and deep—and certain war-like demonstrations in the direction of Switzerland and Bel gium--the latter especially—has elicited a significant hint from Nicholas of Russia , that my uncle ' s nephew must not play too manypranks . He may be permitted to keep the place warm for a real Legitimist , but no more . He does not belong to the real China basins .

      The mild and respectful note of Lord Gkanvjlle to the bullying dispatch of the Austrian Minister , respecting Foreign Refugees , has elicited a still more insultin g and hostile letter from Prince Schwartzes-

      A A Proteetionififc Ministry Is Again In...

      bebxj , who threatens every kind of annoyance to Englishmen travelling in Austria , because we will not drive the victims of his despotisih from our shores . This will be a capital test of the policy of the new Cabinet , in regard to foreign matters . Perhaps Lord Derby will submit to obey the hectoring mandate of Austria , and order out of England all who are obnoxious to the Hol y Alliance of despots . We shall see .

      And National Tradis' Jocjlll

      AND NATIONAL TRAdIs' JOCJlll

      Tolxv. P. 147 ~ Lojilitebday, Febrajylmo...

      TOLXV . P . 147 ~ LOJiliTeBDAY , FEBRajYlMoiT „ .. ^ i ^^ g |^ i

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      [As The Columns Under This Head Are Open...

      [ As the columns under this head are open for the free expression of all opinions , the Editor is not responsible for , or committed to , any . ] THE UNITED STATES BANKING SYSTEM , FROM THE TRACT 055 CURREKCT , BI " 3 TJSIOS . " ¦ A Nationai BAKE ; - — TO TEG ED 1 IOB OF IBB KOBTHEBS STAB . Dhab : Sib , —My last letter contained "Junius ' s" description of his boasted American Banking System and the principle on which it is based . It is my object now to state bis opinions on a National Bank . A State-Bank is a bank chartered by some particular-State , ' A National Batik means a bank chartered by the Congress and Government of tin . United States . ^ Of the last we are jiow about to treat . Ontnis ^ T ) ject ; bDranInorsaya ; -S ^^ fe : _^ - 7 : —> - ^ --¦ " We have shown that this country cannot do without a

      bank-paper circulating medium ,-nor does any sensible man dream that it can . The question then is , whether we shall use the paper of private aitdirrespohsible personB , or whether we shall have a law . rcgulated paper currency , involving in it a properresponsibilityto thepvlblic ? Manifestly , there can be but one answer to- ' that question . The next question is , whether it is best for the several States alone to furnish a paper currency , or whether we shall have a National paper medium also ? "if experience be of any weight , we all know that we hare all had infinite trouble when the States alone havedone this . All the cheating , all the bank frauds , and all the losses complained of , as falling on the public through the agency of banks , have come from , State institutions .

      Whereas , during the twice twenty years of a National paper currency , all went well , and no nation ever had a better currency . It is a notable fact , that neither the government , nor people , ever lost the first cent , by a national bank , and that both , and all , have realised from it incalculable benefits . The power of the general government over a national institution , to prevent fraud , is much more effective than that of the several States over their institutions . The skill of legislation in the former case is of a higher order , as combining the concentrated wisdom of the nation , and the vigilance of the nation is greater—a thousand eyes for one . It would be next to impossible for a national institution to cheat the public .

      " The universal credit of a national paper medium , is indispensable to the domestic trade , and the domestic commercial relations of the people of this immense country . A man starts on a journey with current money of the state banks , and at the end of the first stage it becomes uncurrent . The farther he goes , the worse it is ; and the time has been when a traveller might lose fifty per cent , on the money he set oat with before he gets to the end of his journey , It is the same with remittances . We have lost forty-five per cent , on money received as a remittance at the city of Washington , which was at par in the State where it came from .

      " Bat between the remotest points of the Union , the discount on a national currency could not exceed one cent , and a half in a hundred ; generally it would be nothing . And in onr foreign trade the credit of a national currency would be as good at London , Paris , St . Petersburgb , Constantinople , or Canton , as at New York , Philadelphia , or New Orleans . Whereas , oor state bankpaper is good for nothing abroad . Such credit of our national- paper medium abroad is of incalculable importance to a great commercial nation like ours . A national paper medium , indeed , is almost , if not quite , as necessary as the constitutional specie tender , and discharges nearly the same functions—exactly tbe same , so long as it is redeemable in specie . Nobody would tolerate an unsound national currency , nor have we ever had one ; nor would a national institution tolerate an unsound stale currency . Consequently , in the co-existence of these two kinds , we are sure to have an universally sound currency .

      " England , doing most of her business in London mi Li ' verpod , where her circulating medium isprodigioudy active , can , from that circumstance alone , do with a lessamaunt of circulating medium than we can ; whereas England employs a much larger amount . Under such circumstances , as a commercial rival , we stand but a poor chance . Our field of trade is vastly wider , and our uninvoked resources immeasurably greater , but for want of an adequate circulating medium , we can neither cultivate the one nor call out the otner , as our interests claim . ' As to the constitutional power of Congress to establish a notional banh , for the issue of a national paper currency . None will deny that the design of the constitution in giving power to Congress to coin money' and the withholding that powerfrom the States , was to secure o uniform currency .

      Nor will it be denied that the power to issue a paper medium exists somewhere ; but a paper medium being the chief currency of the country at all times , it is , in fact , more influential in maintaining or disturbing uniformity , than coins . Besides , a constitutional power , given for a specific end , implies the means indispensable for that end , else it is no power at all , and so says the constitution itself— ' Congress shall have power to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers . ' " Consequently , as a paper medium J / asa ] ways been and is the chief currency of the country , the end of uniformity would be totally subverted if this power be denied to the general government . If , therefore , it is the right and duly of tbe general government to coin money , ' it is also their right and duty to furnish a paper currency also , so long as a paper circulating medium is necessary for the country .

      " It is only within a few years that much has been said on the subject of a government ( in contradistinction to a National ) bank ; and it is not perhaps even now generally well understood . But it is important that it should be well understood , as efforts have recently been made to establish such a constitution—or rather to extend the constitution , of the United States , by enlarging the powers of government . Jlr . Van Baren t s ' Sub-treasury Act' was a government bank in embryo , and Mr . Tyler ' s 'Exchequer Act , ' was its consummation . And it ia apparent that the principle of a . government bank is not yet dead , and that another attempt will be made to revive it in a new form . The new , pet banking system will be an attempt to make government credit answer the purpose of a common currency—a thing impossible ; if a uniform and stable currency be required ,

      government credit can never be anything other than a subject of trade , to be dealt in by bankers and brokers . We ask the single question . Are you accustomed to see United States Treasury Notes pass as a common currency ? Such a thing was never known , and cannot be . You may see these treasury notes passing over the counters of bankers and brokers , in the way of trade , or in the hands of persons who want to keep money by tixm , but the moment they want to use them , they either sell them at a premium , or are obliged to submit to a discount , if they should be below par . We must have a national ( not a government ) lank , and a national paper currency , a part of it as low as ten and five dollar notes , always of uniform value by being payable in specie . "Banking is a trade ( tradingin nioney ) not a governing power . To introduce it into the government , is adding to

      the constitution , for government to assume it is usurpation . Banking in the hands tf government , as a part of its functions , would have no muster—it would bo a sovereign power . Why , sir , it is frightful to think that banking should have had even a chance of gaining such a position in this free country ! But such , precisely , is tbe thing that has been proposed ! Nay , nay—tee will have no such thing . Banking is a vocation to 6 e governed , and well governed—not a governing power . Separate it , therefore , entirely from the government , and govern it well . Give your national bank any improved form you can devise , and throw around it additional guards ; for of all the agencies of society , banking requires the most rigid authority of law , and the most watchful care of government . Through their representatives , the people will make it , and take care of it , and it

      will be obliged to do as they bid . It will always be in the power of the laws and under the care of government . And it should be aware that a master stands by its side in the government , and is ever looking into its concerns . " Such are the ideas of this writer in relation to a national dank for the Unitei States . The objects be proposes to accomplish by it are-Firstly , the issue of a largely increased paper currency , wisely judging that a large brisk prosypower and profitable trade cannot be maintained unless there bo a large amount of money in circulation . He , secondly , would have this money to maintain an uniform and its fall roine at all times ; and , thirdly , to pass freely thus , not only in all the states of the Union , but also , if needful , in foreign countries . To secure these results , the

      bank to have a large capital in real properly , and be prepared to meet all its notes on demand , in gold or silver . He proposes that the national bank should be an institution altogether separate and distinct from the executive government ; but that the government , in accordance with the laws passed by Congress on this subject , and under its directions , should watch overcontinually , and , if necessary , control its proceedings . The impossibility of either the American or the English banks meeting their notes at all times in specie has been already proved ; and since tbe bank capital , consisting of real property , according to the American system , far exceeds in value all the notes the bank has in circulation , why should not the general government make these notes a legal tender in every state in the Union ? By this means they would be relieved altogether

      [As The Columns Under This Head Are Open...

      from panics , and from bondage to bullion . ' As fresh capital was lodged in the bank , in pledge ; for additional notes , their paper circulation / would increase , and it' would decrease in proportion as the notes were returned , and the property . redeemed ., Money , the representative of wealth , would increase in proportion as wealth lodged in the bank ino re ' ased , and the money would decrease as the wealth there decreased ; and thus the circulating medium would always be exactly proportioned to the requirements of trade and the wants of society . A national bank should , in fact , be a national

      Dawnshop , at which property of every kind should betaken in p ledge for national legal tender bank notes . These notes would thus be , in reality , pawn tickets ; and as they would all be based upon property greatly above their value , they would at the same time be the Birtest and . best possible currency . These notes should be issued as low as £ 1 . By this means—except for small change—gold and silver would be considered unnecessary ; and useless , as money . You will naturally ask , what shall we do in such case for a standard of value ? I intend to answer that important question in my next letter .- . : . ; , Iam , & o , * 7 JoH » FwonV Liverpool Feb . 22 nd , 1852 . . i

      .To The Editor Of The Northern Star, Sib...

      . TO THE EDITOR OF THE NORTHERN STAR , Sib , —Will you allow me to have an opportunity to say a few words to the friends and admirers of Mr . O'Connor , and the members of the National Land Company , upon the painful and unfortunate position in . which he is placed . No circumstance has occurred ir , the history of the Democratic movement in this ' oountrythat has cast suWagloom upon the character , or degrade ' d and . humiliated the position of democracy , in the eyes of its enemies , as the neglect and estrangement manifested to ono who for so many years

      has been looked up to as the leader of the movement , and who , in reality , has sacrificed everything he . possessedbis time , his intellect , and his wealth—to promote the inte « restsof the working millions . It is no use , at present , to inquire whether he could not have devoted it in a more practicable manner . According to the circumstances and influences he had to contend with , there can be no denying but that be combated them in a way which proved that he was sincere in the . policy he pursued , and which roused the hatred and animosity of the enemies of progress to compass his ruin . .

      There is no necessity to recapitulate the causes , both internal and external , which have brought about this deplorable result . The open hostility of enemies , and the secret and treacherous opposition of those whose interest he was attempting to promote , have combined to effect it ; and if there be one thing more than another which ought to convince us that the time has arrived when active and immediate steps ought to be taken to assist Mr . O Connor , to throw around him the shield of protection , to rescue him from the insults which are heaped upon him , it is the conduct of the

      newspaper press , both metropolitan and provincial . With what a tone of triumph have they exhibited to their readers the weaknesses natural to Mr . O'Connor ' s lamentable position ; and I regret to say it , that the mass of our countrymen , ignorant of the causes of those weaknesses , are led to make them the subject of ribaldry and jest . And are we , who in the hour of his prosperity thought it an honour to be associated in the cause he was engaged in , to become , by our apathy , our indifference , and our ingratitude , the accessories to this villany , inhumanity , and injustice , f Forbid il , Heaven \

      To talk of resuscitating the movement in its present degraded state is folly ; go where you will , the men of thought and feeling , belonging to the movement , seem to be seized with a moral stupor , a reckless indifference to political questions , because they feel that every insult offered to Mr . O' Connor is a stab at their own characters Until this blot has been erased from the escutcheon of Chartism , we shall never get that union , confidence , and Co-operation which is essential to successful political agitation / There appears to be two things requisite at present : — 1 st . —To take immediate steps to have the accounts of Mr . O ' Connor with the Land Company properly collected and brought in a business form before the Master in Chancery . 2 ( id . —To take steps to have Mr . O'Connor placed beyond the reach of penury , and under the best medical treatment and protection .

      Now , Sir , without any disparagement to the men of Stockport , for the position they have taken in getting up a subscription for this purpose , I conceive that their conduct deserves every praise ; but , to be effective , it appears to me necessary that the subscription should be headed from London , and that the party acting as treasurer should be independent of the movement—should occupy , if possible , a high social position ; because of late there has been such antagonism exhibited , such hatred and ill feeling engendered , amongst the leaders of the people , that it is impossible to find a man who would command the confidence of all sections and parties in the movement . If such men as Mr . Buncombe , Mr . Wakley , or some gentlemen in their position , whose characters would be above the petty spleen of the men who " would rather reign in

      Hell than serve in heaven , " could be got to lend their influence and assistance , I feel assured that there is honour and humanity amongst the leading men in the metropolis , sufficient to carry out this humane and benevolent object . To the first proposition I would call the attention of the members of tbe Land Company , and ask them , if they value honour , if they have any desire to rescue their own characters , and the character of Mr . O'Connor , from eternal obloquy , to meet in their various localities , and speak out what course they intend to pursue ; and I conceive that it will not be out of place , as secretary to » very large branch of the Company , to ask where are the Directors , —Messrs . M'Grath , Clark , Doyle , and Dixon ? We who for' so long a time had them engaged as our servants , have a riaht to know what course thet

      intend to pursue . I but re-echo the words of thousands , when I ask , where are they ? will they , assist to an honourable settlement of this business ? or will they be parties to tbe injury of their own characters and the character of tho Company . I have not the least doubt of the integrity of Mr . O'Connor ' s conduct , if it is fairly brought forward , and investigated by honourable parties . To the second proposition , 1 would appeal to the friends of political and social progress of all parties , and ask them to behold in Mr . O'Connor a wounded soldier of the army of progress , a victim to the ignorance , corruption and tyranny of existing systems . To the immediate party with which he was connected 1 am sure the appeal will not be in vain . Whatever may have been the antagonism into which they may have been drawn against him , in the hour of adversity let him not have to exclaim , —

      " No friend , no refuge near , ^ All , all is false , and treacherous around . " No , I know that there are numbers who only want to see the proper machinery organised , to lend their generous support ; and there are thousands actuated by no other motive than sympathy with suffering humanity , who , when they see the question in its proper light , Will give thoir aid and assistance . Brother Democrats , —to you , who in days gone by , h & ve cheered him in the great cause he so ably advocated , to you , as a duty , due to the principles you profess , is imposed the task of taking the initiative in this good work ; on its due performance will depend the future character you will bear . I had hoped to see this painful subject taken up by abler hands . I have been silent , till silence becomes a crime , for there is involved in this our characters as intelligent men , our integrity as a combination of working men , and the future progress of political and social improvement .

      Hoping that the importance of the subject will be asuffi cient excuse for asking the favour of insertion , I remain , yours truly , . Tames Bnorrir . 18 , Upper Lawson-street , Walker-street , Preston , February 16 th , 1852 .

      Thb New Ministry. The Cabinet.—First Lor...

      THB NEW MINISTRY . The Cabinet . —First Lord of the Treasury—TheEavlof Derby . Lord Chancellor—Sir E . Sugden . President of the Council—The Earl of Lonsdale . Lord Privy Seal—Marquis of Salisbury . Chancellor of the Exchequer—Mr , Disraeli . Secretaries of State—Home , Mr . Walpole ; Foreign , The Earl of Malmesbury ; Colomel , Sir J . Fakington . First Lord of the Admiralty—Duke of Northumberland . President of the Board of Control—Mr . Berries . President of the Board of Trade—Mr Henley . Postmaster-General—The Earl of Hardwicke . Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests—Lord John Manners . Commander-in-Chief—Duke of Wellington . Master General of tbe Ordnance—Viscount Hardinge . Judge Advocate—Mr . Bankes . Secretary at War—Mr . Beresferd . Secretary to the Admiralty—Mr . A . Stafford . Secretaries to the Treasury—Mr .

      G . A . Hamilton , Mr . Forbes Mackenzie . Secretaries to the Board of Control—The Earl of Desart , Mr . H . Baillie . Under-Secretaries of State—Home , Sir W . Jollifte ; Foreign , Lord Stanley . Lords of the Treasury—Marquis of Chandos , Mr . Bateson . Lords of the Admiralty-s . Rear-Admiral H . Parker , Bear-Admiral Phipps Hornby , Commodore Sir T . Herbert , Captain Milne . Attorney-General—Sir F . Thesiger . Solicitor-General—Sir F . Kelly . Chief Commissioner of the Poor Law Board—Sir John Trollope . Household . —Lord Chamberlain—The Marquis of Exeter . Lord Steward—The Duke of Montrose . Master of tbe Horse—Earl of Jersey . Vice-Chamberlain—Marquis of Worcester . Treasurer—Colonel Forester . Comptroller-Lord Ossulston . Captain of tbe Yeoman of the Guard-Lord De Ros . Captain of the Gentleman at-Arms— The Earl of Sandwich . Lords in Waiting—Morton , Byron , Crofton , Hawarden , Verulum , Gallwey , Shennon , Polwarth .

      JsBiiwn . —Lord-Lieutenant—The Earl of JBglinton , At torney-General—Mr . Xapiev . Solwitor-fJeneral—Mr Whiteside .

      The L^W Re Form Bill.'- ^• > ; On Wednes...

      THE l ^ W RE FORM BILL . ' - ^• > ; On Wednesday night a public ; meeting of the inhabitants of Lambeth was held at the . Horns ; . Tavern , Kenningtoh , for tho purpose of taking . intof ,. ponsiderfltion ; > Lord John Russell ' s Reform BilU-Mr . ^^ i ^ A ^ WiJkinson took ; the chair , supported by Mr . W ^ WiIliams ^ M . P * , the Right Hon . 0 . T . D'Eyncourt . JMVPv , MK- ^ leock ,-M . P ., the Right Hon . J . Locke King , M 2 P ., Mr . Trelawny , M . P ., aud other gentlemen of influence mthe' parish . ' -v "" . ' The Chairman opened the ' proceeaings bydenouncing any Reform Bill which omitted-the , tVote JalfiAlftt , . ' without which there could be no realproieot ( ftp ; k ^ e : vo ' ters . ; But the Whigs were gone , though he hoped ; that in future the Whigs would be more useful in , oppositions They baa , however to consider a rabregrave questibnJ - The men who

      had been selected as her Majesty / B ^ Minjsiei ' s ,. were pledged to restore what was called Proteetioh ^ of in other words to restore the dear loaf , and to take away the cheap one . Tho " Times , " speaking of this ' hew ;* government , " said that they ought to be pressed with nahasty ' or inconvenient questions , but allowed a fair trial . Well , he had ho . objection to their having a fair trial —( hearHbiit let the people without asking them any questions , speaks out and say to that government what was expected ; of ; ithem—( cheers )—and give them to understand what-cburse : of policy would be required of them . ( Hear , hear . ) He was glad that they had the opportunity at that meeting ;; of sptoking out their minds , and he trusted that to expression of their opinion would have its due effect . ( Cheers . )' r ^ ! Mr . T . Harves moved the first resolution *'

      That the sudden and abrupt termination of Lord J . Russell ' s Ministry shall in no degree detel ^ be-inhaWiSn ^ fo'f Xambeth' from pressing forward their well-matured demands 'for a thorough reform of the House of Commons ; this meetingbeinsr fully convinced that iftbere ever was a time when interest as well as duty called for unanimity to prevail amongst all classes of Reformers , it is the present , and this meeting therefore calls upon every liberal constituency throughout the country at once to pledge their representatives to demand of the government such a change in our representative'system as shall embrace the . important principles of Residential Suffrage , Vote by Ballot , Triennial Parliaments , Equal Electoral Districts , and the Abolition of Property Qualification for Member * .

      This resolution was seconded by Mr . J . P . Mcrrough . The Right Hon . C . T . D'Etncobrt , M . P ., in supporting the resolution , referred to his Parliamentary conduct as a proof that there was no necessity for his pledging himself to support the motion . He thought Lord J . Russell deserved the gratitude of the people . ( Considerable disapprobation . ) He fully agreed in all that had been said that evening as to the instant necessity of a sweeping Reform , and not such an one as the Reform Bill . That measure referred to thirty boroughs , to which additions were , made , and he defied any man to point out one of them which had not become nomination boroughs . ( Hear , hear . ) This would have been the case under the proposed system , and with every extension of the franchise ' to which the liberty of voting by ballot was not superadded . ( Cheers . ) He

      believed that this would produce pure constituencies , and remove for over those causes of complaint which had so often called them together in that room . ( Cheers . ) Mr . W . Williams , M . P ., who was received with loud cheers , addressed the meeting in approval of the resolution , and declared his determination to pursue the course he had invariably followed for thirty years in aiding all liberal measures . They had now a Tory government in office , and he could now declare that he never knew one of them to vote for a liberal measure . If these men went to the country and succeeded , good bye to all reform for years to come ; and not only that , the electors would have enough to do to keep what they had got . That government would rule them with a rod of iron—they would seek to impose a tax on bread—' cries of " Let them try" ) —they would try it , and not only that , they would succeed

      if the constituencies of this country were not true to their interests . ( "We are ready for them . " ) If there were 200 resolute men in the House of Commons , they could not do it , for those men would never suffer them to have one farthing of the public money , or the Mutiny Bill , which they woud require still more if such a measure were proposed . Let , then , the electors endeavour to return men who would uphold their interests , and if they did so , they would ultimately have a Reform Bill such as they sought , and such as the interests of the nation required . ( Cheers . ) Mr . John Thwaites made a long speech of a very caustic character as to the duties of representatives , & c , and concluded by urging the Vote by Ballot as indispensably necessary . Mr . Brtson moved an amendment demanding Annual Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , the Payment of Members , & o .

      Mr . Mence seconded the amendment , which was negatived , and the original resolution was carried unanimously . Mr . Webbbb moved the next resolution : — That this meeting vie ( ring with deep regret the sudden advent to power of a party who have hitherto been the avowed enemies of progress , and the advocates of the unrighteous tax upon food , culls upon the friends of humanity in ; i determined manner to resist , by every constitutional means , any attempts to re-impose a bread-tax . Mr . Townsend seconded the resolution , which was spoken toby Tho Hon Locke Kiso , M . P ., and Mr . Aicock , M . P , After a vote of thanks to the chairman , tho meeting separated at a late hour .

      THE PROPOSED ENROLMENT OF THE MILITIA . On Wednesday night a crowded meeting was held at the London Tavern to petition against the proposed enrolment of the militia . Mr . H . Alexander ( having been unanimously requested to preside ) observed that the meeting had been called together , in order to express the -views they might entertain With regard to the panic , which to a certain extent had prevailed amongst the people of this country , but which , ho felt , had been in a great degree unfounded , and which ,

      be believed , would lead to consequences that might prove highly disastrous to us as a nation , because it would have the effect of increasing still further tho public burdens , which wore already so heavy in connexion with our military establishments . —He hoped , that the present meeting would be only the first of a series to be held to protest against the scheme . If it was necessary to employ a large number of men in a military capacity he would very much prefer having such- as would volunteer , and paying them for their services , to pressing men against their will . ( Cheors . )

      Mr . Henry Richards having offered an apology for tho absence of Mr . Bright , moved a resolution , which alluded to the statements in the Queen's speech , and in those of Lord Palmerston ' s , and other distinguished political authorities , as to the continuance of our friendly relations with foreign powers , expressed the surprise and regret of the meeting that a proposal should have been made to increase the armaments of the country , and to enrol the militia ; adding that such a proposition was calculated to encourage vague and groundless apprehensions at home , and to create irritation and distrust among neighbouring nations . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Richards proceeded in a vein of pleasantry to detail the invasion panic of late years , and ridiculed the

      idea of a French invasion . Most of the letters in the '' Times" on this subject were written by officers and dated from the United Service Club . It was a pity that Mr . Carlyle ' s suggestion was not carried into effect , namely , that the army should be employed in time of peace upon some useful work . ( Hear , hear . ) If these army and navy officers , who had nothing to do but to lounge about the club-houses until they were overcome with ennttt , and until they became quite hypochondriacal and began to scream like hysterical girl , s " The French are coming ' . " —if these gentlemen had only some useful service to perform—such , for instance , as draining the bogs , in Ireland —( loud laughter)—there would be an end to these perpetually returning panics . { Load lnuehter and cheers . ) He should liko lo Uao » r wh « ro our

      navy was— « Our channel fleet we cannot see , Because it ' s not in sight , ' ( Laughter . ) Our ships were in the Mediterranean preserving the rock of Gibraltar and Malta ; they were on the coast of Africa , battering down negro dynasties ; they were chasing pirates , and yet after all we had to give £ 10 per head to amateur pirate hunters to do the work of exterminating them . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Richards , then sketched the provisions of the proposed Militia Bill , and asked if it was not a monstrous injustice ? It taxed the young men who would be drawn to the amount of the wages they earned , and it would be just as fair to say that only those between the ages of twenty and twenty-three should pay the income

      tax . ( Cheers . ) To men of property it would not be of much inconvenience to serve , because they could make arrangements for tho carrying on of their business in the meantime , but to the mechanic or clerk it would be ruin ' , ( Hear , hear . ) The men who rode up to town in first-class carriages would be ready enough to support the Militia Bill . Gentlemen , as they came up from their country seats , would say that they must have a militia to defend their property ; hut while they took the workng man from his employment , and made him submit to the degradating discipline of the army , they would not give him the suffrage . ( Loud cheers . ) He trusted , however , that the country would send so loud a remonstrance to the minister as would compel him to abandon tbe bill . ( Loud cheers . ) ;

      Mr . Samuel Morlbt seconded the resolution , which was carried unanimously . - ' Mr . Wm . Townsend , a working man , then moved the second resolution , which was to the following effect : — ' That this meeting regards with especial repugnance the proposal for enrolling of the militia , us a measure pregnant with moral and social evils to the community , fostering warlike teelings utterly opposed to the spirit of Christianity , inflicting great hardships upon the populatien , especially the working classes , exerting a most deleterious influence on the public morals , by deranging the habits , and corrupting the character of the young , while it will tend to encourage still further that wasteful and enormous expenditure of the national funds for military purposes , which ha » already absorbed more than six hundred millions of pounds sterling since the peace , on the pretext of putting the country in a state of defwice .

      The L^W Re Form Bill.'- ^• > ; On Wednes...

      ( Loud cheers . ) He considered that if ho had not stake enough in the country to have a vote he certainly ought not to be called upon to fight . ( Loud cheers . ) V , therefore , he was ballotted , he should write on a card , and send it to tho government ; the motto '' Nd Vote no ' ihusket , ( Cheers and laughter . ) He appealed to such working men aa had been employed in the same shop with foreigners whether a Frenchman as siiob was the enemy . of the Englishman ' . ( Cheers . ) He did not believe . that he wa ? , and , therefore , if Lord John Russell . or some other gentleman here had quarrelled with some gentleman in . ' France , let thom ' tneet at ' Dover , putonthegloves , and settle " theirdisputeinthat manner . ' ( Loud Jabgliter . ) . "' ; " ^ , J . " .. ''¦ * : £ , : Mr . John Scobm . in seconding the ^ resolntion , said there had

      x WYSt been a time of . peace when we had so large an v « . mament , ^ Wo , paid 230 , 000 men ,. i ! 50 , 000 of whom were S * wa . shores at the present . time , ^ equipped , ™ S ' ^ i ^ iplined , as he supposed , to meet ^ Tn invader . 2 ! w ^ f ^ liav y « whioh lwe bad 3 & # 0 men and S » i « ting of 150 . ships , lOOlof . frnich ought TihS ?™ i-S ? ^'^ d history aright ; the great enemy of SKiS ^^™ - < tCheers ^ - How was it that 2 Z Si ^ Tf 0 lvili 8 ert PB ° P'e ° f Europe-were trampled dfto ^{ hid ?¦ * £ ? ^ J ^ tl ing arraiesV ( OheersO He „ i ,, J « JvSuu tbere ¦• • * " any fear of invasion , be-SS & ^ ° ^^^ " muoli asit oould doto musket ftiea . at this country would be the signal - for a general rising on tb £ part of the people to assort their rights , as . in 1848 . ( Hear , ; hoar ) .. fie considered it the

      , duty of a I : m this country to protest against the unjust * n ^^ n ^ bnfairne ^ ci f thts ^ ilitia But ( Hear , hear . ) Mpreoyer ^ its objectym to place , the appointment of the officers ' directly or indirectly in the hands of the government ; and was therefore opposed to the publio liberties of the country . ' ( Loud cheers ) ¦ •' Mr . Sbarlb , of the V Dispatch , had ho wish to divide the meeting on tho subject , but thought that there was no such absolute absurdity in the . present dread . of invasion . Dr . BuBNETT ,. in a humorous speech ip which ho recom . mended the restriction of the ballot to persons liable to tho Income Tax on JE 500 , proposed the following resolution : — ' That this meeting , bearing in mind the manifold arid enormous evils which have befallen this country from the habit of interfering

      by force of arms in continentalraffairs , of which our ¦ national debt is a melancholy monument , ' protests in the strongest manner agaMttViroy sueloi intervention for the future , as likely to involve us inconflicts , the termination-arid' disastrous results of--which no human eye can foresee , while all' onr past experience proves that no permanent advantage can accrue from such forcible . interference to the great interestsof humanity and freedom . , This' was seconded . by | : Mr *^ ejijrge . Thompson , M . P ., who , in a few words , exherted the countrjKto ihake the ' most of T he j ^ tirae Wmch W 0 Vlla e , f t pse before the government of Lord Derby would be readv to meet the House of Commons , It was then carried unanimously . Mr . Fbv moved the next resolution , which was carried unanimously : —

      That this meeting desires to record its conviction that the great bulk of the enlightened French nation cherishes towards this country no other than pacific and friendly feelings , and ivould pod . vey to them tho assurance that their feelings are cordially reciprocated by an overwhelming majority of theBnglish people , who desire that the bonds ot mutual confidence and good will , which have been growing so rapidly between them within the 1 st few years , may become enlarged and cemented , by all the combined influence of religion , civilisation and commerce . Mr . Cbamerovzow moved , and Mr . Joseph Barrett seconded ,, the adoption of a petition embodying the above resolutions ; and also that the petition be forwarded to Lord John Russell for presentation ; and that the members for the City be requested to support its prayer . A vote of thanks was then given to both Chairmen , and the meeting broke np .

      BRISTOL . On Tuesday evening a meeting , at which there were upwards of 2 , 000 persons present , was held at tho Broadmead Rooms , to consider the proposition introduced by the late ministry , embodying a local militia , Robert Charlton , Esq ., presided , and on tho platform were several of the leading members of the Society of the Friends in Bristol . Mr . G . Thomas moved , and Mr . H . O . Wills seconded : — That this meeting observes with regret the proposals laid before parliament for calling out the militia , at a time when the late ministers assured the country that we are , as a nation , 0 U terms Of peifect amity With all foreign powers , This was carried with three dissentients . Mr . H . CoRsiujt moved , and Dr . Asu seconded : —

      That in tbe opinion of this meeting such a measure is both unnecessary and mischievous , dangerously invading the liberties of British subjects , interrupting the regular pursuits of industry and commerce , bearing with peculiar hardship ou the working classes of the community , and diffusing an influence most detrimental to public morals . The proceedings were enlivened by the speeches of two gentlemen named Tamlts and Clarke , who contended that a stern necessity existed for a militia bill ; the latter gentleman remarked that in case it was carried into effect , tho suffrage should be extended to the whole body of men capable of bearing arms . The proceedings terminated with a vote of thanks to the chairman .

      PARLIAMENTARY REFORM . The first of a series of 4 Monday evening public meetings on this subject , convened by the Committee of the National Reform League , was held at the Eclectic Institute , Denmark-street , Soho , on the 23 rd instant . About 200 persons Were present , including a good-tempered looking observant policeman . Mr . Rogers was called to the chair , and read notes from Mr . Harney and Mr . E . Jones , who regrettvd that previous engagements prevented their attendance . The meeting was addressed by Messrs , Murray , Bryson , Ilezer , O'Brien , and others , and the undermentioned resolutions were carried without opposition . —1 . " That this meeting considers the New Parliamentary Reform Bill , put forwar * by Lord John Russell , as affording no essential improve ment upon the existing law , because it still makes property , and not humanity , the basis of tbe Franchise—because ' n wouldnot enlarge constituencies sufficiently to nullify tbe

      present practice of bribery and corruption m tho return of members to the House of Commons—and because it makes no provision for the Ballot , or for shortening the duration of parliaments . "—2 . " That this meeting is of opinion that the advent of a new ministry is a favourable opportunity for the unfranchised classes to reiterate their claims to a bona jficfe share in the legislature , through representatives freely chosen by themselves , and who would go into parliament pledged to make the political and ,. social requirements of tbe unfranchised and working classes known and understood ; and that , therefore , this meeting earnestly recommends those classes , if thoy are not content to have their political existence ignored by the upper and middle orders , to enter at once upon a strenuous and legal agitation for their rights , through the means of public meetings and petitions to the legislature . "

      To The Friends Of Mr. O'Connor. Gentleme...

      TO THE FRIENDS OF MR . O'CONNOR . Gentlemen * , —Having received communications from several parties in the country respecting tbe position of my unfortunate uncle , Mr . F . O'Connor , with the National Land Company , I avail myself of the columns of the '' Northern Star'' to make a reply . In the first place , I beg to say that the present state of Mr . O'Connor ' s health is such that he is unable to attend to business oi any kind ; so that , unless the assistance of those for whom he has laboured so long and so faithfully be at once afforded him he will be utterly ruined .

      It is well known thai he has at various times advanced large sums of money in order to carry on the Land Plan ; and that such sums are still owing to him by the Company ; and unless this claim is liquidated Mr . O'Connor is ruined , for it is all that he has to depend upon to save him from positive want . The question then , is , what is to be done ? Mr . O'Connor ' s state of mind disables him from making out his own accounts , or , in fact , rendering any assistance in making them out . It therefore becomes necessary that bis friends should endeavour to provide means—in the first place to rescue his character from the foul imputations that nave been heaped upon him of having robbed tbe Company ; and , in the second place , to enable him to get back his own advances .

      For these purposes it is requisite that Mr . O'Connor should he provided with counsel to conduct his case in the Master ' s Court , and likewise with an accountant , to take charge of bis papers , in the shape of vouchers , & c , for the amounts which he has paid on behalf of tbe Company , from its commencement up to the passing of tbe Bill ; as neither tbe audit of Mr . Cirey , token at the time of the parliamentary inquiry , nor the audits made at the various Conferences of the Company , will be received by the Master . Therefore , even if Mr . O'Connor had been in good heahb , it would have been necessary for him to have had the assistance of some experienced accountant- but how much more so under his present unfortunate circumstances .

      To provide him with this assistance requires money . Mr . o'Couuor has none , nor have I the means oi assisting him . It , therefore , rests with his friends either to save him , or to let him be sacrificed . A small subscription from each would meet tbe emergency ; but to be useful it must be immediate ; thereis no time to be lost . All communications should be sent to me , addressed , " Mr . Roger O'Connor , 16 , Great Windmill-street , Haymarker , London , '' Poet-office-orders to be made payable to me at the General Post-office , St . Martin ' s-le-Grand . Small sums had better be sent in postage stamps . All monies received by me will be duly acknowledged in the . " Star" each week .

      Gentlemen , in conclusion , I beg to say , that this appears to me to be the only way in which my unfortunate relative can be saved . It is , however , for you to adopt such means to serve your old and tried friend as to you seems best ; and anything which I can do to assist both you and him , shall he done most willingly . I am , Gentlemen , your obedient servant , 16 , Great Windmill-street , Koger O'Connor , London , Feb . 26 .

      [ In giving insertion to this painful communication , we must remind our readers that we have already earnestl y advocated a similar course , but without effect . If the appeal of Mr . R . O'Connor is responded to , it appears to us that the roost satisfactory way to proceed would be to forma committee of gentlemen friendly to the object , wi h a dulv authorised Secretary and Treasurer . . If the subscription is to be sufficient for the object , in view , it-will leau i ra an organised machinery of advertisements , collecting hook " and canvassers , and theseoannot be provided by aa indiv ' i-? S » r ± :-ffl £ *™> »« *> . Lp , wertt

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 28, 1852, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_28021852/page/1/