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Northern Star (1837-1852), 27th December 1851, Edition 2 of 2, Page 7, Trr sPRPBB-TflE TJSURPATI02?-ASJ> tJ3C" ...

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    • Spirit of tfy aavess
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      Trr Sprpbb-Tfle Tjsurpati02?-Asj> Tj3c" ...

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      ' ^Trr Sprpbb-Tfle Tjsurpati02?-Asj> -Tu...

      ' ^ -tub - « lTS ftjtTJRE . rB OPU ^ * ™? MA 55 sagre . ^ . nondent of the " Times / ' under tbe % - £ &*** ' % jm £ njlishoian" presents the most }»« - '•! ° ^ com plete epitome of the usurpation pap . ! teble results jet given to the public . The and iIS '• jation was honoured withaproniioenfc place , ^ -jjnjuni ^ - ^ Iea ( 2 j ype . somewhat remarkable andP- ^ -jg rjngthe moderate ton e in which the fre t , " - jg of the Republican party , who have iffil * * L bug bear by the usurper to frighten tee" - w submission to hi * sanguinary and ruf-Trs * - ce p £ etau The writer says he waa quite ^ jjjjed for that event :-iIm sure that for the last three years the ii-h nubile has beea singularly wrong in its J - ,, of facts » nd its anticipations ofthe future . € iU "iominai . t ideua with it and with the press were ^ -te ofthe Republic , dread and horror of tbe So-* rf- s vmpatby at first , in } astice afterwards , to-^ f ' ko major ity of the Legislative Assembl y , j blindness to the character , the designs , and ^ na tions of Louis Hapuleon Bonaparte The is ,

      w - rr of ibatarsn »* a » or wo paiem now to be •^ - d althoug h there are parties who , in public d private , from ignorance or from interest , if - f to portant that we should appreciate the real ' 1 of the present crisis : — « Tf ever a party baa been hardly treated bv A s of all classes in thia country , it is that of Tmo-J-n" Fr-51 - - R « P » hlicans . They comprise a « t portion of tbe courage and the larger part of Xrtirincip le of the nation . Come what may , it -11 survi ve , aad whatever dynasty or despotism is -t od to rule , France will always have to count with . « f ter all the opprobrium lavished upon those

      itombltoMt wbat erJiue Jiaie they committed ? Till the revolution of 1548 massacre peaceful citi-, !! , oonr volleys of musketry and £ rnpe into tbe anions of the Boulevards , shoot its prisoners in ^ blood , and organise a reign of terror ? it did ^ t hin * f al ! this , for it suffered Louis Philippe to ^ LJLit left i ts worst enemy , Thiers , unharmed ; itaoolisbed the punishment of death for treason , adit held out a more cordial hand to England * L „ ffB had ever grasped before , or perhaps are lifcelv to grasp again . Will X-uionnl Guards , under the new regime , be permitted to fill excursion tains to London , or will another Lord Mayor and a msse of aldermen entrust themselves to the « abre and tne TOte » ' wLich now rei Sn at the Hotel de Ville ? The Republic did one other act of na-manunity— - struck off the proscripiion of the

      Bo-• Wartes , for which they nave rewarded it . «•! do not defend the extravagancies of Socialjgn hu t Socialists and Republicans are not convertible terms ; and be the former what they may , their errorsare those of imperfect reasoning , which tjn , e , the exercise of political ri ghts , experience , and re ason itself would correct . And it must not be forgot ten that a market has been made of the few * of Frenchmen , and of the ignorance of Eng . j ^ jjnivji , in the denunciation of tho Socialists . Was j , proposed to diminish the duties on consumption , a reduce the army , to organise anything like a tax

      on proprty . to n-odif y the harsh bankruptcy laws , to attempt a Poor Law- ^ -to imitate , in fact , tiat leg islation which almost all i-arties hero approve of—and the hue and cry of * Socialism * was i-atantlv got up against the unfortunate Republi-CJJ- ; . Had Sir Robert Peel been in the French Legislature he would certainly have beqp hunted dawn as the worst of Socialists . Socialism , in fact , fcsteei-t and is at this very moment , the ' raw iieadand bloody bones * of those in power , raised to terrify the timid and tbe ignorant into voting away their liberties .

      I do not and cannot defend the majority of the Xitioaal Assemb ' v . Their sympathies were always against tbe Republic—their policy to undermine nd overthrow it . Louis Napoleon and they were inpaTinersbip ; and from tbe moment of his election they combined to crush Republican feeling , to harass and oppress the Republicans themselves , and by every artifice , calumny , and violence to render them contemptible and odious . Together they planned md executed the expedition to Rome ; together tbey ccn- ^ igned to beggary and ruin the primary teachers , aud committed education to the Jesuit- ; together tbey degraded the University ssd 5 nljected it to those same Jesuits ; together tley barked universal suffrage , of which they both we born , because , disgusted with their

      fractionary measures , tbe electors of P . iris had given a vote against them ; together they postponed the isrs on the communal organisation , the municipal bodies , aud tbe National Guard , and falsified in fism the elective principle ; together they practised all sorts of illegalities , sanctioning the worst abase of preventive arrests , arbitrary imprisonments , sham plots , and police conspiracies ; together they displayed the grossest partiality in allowing or prohibiting the saleof journals in the streets ; together they passed the law on signatures to entrap and crush the journalists ; and together they kept whole departments of France in the state of aege for nearly three j ears on the most flimsy of pretence ? . Let tbe majority look lack and ask itself for whose profit it forgot its duties ; outraged justice and violated tbe constitution which it invokes

      in vain . "I turn to Louis Ifapoleon . In exile and in yonth a Socialist writer—a volunteer in the patriot army of Italy—a companion of the loosest section sf the English aristocracy—the hero of the conspiracies of Strasburg and Boulogne—the breaker of his word to Louis Philippe—the proscribed of tiie Monarchy—the recalled of the Republic—he had liven , indeed , few gages to order , to honour , or his country , when he became its citizen .

      " The Republican constitution was framed , the respective powers of the legislative and of tbe executive departments were distinctly and carefully Mned , the subordination of the President and the deration of the Presidency were as distinctly declared ; and , knowing all this , Louis Napoleon became a candidate for the office with its obligatons , was elected , and solemnl y swore to observe hem * in the presence of God and man / On two Cerent occasions he volunteered to renew that

      sacred promise , and on a third he declared in a mesage to the nation that be should' set his honour ' ss the keeping of it . Worda , oaths , and honourwhere are ibey now ? " He had scarcely passed the threshold of the Elysee when he commenced his game . That game was to madden tbe Republicans by outrages , and to make their excesses , real or pretended , the bugbear til the timid and the servile : to hold up the Socialism tbat he goaded into violence in terrorem over the aujority , and to lead it to commit itself irrevocably with the nation in its reactionary course ; to aiake that majority believe he was indispensable to it , and France that he was equally indispensable to her . His calculation was , that in spite of : he constitution he bad sworn to , his re-eleetioa would be got by the majority ' s connivance .

      ,: But never from the first was that re-election tie term of his ambition . Like his uncle , he , too . bid his star , and that assured him empire . At the T 8 ry time that he was practising on the credulity and fears of the Majority , he was sapping the respttt for Parliamentary government by the ignominious dismissal of the Barrot Ministry , his contemp tuous Messages , his announcement that » ranee desired to feel his ' hand and will , ' and by JQunding on the journals in his pay against all Parries hut himself . His progresses in the departments , his bearing , his addresses were those of an wiperial Pretender—his Society ofthe 10 th ofDettxaher , an organised hand of hired ruffians , were instru cted to cry . wherever the opportunity was possible , « Vive VEmperear V and his intrigues with ce army took a definite shape .

      * The banquets to the tub-officers , the champagne , the toasts , and the reviews , disclosed a continuity of purpose and a determination to del-inch the soldiery that opened the eyes of all . * i men could scarcely bring themselves to think •* - * » t he would dare the last extremity of perjury 5 ^ 3 treason , or that the chivalry of France could "•^ purchased by cigars and sausages . r ' Changarnier and hia lieutenant wrre dismissed , t - * d a heavy blow was struck at the Assembly , fee Republicans dreaded the majority and their ~» piain almost as much as Bonaparte , and the "juitary power ofthe Parliament was annihilated .

      ' Keraionfailed , andfrom that momentSapoleon ' s Hid was made np . It is impossible to exaggerate e caution and the cunning which marked each w Ministerial crises distracted the Assembly , and j ~ f Meant to render it contemptible . Menaces in J ^ journ als ofthe government defied it , reports of % - to * ? ilat nerer intended to be realised were iv ' h-Mhito a false security , and to mask the •» er I ^ il arri 7 ed » * we 1 affected regiments that Pt la Paris or were dra-Tn t 0 •*'» wnile tbose « * eresuspected were dranghte J to the provinces fflado * t geria- - Bonapaitirt generals and colonels Pie " o « . m 03 t " * - cei-di 3 rv -appeals against the pecetaj ° - " WPSunder their orders ; change after , «* ., = the Miniatrv of War an / -l in the command

      in « t : y of -Paris conducted at last io tbe right tu g . ments ~ -reckless men , of as desperate forw to S tbose of tbe Elysee itself ; and when all tie h vwed ' oame the long expected appeal to ooiv e-lf i ° Cracy ia tho bUl for lhe restoration of «< - reat - snSt * ge . In spite of all warning and all Tiii « M - j' the - * n 8 ai - leadership of Berryer and 0 -slvh , udnced the majoritv to throw it out , though have L doubtful votes . This decision would de-j-Jp speedil y reversed had Sapoleon really Wulai- - ' ^ re J - waa his stock-in-trade of Tl- Ism a- * ** ^ hastened to make the most of it . Aaseavt r ontan-l fatal injury was done to the ^ eaV r . tearing down from the barrack walls Uofrf t * of right which tbe constitution gave fs ® aDd ' g directly military foite for itsdeitrc ' lhe Questora' 13311 , defining this right was ** eent 0 at bf tne Republicans who , placed be gW e- ° enemie 8 « dreaded for the moment Chan-* » and the majority the most . Even now it is

      ' ^Trr Sprpbb-Tfle Tjsurpati02?-Asj> -Tu...

      difficult to § 97 - ^ hat their conduct should have been , for , though the pacing ofthe measure would have hurried on the combat , and might have prevented the surprise , it would have giwn a more colourable pretext for violence . " The Responsibility Bill ( one of strict right and necessity ) was sent down b y tbe Counpil of State It was too late . Sapoleon saw that the decisive moment bad arrived . If that bill was law his inatrunients might quail before the penalties of treason . The troops , distinctly apprised of their duties , might hesitate when the order came to violate them , and the Assembl y would be too -well prepared to fall before a coup de main . His plan laid with consummate difficult tn ea » ^ hat their conduct * h «« i a » ,, „ . > v .

      was cunning . Abortive rumours of coups d ' etat fell thick as hail ion Pari 9 bill men scarce knew whether to dread or laugh at them ; the insults of the government journals were redoubled , and the day was fixed for the election of a representative . Before that day arrived despatches were sent to all the prefects to be prepared for a Socialist outbreak in the capital on the occasion of the declaration of the poll . Fresh regiments were concentrated in its neighbourhood under the same pretence : the garrison was ordered under arms , and the military movements were on such a scale that the "National" inquired on the morning ofthe 1 st * What d-wk intentions lurked behind them ?'

      "Ao Socialists appeared , or had ever been expected ; the day was one of profound calm ; the majority congratulated itself on the triumph of order in the person ofM . Devink ; night came , and Paris slept , and before it awoke on the 2 nd of December tbe coup rfetat was struck . " I shall say nothing of its details , nor of the horrors that have followed . They are written in Wood on the memory of France . But can any man doubt , who knows her history for the last three years , that Louis Uapoleon has never for one instant , ceased to conspire since the Republic admitted him a citizen—that he marched with the

      majority , - while the majority could be made his tools and might become his instruments—that he broke with it as soon as it saw through his designs , and lyingly appealed to the suffrage he had mutilated—that his Presidential reign was one long juggle with the fears of on ' e class by goading another to despair—that be has systematically debauched the army , and effected a treacherous and bloody Revolution by paid Fratorian bands—that he has violated the most solemn , reiterated , and voluntary oaths taken to * God and man ' and that he has compassed a military despotism more debasing and debased , more universal , and more ruthless than France has ever groaned under ?

      " Can this endure ? lam not an atheist , and I answer Xo ! The wrath of Heaven does not blast in our days Ananias with the lie upon his lips . The Christian world does not deify Nemesis , but she still exists , and still , perhaps , is lame . Tbe logic of Crime ia Retribution . The perjured traitor who now rules France rules by terror only . The sanction cf that treason by Universal Suffrage is too gross a sham to need exposure , and too bitter a mockery even for derision . De governs by and for the army , and the power that made can by one shout unmake him He bought with hard cash its bayonets and its vokea—he must still continue to buy . The donatives of the Lower Empire have commenced already . The butchers of the bourgeoisie are on war allowance . The officers have got promotion and gratuities—no man knows how much . Marshals of France have heen created , and a Council of Five is in the air .

      " But this military tyrant is not himself a soldier . He "Sever set a squadron in thejBeld . " Nor the divisions of a battle knows " Jlore than a spinster . Cromwell and the first Napoleon were the great captains of tbeir age ; their lieutenants had served , their armies had been formed under them , and both were bound to them by a common glory—not , as to this roan , by a common crime . He is dependent wholly on his generals ; the state of siege compels the concentration of enormous forces in the several military divisions of France under some half-dozen chiefs . Who is to answer for their fidelity and for tbeir accord ! "When jealousies spring up , as they

      certainly will , can the puppet ofthe Elysee appease them ? ' Give , give , ' wili be the cry ; and woe to him when he refuses . Can the r-tten financial system of France sustain the inevitable prodigality ? Whence will the money come ? From the people ? I dare him to increase taxation . Socialist that he was , madman and impostor that I believe him to be , he talks of shifting and of lightening it , The abolition of the octrois and the wine tax is possible on one condition—the reduction of the army . Tbe Republic might do that—he cannot . Will he borrow ? Will yon capitalists of England lend ? Is the experience of Spain , o ? Portugal , of Austria lost upon you ? You " cannot be such idiots as to pitch vour ingots in tbe sulf of this despot's

      necessities , and of a sure repudiation of a future France . Will you rush to war ! For what ? That matters not . Any pretext is enough for him who laughs at truth and oaths . But he cannot assail the military despotisms of the continent . They are his natural allies , and their tyrannies prop his own . The old Republic conquered to theory of liberty , and Napoleon hut completed , under the flag of despotism , what that cry had commenced . Did the modern Republic march its battalions into Germany with * Liberation of the people' on its banners , the issue might be fearful for the houses of Hohenzollern and oi Hapshurgh . But no shout of freedom can be raised by this man ' s Janissaries , and they must face the hatred nf the German people as well as the discipline of German hosts .

      "It is England that he dreads , and on England he must war , if he war at all . But war has its special perils for him . If he fail , he is damned past saving ; if he succeed , it must be by the hands of others . Will some new 'hero of a hundred fig hts' be content to work for him ? "Why should he ? The usurpation of Napoleon is a school and a lesson for usurpers . War with England has its peculiar dangers . If steam has done much for France , it has done more for us ; the alliance with America looms larger and nearer ; and , sad as it is to think of such strife , I believe that ere many campaigns were passed the commerce of our enemy would be extinguished—his ports would be blockaded—his mercantile marine laid up , or prizes in the British harbours—his fleet sunk , burnt , or captured , and his naval power a tradition .

      " The struggle , however , is prohale—perhaps imminent . We may confide in God and our right , hut we may not be supine . We have to deal with duplicity , faithlesBncas , and daring , reckless professions , stealthy preparations , and a sudden blow . The lover of peace must be ready for war , aud Mr . Cobden cannot now recommend us to disarm . Our house must be put in order ; no more quarrels with our colonies ; a speedy end to Kaffir campaigns ; concentration at home of disposable troop ? , an efficient maratime force in the Channel and in the harbours most accessible to France ; wise concessions to public opinion , and consequent combination of all classes .

      '" If there be a man who is not to be envied , that man is Louis Ifapoleon . A self-convicted perjurer , an attainted traitor , a conspirator successful by the foulest treachery , the purchase ofthe soldiery and the butchery of thousands , he must , if not cut short in his career , go all the lengths of tyranny . For him there is no halt , for his system no element of either stability or progress . It ia a hopeless and absolute anachronism . The Presidential chair or the Imperial throne is set upon a craterthe soil is volcanic , undermined , and

      tremblingthe steps are slippery with blood—and the darkenin" steam of smouldering hatred , conspiracy , and vengeance is exhaling round it . Each party can furnish its contingent for tyrannicide : the assj sdn dogs him in the street , and e ven at the balls or banquets of the Eiysee he may find the fate of Gu-ttavus . He who has been false to all must only look for falsehood , and is doomed to daily and to nightly fears of mutinies , insurrections , and rereve . Conscience cannot he altogether stifled , and ° will sometimes obtrude , in her horrible phantasmagoria , the ghastly corpses of the

      Boulevards . . . . 11 But , where is the national party m his favour , of which we heard so much ? I see no si ^ n of is . The army has been corrupted and inflamed by appeals to its basest and Woodiest instincts , —the Jesuits are enlisted by the earnest , and the promise of spiritual aud material plunder , —the timid are terrified by the past , the present , and the future , — the servile , ofthe Baroche class , are crawling , belly in tbe dusr , to place and pension—and the foul herd ot sycophants and parasites that suck the strength and blood of power in France , the roue , the gambler , and tbe desperate in character and fortune , choke the doorways of the Elysee .

      " If this man ' s reign is destined to continue , even for a brief duration , the world will witness the most heterogeneous jumble of despotism and of demagoguy , of Socialism and corruption that history has ever chronicled . The bribery of Walpole , the theories of labour of Louis Blanc , the stockjobbing of the woist days of Louis Philippe , the deportations of the Czar , the razzias of Algeria , will all meet in one marvellous system of anarchy that will be called Imperial Government . Its great aim and object are to gag the country and to * rig the market ; and under this patentof tranquillity and order France will be one vast military bell , with Louis Napoleon for its croupier .

      Ho-Oowat's Pitt* A Specific Remedy For C...

      Ho-oowAT ' s Pitt * a specific remedy for Complaints to which Females are liable . -Aftertbo experience of many veai-sit ismcontestibl yprovedtbatthereis no . medicine Lual to llolloway ' s Pi » s for the cure of diseases incidental ^ females . The invigorating and punfymg proprties of these admirable Pills render them safe and infallible ; they maj be taken by females of all ages ; any disorganisation or irregularity ol the system may be ipeedily wctifif d hviheiruse . and the patients thereby restored to the most KtheaW . As a medicine for family use : H « l ow . y ' s Wuf are unekqualled , and may be taken for bile , sick headaches , or nervousness . ;

      Spirit Of Tfy Aavess

      Spirit of tfy aavess

      The Election , Ltjcus A Notf . (From The...

      THE ELECTION , LTJCUS A NOtf . ( From the Exa miner . ) In the thing called , an election in France there is no more of election than in the highwayman ' s alternative , " your money or your life . " Setting asidefora moment the consideration of the intimidation , the corruption , tbe foul influences in every shape -n-hioh have been exercised to extort the suffra ge favourable to M . Bonaparte , we ask who , uninvested with authority , can have a ri ^ ht to

      pre scribe the bounds within which the will of the nation ia to range , and to narrow it to the aecep tance or rejection of one man out of 35 , 000 , 000 ? Who , in invoking a declaration of the national choice , can have the right to dictate the sole object upon which it is to be exercised ? Who can have the right to cut and embank the channel for the source of legitimate power , and to give to it the law—thus far and no further : What is the sovorugnty of the people appealed to , if its voice can ba stifled to a yes or no in the narrowest and most arbitrary alternative ?

      M . Bonaparte , in his appeal to the sovereignty of the people , has arrogated a sovereingty over the sorwei gnty of the people . It has been 1 is act of sovereignty to prescribe and limit the teims ofthe choice , and this act of supreme authority has proceeded from one divested of all legal authority whatever and under the ban of the law . To resemble this to a forced marriage after rape would be to mitigate the peculiar enormity of the conduct . Nothing legitimate can come of such violation of law , nothing constitutional from such an outrage against the first constitutional principles . The taint of the usurpation runs thioviEhont ~ the

      usurpation having been the moving power to fix the method of sanctioning and establishing itself , proposing itself , and nothing but itself , yes or no . The possession of power has in this flagrant case been certainl y more than the proverbial nine-tenths of the law ; we look in vain for any fraction of law or semblance of constitutional principle . The election , arbitrarily narrowed as it i » , involves a denial of the right of election . It amounts to no more than a self-nomination , with a permision of ratification , to be dispensed with if not given . It is a conge d ' elire , in which the paramount right of appointment is asserted in the permission to choose .

      If a free choice were allowed it would be with the monstrous inconsistency—a contradiction in terms—of a free choice arbitrarily limited—a free choice with marvellously small choice—a free choice confined in the closest alternative , and forbidden to range beyond the one question of one man , yes or no . And who so bounds the choice ? who so arbitrary restricts the range ? The man himself , overruling , and circumscribing , clipping , and coining the sovereign authority to which be pretends to make appeal . The appellant in this cuife defines the jurisdiction , and selects the point , upon which the issued is to be had . These considerations have doubtless determined many of the opponents of the usuper to take no part in the mockery of the election , and this course would be

      judicious and effective if any honesty in the conduet of the election could be expected ; but as that is utterly out of the question , it matters little whether the suffrage be silent or adverse , for forgery will deal with the one and suppression with the other . We may be sure , indeed , that M . Bonaparte ' s scruples will nothegin at the election , and that he will not treat the sufftage with more respect than the press , which is either suppvessfd or falsified , that is , forged opinions inserted in the place of cancelled passages . The " Siccle , " the journal of the bourgeoide , has been suppressed , merely for having recommended its readers to look to the electoral lists ; and is it to be imagined that the tyrant would be more forebearant towards adverse suffrages than to a guide that simply points to the bureaux registration ? From his treatment

      of the organs of the opinions of the people , we may unerringly Infw what will be his treatment of the opinions of the people in the gross ; and he will make up ball cartridge with the balloting papers inscribed with the Non . The election is as much an instrument in the hands of the usurper as the Bourse , and it is as easy to get up a false return as to screw np the funds to 102 , a rise of twelve per cent ., in tbe tranquillity of terror . Everywhere fraud is at work for M . Bonaparte . There has been nothing open since the 2 nd of December but slaughter , nothing frank but force , nothing undisguised but tyranny . The rise in the public securities—the very word conveys a satireis easily toheexplained . There is a limited number of agents " of change appointed by government , and whose books are open to the inspection of the government . Tn have transacted a sale would have

      marked an agent out for vengeance , a prison forthwith , and perhaps a thrust of a bayonet by the way , in a pretended rescue , or a chance bullet . Let us not be told that the government is incapable of crime so black ; our answer is , that the massacre of the 4 th—a massacre which , after the pattern of St . Bartholomew , should bear for ever the name of the massacre of St . Bonaparte , for a saint he is of the ultramontane Catholic Churchwas a planned and " got up thing , " to use the appropriate language of the felonry . General Magnan , in his report to the Minister of War , plainly states that he allowed the assemblages of people and the construction of barricades to proceed without check or hindrance till two o ' clock , in order to have a mass of life against which to operate with more effect : —

      At noon I learnr that the barricades were becoming formidable , and that the insurgents were entrenching themselves ; but I had decided on not attacking before two o'clock , and firm in my resolution . I did not hasten the movement , net . witlutanding all tbe intreaties that were made to me to the contrary . I knew the ardour o ( my troops and their Impatience for tbe combat . ' * The ardour of the troops ! " for what ? "their impatience for the combat ! " with whom ? Ardour and impatience to embrue their hands with tho blood of their fellow countrymen . So that this employment of the troops , which is generally either felt , or affected to be considered , as a sad necessity , a stern but repugant duty , was on this atrocious occasion a labour of love , executed with eagerness

      and alacrity . The assassinations , the great majority of which were of helpless , defenceless people , who were caught passing through the street !" , or looking on , apprehending no danger as they saw no signs of resistance , amount , it is said , to about 2 , 000 ; and that this is not an extravagant estimate may be inferred from the loss of the troops , for if we heard that a certain numbiM ? of wolves had been found killed in a sheepfold , we might judge what must have been the havoc among the sheep from the fact that some of their destroyers perished in the thronj of their victims . General Magnan does not thinkit worth while to say a word in regret or extenuation of the murders on the Boulevard

      Montmartre and tho adjacent street . English witnesses , thoroughly trustworthy , state that the fire opened along the whole line from the Porte St . Denis to the Boulevard des Italiens was wholly unprovoked , that no shots had been discharged from the houses , and that the volleys of the troops were kept up for a full quarter of an hour as fast as they could load , and a more desultory fire for a full hour . A very significant fact is mentioned on good authority , that when the troops were firing on noncombatants fly ing up the rue St . Denis , and shooting the wounded lying writhing on tho pavement , the officers in vain ordered them to change tbeir aim to the houses . This command was doubtless

      g iven from humanity , to diminish at least the slaughter ; but it shows that to fire at .--omething or s on-ebody was the order of tho day , with the object of striking what the Minister of the Interior calls " a salutary terror . " 1 / it be true , as nllpged in the usurper's j ournals , that money was given to the men who threw up tbe barricades , there cannot be a doubt , putting other circumstances and evidences together , that such money was the blood money of the government . » » " * * A military government in France , completing the to the

      chain , of despotic posts from Petersburgh Psrenees , would alone be a serious evil to this country , impairing its security and necessitating couly , precautionary defences ; but a most malignant aggravation of this evil is the alliance of the priesthood with the rule of the sword . The Alps are now no more , and the field is smooth and open for the machinations of Rome up to tho opposite coa <» t We thus see , in immediate prospect , banded saainst the peace of thia country , tho impulses of spiritual and military encroachment , each stiinu-LTtinir and supporting the other—tbe lust of

      conquest sanctified by bigotry , sacerdotal amoiuons and aggressions deriving new audacity from the supportof his sword . It can hardly be necessary to point out what the effect of this state of things must be upon the ultramontane and malcontent part of Catholic Ireland . All the bigot sympathy and guilty hope s of this body will be with the despotic go vernment in confederacy with Popish ambition and priestcraft , against liberty m all its forms civil and religious . Dull and shortsighted , indeed , must be lhe man who does not perceive the gravity of the prospect before us . # England has coped triumphantly with the powers of France . " wielded by the first millitary genius ;

      but then the despotic governments at enmity witn France for the Revolution , were in turns our allies , and ne ver sincerely leagued against w . The case is now reversed . France , despotic ally revolutionised is cordially embraced in the Holy Alliance ; and En gland stands alone in Europe , excepting some small states , which upon the first pretence would be swallowed up by their powerful neighbour France is already menacing Belgium and Switzerland , and there is a wolfish maw ravening for Piedmont . Then as to our resources , steam has made » change both in naval warfare "nd in military operations by the rapid transport of troops , the efiect of which remains to he tried . Our belief is that we retain the advantage but not the ini-

      The Election , Ltjcus A Notf . (From The...

      sail En ^ Li ™ ? ! ' P "" 5536 ' un ( le' - t ] ie fn iili I f IWh fleets were ro ^ nf ? blockaded JLi t ™ '' or met t 0 be destroyed whenever formpri ?" - !! * * e » L mch <™™ vigilance than no confidence oould be placed . We have had a « gnal warning of example of what may be done under cover of darkness in a ni ght .

      Conversion Of The "Daily News" To Social...

      CONVERSION OF THE "DAILY NEWS" TO SOCIALISM . a-L t . p- * rt ' n : rrship En Commandite . . ) »& English law of partnership has boen lone felt to be most unsatisfactory . Its stringency in imposing unlimited liability on every partner is unparalleled in the mercantile world . It makes each partner answerable for the debts of the partnnrstup to the whole extent of his fortune ; it gives an unpaid creditor the right of suing at law each of the partners individuall y for debts contracted in the name of all ; it holds every one to be a pariner fi ? ° P ;\ - 'P ate 8 » " the slightest degree in the pro-• fv ? I " - " l ifc allows every partner to deal with the common property to any extent short of the commission of actual fraud anil if an unfortunate partner has been forced by an action at law to satisfy the claims of a creditor , or has suffered wrong m the management of the concern , it

      virtually reives him redress against his fellowpartners , b y confining his remedy to a suit in chant ry , to which every partner must ba a part v . lliose onerous responsibilities can be escaped bv two processes only—Act of Parliament , and a charter from the crown—but both are so ruinous-lv expensive and so uncertain of attainment , that for an practical purposes , limited luhiUty is exciuded by the English law . A committee of the House of Commons investigated this subject last session , and resolved , " That the law of partnership , as nt present existing , viewlag its importance in reference to the commercial c . iaracter and rapid increase of the population and property ofthe country , requires careful and immediate revision . " It . then recommended tho appointment ofcommi

      ' a ssion , which should suggest such changes as the altered condition of the country should require . " Among the changes most canvassed at the present time , and towards which public favour seems inclining with increasing force , is the adoption of what our nei ghbours call partnership " en commandite . " The subject has acquired fresh interest by the growing introduction into tho money market of London of the shares of French companies organised on the principle of partnership en commandite ; and the question naturally occurs , if Englishmen are attracted to such enterprises , when protected by a foreign law only , why their principle should not be adopted b y the English law also , and the benefits it is found to confer diffused generally over the country .

      Partnershi ps en commandite arcc . trvied on by a few managers or gerans , who alone have the exclusive right of conducting the affairs of the partnership ; but on them also the law imposes the fullest and most unlimited liability . The rest of the partners or commanditaires , whose numbers are subject to no restriction , are answerable only to the extent ofthe capital which they invest in the concern ; on tho other hand , they are interdicted from every kind of interference with its manage , ment , possessing only a right of access to the records of its proceedings , and to full information on thestateofthe business .

      It is obvious that such partnerships offor some very considerable advantages . There is an abundance of capital seeking investment , which is driven back upon the funds and other fixed securities , because its owners , though willing to stake a part , are not willing to hazard all their " fortune on promising commercial enterprises . The en commandite principle would open to such capital attractive employment , in sums varying from the highest to tho lowest amounts , and many a valuable scheme which cannot i > ow be prosecuted for w ant of funds , because the presumption of success is no equivalent against the risk of total ruin , would quickly find the support of many contributors , and be

      carried out with great advantage boil to individuals and the community . Many are the l ossessors of narrow means , who would be eaeer to procure an enlargement of ease and comfort by sharing in the profit of business ; people whose condition is now hopelessly hemmed in between three per cent , con sols , and a venture for their whole fortune . The vast extension cf savings banks , friendly societies , and other benevolent institutions , shows how large are the sums seeking investment amongst the lower classes , and how difficult it is to obtain anything above the lowest scale of interest . To these classes , partnerships en co » i » ia » dits would open out a large field : and it seems hard to restrain their liberty by the operation of artificial laws ,

      But more urgent still than all these reasons in favour of the proposed alteration ofthe law , are considerations derived from the relation now subsisting between capital and labour . The working classes have reached an amount of intelligence unprecedented at any former period of history , whilst their numbers attach a weight to their sentiments unknown before . Never before have artisans and operatives , in the essential character of their thoughts and feelings , approached so closely to the _ upper classes—never before were they less ca pable of becoming the slaves of routine employ ment , valuable for their hands and the intelligence which guided them , but undeveloped in understanding , and indifferent to tho pursuits which characterise intellectual beings . Symptoms of this change abound in every country of Europe ; its effects are sufficiently alarming—it were well to take warning in time .

      Already ill France a fierce war has broken out between capital and labour . England likewise has felt the shock . Vigorous intellects and vehement passions have been enlisted in the strife . Old institutions are poweifully assailed ; and who shall say that a new era nmy not be at hand ? Capital is denounced as the too ! of selfishness . Its interests are painted as hostile to those of the mass of mankind , and a capitalist is held up to odium as one whom self seeking must convert into an oppressor . Even men employed in the ministry tf the church havo gone so far as to call the condition of a re . ceiver of wages a bondage , — a pure slavery , — equally offensive to reason and religion . These sentiments easily find support in those

      seasons of adversity to which a tmde spioid over every reigon ofthe -lobe is inevitably subject . A bad crop of cotton may call a legion of socialists into existence . Mills are worked half time or stopped altogether—wages sink—tbe capitalist rapidly loses his property , and yet is charged with being the cause through his selfishness of the misery of the workmen , not only by the men themselves , but by writers also , whose posiion and education should have taught them better things . What device can be more seasonable or more salutary than the conversion of the workmen into fellow capitalists with the master ? What can possibly open their eyes so effectually to the vicissitudes of trade as that they should share its profits and its losses ? What can create so certainly as partnerships a cordial spirit of brotherly fellow feeling between tbe mind that thinks and p'ans and tl-e hands that work;—or

      consolidate so firmly a community of interests between those whom the tendency of the age is apt to array in direct antagonism to each other ? Partnership en commandite seems admirably ad-ipced to bring about these valuable results . The operative is stimulated by it to save , because he is able at onco to dispose of hia savings advantageously . However small may be his investment , it associates him with the fortunes of the factory . If times are bad he is not tempted to charge the cupidity of the master with the crime of lowering wages : he has access to the books , and can inspect the register of diminished profit painful or loss . He learns that if he suffers , the large capitalist suffers still more . When fortune smiles , he not only obtains better wages , but as a partner shares iu the gain , and leavns to look on the common business with affection—with a feeling that it is his

      own . ,, . On the other hand , the master obtains corresponding advantages . He gets guarantees for peace and harmony such as nothing but partnership c- » n bestow . He commands increased capital . Ho ceases to be an object of jealousy to his men ; they know the state of ' tbe business ; they rise and fall with him . Can the growing disposition to look upon the master as the enemy of his workmen be met more directly or with a better promise oi success ?

      As managing partner , liable for tho whole of his fortune , the master has the stronget-t inducements for the exercise of prudence , activity , and care ; as associated with " special partners , " who are forbidden to interfere , he is exempted from trouble . And he gains one very clear advantage above thos . e he now enjoys . His workmen h-. ve now the most powerful motives to practise economy and industry . They work as m asters—not as hirelings ; their savings and their energy reward , not an employer , but themselves . No reasons of equal weight can be assigned tor refusing a fair trial to such a system . Complete publicity gives the public all the security they reand the

      quire . If the names of the partners sums they have invested in the business are publicly proclaimed , every one who g ives them credit will know what he has to trust to . And there is in this very publicity an assurance of the possession of capital by the concern , which is not to be had as the law now stands . The evidence before the committee moreover asserts that in those countries where * the law of partnerships tn commondifs prevails , audi concerns , when bankrupt , pay beyond the average rate of dividend . If men of straw are appointed managers , the sums placed against their names will gire tbe publie warning ot the fact . And it w hardly a justi-iable policy to forfeit great advantages / or the sake of protecting those whom their folly alone exposes to danger .

      Conversion Of The "Daily News" To Social...

      » W ™ 7 ™ Pleaded regarding the risk cncoiiStM'SB -. ytae po , ' Aai 1 ' gnorant , of cntriistiiK * their sfillPflS U > . '; , 1 V ;| "d-fraudulei * t men . Unde r no system can tbti -PY" bo averted . Expeihnced persons declare thai the sums , lost b y the poor through injudicious laans every year i » incredible . Partnerships en commandite admit of effective j . recautions being made for investors . They may have publicity , " full accesn to the books , and espe " . dally an extension of the machinery already at work in friendly societies , for providing cheap and immediate redress to partners against each osher . This is a very vital point ; OliO of tlie law reforms most urgently needed

      English merchants are proverbially n conservative race . Custom is their , ruler , and beyond most mortals they dislike the haz-irds that attend innovations . This feeling is often salutary : in the present case they have no reasonable ground for alarm in trying in England an experiment which is at work , without producing ruin , in France , America , Belgium , and elsewhere . —Daily A ' etw .

      Kossuth And Mazzini.-Htjngary And Italy....

      KOSSUTH AND MAZZINI .-HTJNGARY AND ITALY . Among the addresses presented to the . Hungarian leader while in this country wai one from the Society of the . Friends of Italy . In hi * reply to that address , Kossuth expressed his confidence in Mazzini , and recognised him as the leader of the Italian peoole , with whom he should be happy to act in conjunction in future . At a subsequent interview between 'he Triumvir of the Roman Republic and the ex * Governor of Hunuary , it was . we believe , agreed that the causes of the two countries should be

      united , so far as public action was concerned in this country . The papers have just published a correspondence between these two illustrious men , in which each give full expression to their views , and amply substantiate the statements as to the good understanding which exists between them . In tbe present state and future prospects of Europe , this accord between Wo leaders who enjoy popular confidence to a greater extent than any other person living , is a good omen . The correspondence originated in M . Mazzini forwarding to Kossuihan address entrusted to him lor presentation by some Italians resident iu Genoa .

      The address was accompanied by a signet ring , bearing the impression of the Roman Eagle , and the motto , " Dio e il Popolo , " with the inscri ption on the circumference" Gl ' Italian ! 4 Kossuth . " In the letter accompanying the address , after expressing himself warml y as to the high estimation in which he and the Democracy of Italy hold the Magyar chief , Mazzini proceeds to discharge an important duty committed to him namely , to explain the nature and tendenc es of our democracy * ' so

      that you may know what men they are who extend to yon and ask of you the band , and upon what basis will be founded that alliance which identity of positinn . ofenemies . and of objecthas decreed between us . " Italian democracy is not a reaction , but a faith . It is not a cry for emancijatien uttered by one hostile and irritated class against another ; it is a proeramme of association of all classes , or rather of all the various social fractions , in one sole aim ; that of constituting the qreat Italian family one free and powerful , for the benefit of the " greater human family ; the country , for the benefit of all countries .

      If Italy did not feel herself called to arise in the name and for the good of all—for a principle and not for an intere * -t , for the free development of life wherever it is violated or imperfect—if she did not deduce her rights from the dut y which binds her in theallianre of nations , in the moral unity of Europe , and through that to the unity of the human raceour democracy would be but egotism disguised , hidden under a pompous title . Nationality , is , then , for us the sign of our mission , our collective conscience . It assumes for itself and

      recognises for othets an inalienable right ti independence . The aim is common—the choice of means , the more of organisation by which to reach it , belongs to the nation . Equality among the peoples is the solo security for their alliance . And our alliance shall be that of free and equal peoples , who , while independent in all that concerns their internal organisation , recognise a common country , humanity , as superior to all others , and join together in the name of God to promote progress and the triumph of truth and justice .

      Upon the banner of Italian democracy shine forth two eternal words , " God and the People , " which are tbe beginning and the end of our faith . God the liw , a law of progress and of love , the people Bole interpreter of that law . We do not accept privileged interpreters . God has his throne in the conscience of every individual ; from the harmony ofthe individual conscience with the conscience of tlm human race and with universal tradition , springs a continual revelation of truth , which

      virtuous genius developes and purifies , and which the people verifies and applies in social intercourse . Tho papacy and the empire are for us two falsehoods — phantoms of authority , which neither direct , nor fecundate , but extinguish free life . Italian democracy will combat the one and the other until tho day in which the Rome of the people and tho Vienna of the people shall havo signed the emancipating compact of alliance which already exists between us , and in the name of which we shall be united on the battle-field .

      This compact , whatever the calumny of our adversaries may assert , is not a pact of anarchy , of the overthrow or the negation of those elements which constitute civil life , or of a new tyranny of a sect or of an individual syetem substituted tor the tyranny already existing . Italian democracy ia a nation , not a sect . We recoeniso two inviolable elements of life ; the individual and society , liberty and association . We believe all systems which would sacrifice either of these elements to tho other to be false and dangerous , and inevitably resulting in anarchy or despotism . We seek in everything to barmoniae thcao two terms . We desire a

      state in which the way shall be open to every man for the development of his moral and physical faculties , in which tho way shall be open to all tho sources of education and of wealth proportioned to his own exertions , and to secure and continuous labour , freely chosen , and on which his right to enjoyment mu ? t depend . In such a state we place our hopes of a peaceful , because normal , state of society , free from violence and reaction because based upon equity , free from the necessity of revolutions because relying on the continual progress and fraternal association of the millions who people our land .

      KOSSUTH TO MAZZIKI , Hero is my answer to tho address of your fellewcitizens . United , we shall act , I hope , a better one . United , because our cause ia one , because we have a common enemy , a common camp , a common design , united , because my republic , like yours , is neither tyranny , nor anarchy , neither a violation of the liberty " of the individual , nor a sacrifice of the social aim to the egotism of individuals ; united , because , like you , I recognise no other master than God and my nation . —I have faith in you , as you havo in me . For a short time farewell . Loms Kossuth .

      KOSSUTH TO TIIE OKXOESB DKM 0 CRAT 8 , When , a fugitive from my country , I hailed with the affection inspired by oiir common misfortunes and hopes , the sacred soil of Italy , in tbe voices of brotherly enthusiasm which reached me from the multitude assembled upon the shore , I felt—heavenly consolation ' . —the solidarity of the new life which is now animating the desires of the nations ; I felt that the hour of deliverance will never strike again for divided peoples , and that the compact of their future alliance is engraven on the heavtsof the

      oppressed by the finger of God himself . And your address , amongst a thousand others , is anew confirmation to me of this idea . Whilst grasping the friendly hand of him deputed by you to present it to me , of the man representing tho party the most powerful for action and the moat promising for the future of Italy , and with whose sympathies and labours I share , I thought of the glorious fruits which will spring from the union of my country and yours in tho approaching battles for independence and liberty . , *

      For us , as for you , O Italians , the efforts and the experience of the psst have borne their fruits . Tho time is now ripe—tbe series of trials exhaustedall hope of converting to the right path elements radically opposed to every dove ' opment of life , vanished : it only remains for Hungary , for Italy , for the nations trampled upon by despotism , to arise in their own strength over the length and breadth of a continent overshadowed by lying forms , without any other legality than that which the Eternal Mind implinti in the natural order of human things , assigning to the different peoples vocation * , faculties , ai . d a right of spontaneous progress , in harmony with their common duties . Our cause and yours are bound together by their origin , their suffeihigs , and by their aim . The House of llapshurg has been death to Hungary as well as to It-ly .

      In conjunction with the Court of Rome it extinguished in you , by protecting the inquisition , every spark of genius and national virtue , and retarded by two centuries and a half the revival inaugurated by your philosophers and martyrs of the seventeenth century . From us it snatched one after another our ancient franchises—the right ef electing our kings , our own armies—liberty of conscience ; it replied to our protests by rapine and the sword , to the Magyar generosity which had thrice saved the empire , by robbing us of our mdependence . —In exchange for the blood and treasure we spent in its service , it repaid us with falsehood , treason , and the scaffold . By oppressing Hungary , and co-operating in the dismemberment of Poland and Italy , thus taking from these generous nations their mission and individual life , Austria opened an immense gulf in the centre of civilised Europe , destroyed the defences raised against the barbarian

      Kossuth And Mazzini.-Htjngary And Italy....

      \ a *\ gave a fatal Wow to modern cbilis . iticn . And what reward Ime she re . iped for her enormous orime ¦ Her own vassalag e to Russia . m . . . ? c ot n » Paburg is tho negation , the evil , the absurdity of political Europe . It has thrown Hostility , dissolution , death , into themidst of Christian peoples to make of them its prev . Ext «* wdin- » on one side the hand to the Tope , oh the other to me tzar , it h . is endeavoured , and still endeavours , to extinguish human conscience under tbe double weight of iakehood and brute force . Not founded

      thinL Z t \ T conforn ) a ,, Je t 0 tho nature , of ? " £ ' . * ^ other reaso » f or existence than tlie ego ism of a famil y and of a few venal officials , it confides its safety toan organised system of assassination , and to . the disciplined barbarities of its troops It is time that humanity thonhJ bo avenged of this abomination . It is ' time for the peoples who have been draggid by the arts of spiritual and material tyranny into the narrow nays of egotism , to re-enter the open path of liberty and association .

      Italians ! the fate of Hungary is fast bound up with yours . United with you in { he battle , we shall ho so after the victory ; erected together , amotsat tho hymns of redei-meil peoples , a glorious temple to our martyrs upon the ruins of iliehouseof Hapsburg . Happy shall we deem ourselves if by the blessing of God , wo are the first to begin the struggle of European liberty against despotism . When the hour of redemption arrives—and arrive it will for us , come wiat may , and let whosoever else hold back— . Milan and Pesth , remembering past errors , will sound , simultaneousl y , the tocsin of nvolt , like cities of the same count'y .

      In oar ancient constitutions is inscribed the right of insurrection and defoi . ee against the caprices of power . This principle , never forgotten by us , will save Hungary . To you , Italians * , it w ,-i 3 forbidden by the two powers which arc joined together for your ruin—the papacy and Jho empire—to inscribe that right in a national constitution . But tbey could not erase it from your hearts ; and to-day from ono end of the Peninsula to the other , tho life Of the nation is bound up in this . - For m » , as for you , the necessary result of such a right , after the experience 0 / ages , is the Republic . And in this namo we shall conquer . Wo shall conquer , because we shall bo united—because , fighting with the people and for the people , and not for the interests of castes or of governments necessarily leagued with the Emperor , -tho Pope , and the Czar . We shall

      conquer , because , utttring a cry of true liberty , nad not couutbi ; upon the miserable combinations of a diplomacy wS-ich hasjiet'rayed us hundreds of times , and no Ionger , ; pOssesses either life or sensa in presence of the lijrope of the future , we shall have with us all the peoples who demand a country , all free men who have , in whatever part of the > civilised world , the will and the courage of a just cause . Lastly , we shall conquer , because our principles will not he principles of violence and negation against tbose sacred and inviolable elements in which society has root and life—but principles of development- and of tho progressive association of the capabilities , the tendencies , and the natural activity as well as of individuals as of corporations —principles of universal education , and of the . harmonious co-operation of the nations in tho worli of their common pcrfectionment . Louis Kossuth .

      Emotion Intelligence. Repheskxtatiox Of ...

      EMOTION INTELLIGENCE . Repheskxtatiox of West Kknt . —It appears from the organisation of political parties in this district , there is every probability of a strenuous contest at the general election . We know not whether it is the intention of Mr . Thomas Law Ilodgis , one ofthe present members , to retire ; but we learn on good authority that Sir Joseph IlawJey , Bart ., of Chevvning , and Mr . J , Whatman , a county magistrate , residing at Maidstone , will stand on the liberal interest , The Conservative association , of course , support Sir Edward Filmer , one ofthe present members ; several meetings havo been held to determine as to who shall be brought forward aa hia colleague . —lifcnf / s / i Mercmv .

      The Representation op Leomlvstbr . —We are requested { lw an authorised correspondent ) , says the Hereford Times , tostate that the rumour alluded to in our last , as to Mr . Frederick Peel becoming a candidate for Uristol at the next election , is devoid of foundation , and that the hon . gentleman has no intention of severing his parliamentary connexion with this borough . ltKPBESKXTATWN OF IrSWICM . —TllC Suffolk pUpCrS state that Mr . Charles Gilpin , of Bishopsgate-Street , will be a candidate , on the liberal interest * for the borough of Ipswich , at the next general election . Mr . Gilpin is a member of the Court of Common Council .

      Fiik Nkwpout Bonofons , —Mr . Lindsay , an ex tensive nierchiinC and shipowner of London , is con fidently spoken of > s a candidate for tho represen tion of those boroughs , in case of anticipated va cancy .

      Thirty Lives I-0st Bv Shipwreck. — The A...

      Thirty Lives i-0 ST bv Shipwreck . — The American packet ship Tyendenoga , on her passage to London trom New York , was totally lost on the morning of the 2 nd of December , on sunken rotks off Corribou Islands . The total loss of passengers and crew drowned is reported to be twenty-seven . Two ships were run down and totally lost in ihe Channel on Tuesday ni ght last , The Theodora , a large Dutch barque , 000 tons bunhvi ) , bound to Amsterdam from Bataviii , about seven o ' clock in tbe evenin ? , when some twenty-five miles below the Eddystone , steering up Channel , was met by the Corinthian , also a barque , nearly of the same tonnage , Captain Spencer , from Hull , beating downwards . By some misunderstanding or neglect of keeping a " look-out , " both came in contact wiih each other , and with such tremendous force that the Theodora filled , and went down . The sudden and unexpected blow left scarcely sufficient time to get lhe boat out .

      Fortunately , the whole of the crew were saved . The Corinthian sustained very considerable damage . Tbe other vessel run down was the Eleanor , belonging to Cardiff . One of ihe crew was carried down in her , and unhappily perished . The collision took place about tmi miles from Dorman . The remainder of the crew were rescued by the vessel which came into collision witb the Eleanor , the brig Mimer , belonging to Hamburg . On the 19 th inst ., a large vessel , having on board 250 emigrants , from Bremen , bound for New York , was seen a .-hore on the Goodwin . A number of Deal and Margate luggers were lying off the wreck , taking on board the he ' pless passengers , who were brought off in boats . The vessel ' s fate is not mentioned . There are three other losses mentioned ; the most serious was that of the Lilla , of Liverpoii . Sle » as k-und to be on fire on the 2 nd inst . in latitude 43 . 35 , longitude 45 . Nothing could be seen ofthe crew .

      Murders By Ausknic in France . — One of the most extraordinary cases ever brought before a criminal court has just been tried by the Court of Assizes ofthe We-et-Vilair . e . The prisoner was a female , named Helens Jaeado , who for years pnst haa been a servant in different families 01 * the department . She stood at tho bar charged with several thefts committed in and since the year 1840 , and with seven murders by arsenic in 1850 ; but tlie cvidenceshowed that although only seven cases had been selected , as more recent , and therefore more easy of proof , not less than forty-three persons had been poisoned by her with arsenic . The victims were either her masters or mist r . ases , or fellow servants , who had incurred her hatred . In some cases no m- tive of

      interest or hatred could be assigned . The prisoner appeared to have been actuated by a thirst for destruction , and to have taktm pleasuto in witnetsins ; the agonies of her victims . The suddenness of the deaths in the families where she was a servant excited the grebtest sensation , but for a long time no suspicion as to the cause ; for the murderess appeared to be very religious ; she attended in many instances with apparent solicitude on the persons whom she had poisoned , and so successful was her hypocrisy that even the deaths of the mother and another relative of a physician in whose family she lived raised no suspicion of piiison in his mind . The frequency of deaths , however , in the families hy whom she was successively engaged excited a suspicion among the

      peasantry that there was something in her nature fatal to those who were near her , and it was customary with them to say that her liver was white , it being believed in that part of Prance that persons who are dangerous have white livers , The prisoner herself frequently exclaimed , after the death of a victim , " How unhappy 1 am ; wher . ver I go , dea h follows me . " The cases on which she was brought : to trial were established by the evidence beyond the possibility of doubt . The prisoner , throughout the trial , which lasted ten days , constantly declared that she was innocent , aud seemed to anticipate an acquittal on account of there being no proof of her having had arsenic in her possession . It was proved , however , that in one of the families in which she was a servant some years ago there was a large quantity of arsenic , which was not locked up , and that it had suddenly disapptared . This arsenic had ,

      wi . bout doubt , been taken by tht prisoner , and had ervi d for the comnrssion of the . successive murders . The only defence set up for her was founded on phrenological principles . It was contended that the organs of hypocrisy and destructiveness were developed to a degree which overpowered the moral faculties , and that , although it would be unsafe U * leave her at large , she ought not to be condemned to capital punishment , the peculiarity of her sation rendering her rather an object of pity . defence failed entirely ; and , tbe jury haviirg Hvereda verdict without extenuating circum ' st the court condemned her to death . ' < , \ OHKhSKiNKW Suspbhsiox Bbidob . —A ^ the late report of Woods and Forests , thtfsioners of Public Works are to advance ' £ i 1 for the new suspension bridge and Thames 1 bankment at CheUea . n

      Organi-Jtl-Nrf--.De* Ances;' - -;. I :*;...

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  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 27, 1851, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_27121851/page/7/