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    244 TEE STAR OF FREEDOM [Novkmbe*27 &A J...

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    House Of Lords.—Liomay, Nov. 22. The Duk...

    when the sliding scale was enacted , up to ^™ ;* ™]» * heJ *™ ^ lished , 14 , 787 , 030 quarters of wheat were admitted 12 452 , 562 of which , or 94 per cent ., \ ere not admitted until the price exceeded 70 s per quarter Seven y « Mllii » Hsieraiiarter fOT ^ he » tf aiide 08 . persackforfloar . The quartern loaf would 5 ^ H ?^ S ™»« - Hear , hear . The consumption of the population of London is not less than two quartern-loaves per head per week , « so that the savin-is 8 d . per bead per week , or 1 / . 18 s . per annum , being , for the whole population 4 , 750 , 000 / . Hear . Again , as to sugar : In London , where the con-^ iLtion is somewhat greater than in the country , the allowance to servants is h alf * a-pound each per week for breakfast and tea alone ; the middle and upper classes consume not less than 581 b . ; so that the average may he fairly taken at

    301 b . The soft susar , that np to 1845 , was 7 d . is now 4 d . to 5 d . ; the loaf sugar , that ' was 10 d . and lid ., is now 5 d . to 6 d . ; and probably half the consumption of Xondon is loaf sugar . Take the reduction as a low average , at 3-Jd ., the saving is 8 s . 9 d . a-head per year ; or , for the whole population , 1 , 093 , 750 / ., the entire quantity consumed giving above 26 | Ib . per head . In coffee , on a similar calculation , the gain to London is 166 , 666 / . ; and on tea , 125 , 000 / ., representing a total of 5 , 7 ffl , 5 $ 3 l . ia London alone , there being a proportionate gain to the provinces . Since z ' gave notice of this motion I have had more information sent to me from all parts of the country than I could carry ( a laugh)—papers , and documents , and facts , from every district of the country , proving the great prosperity that in all directions so eminently prevails . ( Hear , hear . ) If I thought there

    • would be the least dispute on the point , the smallest difference of opinion started as to the fact , I sliould feel myself bound to read to the House more or less of this information so received , because it certifies , from literally every section of * he country , the great prosperity of every section of the country , tested by every conceivable test—by full employment , by diminished pauperism , by decrease of crime ( hear ); and clearly ascertained by competent judges , who have witnessed and watched the course of the cliange from its commencement . ( Hear , hear . ) The landowners have not anything to complain of . They have had great advantages . Everything lias told in their favour . There never was a time when there was such a desire to purchase land as at present . There never was a time when they obtained money so easily , and everything has been made cheaper to them of

    than it used to be . ( Hear , hear . ) Then the labourers , by the admission every person , are better off now than they have ever been before . I have here a proof of it , in a letter from Wiltshire , in which it is stated that "there is nothing the labourers have so much at heart now as getting a picture of Sir R . Peel to hang over their fire-places , they are so well off . Almost to a man , the labourers are for free trade . I can't say so much for the farmers , because they are led on by the landowners to look for protection . " I don't deny that there are individuals who may , under the circumstances , have been- unable to endure the transition , but that is a very different thing from the general interest , which ought to have been done long ago . There may be things affecting the shipping interest , affecting the agricultural interest , or affecting the colonial interest : but all those

    things are independent of the removal of protection . What I contend for is , that protection is an evil ; that the removal of it has been an advantage , and that the last sis years have proved it to he so . I am in possession of the most extraordinary details of the prosperity of the country that could ever have been collected at any period of its history . I don't hesitate to say that this country is in a state of most unexampled prosperity : that the manufacturers and producers ia every part of the country are unable to execute their orders ; that the people never were so well off , owing to the wages they receive , and the command which those wages give them over the comforts and necessaries of life ; and that all this is entirely owing to the application of free trade to the commerce and productive interests of this country . The hon . gentleman concluded a lengthened address amidst loud and protracted cheering .

    Mr . Ewaut seconded the resolution . The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved , by way of amendment , " that this House acknowledges with satisfaction , that the cheapness of provisions , occasioned by recent legislation , has mainly contributed to improve the condition and increase the comforts of the working classes ; and that , unrestricted competition having been adopted , after due deliberation , as the principle of our commercial system , this house is of opinion that it is the duty of the Government unreservedly to adhere to that policy in those measures of financial and administrative reform which , under the circumstances of the country , they may deem it their duty to introduce . ' ' The question that night , he observed , was not whether Protection or Free Trade should prevail , but whether Her Majesty ' s

    Ministers , in their conduct since they had taken office , had fulfilled their pledges to Parliament and the country . If they have not , it was the duty of the House of Commons to declare its want of confidence in the present Government . He then traced their conduct during the last five or six years with reference to this great question , pledging himself to show that the conclusion would be very different from that which Mr . Villiers had attempted to establish by the convenient ^ generalities in which he had indulged . They had opposed the repeal of the corn . aws on two grounds : the main reason was , a belief that the change would prove ' njui ious to the interests of lahour : the second was , that it would occasion injury to a considerable interest . After the repeal of the corn laws two other great free trade measures were carried , relating to the sugar duties and to the navigation

    laws . There were then three great complaining interests—the agricultural , colonial , and shipping . But from the time when the corn law was repealed until that moment not a single attempt had been made in that House by the party to which lie belonged to abrogate the measure of 1846 , or to bring back Protection , because they had laid it down from the first that the fate of that proposition must depend upon the condition of the working classes . With respect to the sugar duties , Lord G . Bentinck had asked only for inquiry , and a committee , consisting chiefly of Freetraders , had resolved tbatchere ought to be a differential duty of 10 s . per cwt . between foreign and colonial sugar . With reference to the navigation laws , Lord Derby , so far from seeking to abrogate the decision of Parliament , had declared it impossible to retrace our steps . In 1851 , when a

    cliange of Government was imminent , he ( Mr . Disraeli ; had given notice of a motion , not to restore Protection , but to relieve the cultivators from local hardens ; and when the present Ministers acceded to office—which was gained by no economical pledges—Lord Derby made up his mind that nothing could justify a return to Protection but the suffering of the working classes . Having he said , shown thai , from the moment when the three great Free Trade measures had been carried , themembers of the existing Government—although , sympathising with the suffering classes , they had proposed some remedial plans—had never attempted to disturb those measures , he proceeded to inquire what had been the conduct of the united sections now handed against the present Ministry , and he undertook to show that they had perpetuated mischief as enormous as had been

    laid to the charge of the party in power . The party of Sir B . Peel had sanctioned and approved the course which he and his friends had pursued , and Lord J . Russell himself had recommended the Sovereign to acknowledge the continued depression of the agricultural interest , and had introduced a bill to prolong protection to the sugar interest . If these suffering classes were thus sympathised with , the present Ministers , against whom those sections were now banded , could not he inculpated for desiring to mitigate their distress . They had appealed to the country with the impression that there existed a strong party in favour of Protection . There had been a fair contest , and the beaten party was not ashamed to acknowledge and unreservedly to act upon it . The resolutions proposed by Mr . Yilliers were unprecedented , impolitic , and unwise ; the practice of requiring

    a recantation of opinions would reader Parliamentary Government impossible in this country . Sir R . Peel had not been required to recant his opinions respecting Parliamentary reform , nor could his followers he called upon to declare the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill , which they had opposed , " a wise , just , and beneficial measure . " Ministers had fulfilled all their pledges—among them , that of obedience to the will of the country—and had prepared measures founded upon the assumption that unrestricted competition is to be in future the principle of our commercial legislation . "The measures which the Government has prepared would have ' been brought forward but for this—I must call it—vexatious notion . ( Cheers . ) Those measures are founded on the assumption that unrestricted competition , or , to use the more popular phrase , free trade , is the principle of our commercial system . These measures have been concerted with my colleagues , and have received their unanimous support , and there is no reason , except the hon . and learned member ' s motion , why I should not at this moment

    offer them to the consideration of the House . In proceeding to discharge our duty as a Government , we are met by resolutions which involve more important considerations than the fall of an Administration . You are about to establish a precedent which may destroy a Government—an affair which , perhaps , you may deem of as little moment as it appears to be thought by the hon . and learned member for Wolverhampton ; but you will establish a precedent that will destroy more than the one Government whose cause I am pleading before the house and . the country to-night . I say it for myself , and in the name and on behalf of niy colleagues , that we neither seek to be , nor will we be Ministers on sufferance . ( Ministerial cheers . ) We took upon ourselves the reins of Government without inquiring whether the late Parliament was hostile to our general policy or not , "but we took them at the general desire of the House of Commons and of the country . We met the difficulties of our position fairly , and administered the Government of the country to the best of our ability , applying ourselves diligently

    House Of Lords.—Liomay, Nov. 22. The Duk...

    and assiduously to the afiairs that were brought under our consideration ; hut we " either desired , nor would we submit to carry on the Government without an a ppeal to the intelligence of a new Parliament , or in any other manner that was f oreign to the spirit of the British Constitution . We believe we have a policy which will conduce to increase the welfare , content , and prosperity of the country . I hope it is not an unworthy ambition to desire to have an opportunity of submitting that policy to Parliament . But I am told that that is not to be the case . Now , although I have too much respect for this house to condescend to advocate the cause of Government , yet I will say something on behalf of a policy . I will not , therefore , without a struggle , consent to yield to an attack so unfair as that to which we are subjected . I will not believe , remembering that this is a

    new Parliament , that those who have entered it for the first time have already , in their consciences , recorded their opinions . On the contrary , I believe that they will listen to the spirit and to the justice of the plea which I put before them to-night . ' It is to these new members , on whichever side of the house they may sit , that I appeal with confidence . They have . fust entered , many of them after much longing , upon that scene to which they have looked forward with so much firmness , suspense , and interest . I have no doubt they are animated with a noble ambition , and that many of them will hereafter realise their loftiest aspirations . I can only sav , from the bottom o f my heart , that I wish that ,

    whatever may he their ai :. «; in an honourable career , their most sanguine hopes may not be disappointed . Whatever adds to the intelligence , eloquence , and knowledge of the house adds also to its influence ; and the interests of all are bound up in cherishing and maintaining the moral and intellectual predominance of the House of Commons . To the new members , therefore , I now appeal . I appeal to the generous and the young , and I ask them to pause , now that they are at last arrived on the threshold of the sanctuary of the constitution , and not become the tools and victims of exhausted factions and obsolete politics . The right hon . gentleman resumed his seat amid very loud and continued cheering .

    Mr . Bright , after alluding to the significant circumstances that Mr . Disraeli had described himself and his party throughout his speech as * ' Protectionists , " reminded the right hon . member of various occasions on which his freinds—if not himself—had brought fownrd motions directly against the present commercial system of the country . The argument of the right hon . gentleman was mainly one of recrimination ; he had sought simply to show that others were as bad as himself . The government now chose to call themselves free-tradess ; but he reminded them that it was upon principles of protection—as far as the counties were concerned—that they gained their places in the house . The house had met there to agree to a final verdict upon the question ; and he asked them if Mr . Disraeli or Mr . Villiers was the most proper person to draw

    it up . The hon . member denied the truth of the iavouvite protectionist maxun that the corn law was given to tiie landed interest to relieve them from peculiar burdens ; and he mainfnined his ground with historical facts and statistics . The old cornlaw was always the law of the strong , and had caused nothing but calamity since it first received the royal assent until the royal assent was given to the act that repealed it . Iteferring to the free trade opinions now held by the government , he read , amidst the laughter and cheers of the house , a long list of protectionist professions made by several of those right hon . gentlemen to their constituents at the Inst election , as well as similar professions from a large number of their supporters . Among others he alluded to Mr . Ball , the hon . member was of the same opinion yet [ Mr . Ball , energetically , — "Quite so . " ] ( Laughter . )

    He recognised the great fairness and honesty of the hon . gentleman ' s course . He had no large emoluments from office ; he was not a Privy Councillor . ( "Oh , oh . " ) He had nothing whatever to gain in political position . There was a gentleman in that house , the hon member for North Essex ( Sir John Tyrrell ) , though he did not know whether he would dare to come forward and show himself on this occasion—( The hon . baronet referred to here came forward from one of the back benches , and seated himself upon the front Ministerial bench , amidst great laughter and cheers . ) He ( Mr . Bright ) must apologize for rousing the hon . baronet from his slumbers ( loud and continued laughter ) , and could not help complimenting him upon his admirable temperament in being able to slumber uponsuch an occasion as this . ( Benewed laughter . )

    He ( Mr . Bright . ) held in his band a book called the Pollbooh of the North Lincolnsltire Election . On the titlepage there was a motto , round a sort of shield , commemorating the glorious Protectionist triumph at the general election of IS 52 . He was not versed in heraldry , and could not therefore , explain the meaning of the device , but , as far as he could make out , there was upon the shield the portrait of three donkeys . The book was dedicated to the tenantfarmers and yeomanry of Lindsey , by Thomas Pricker , the publisher , and contained a narrative of the election . The writer remarked that the waggeries during the election , all proceeded from the Conservative party , and that the Freetraders in Lincolnshire had no spirit left . ( A laugh . ) He found members of the government avowing themselves willing to bow to the result of the country ' s

    decision . It was that course which he now advised them to take . Why did they not fall in a manly manner in the cause of those who had trusted them with a fidelity that had never been exceeded ? And if they could displace their successors on any oilier question let them do so as speedily and effectively as they could . He asked how it was possible that the free trade members of the house could place confidence in the maintenance of the system by the present government , when it was well known that three-fourths of the supporters of that government were as much attached to protection as ever . This was not a question between the House and the Government . He would have had nothing to do with this motion if it were a factious attempt to displace the Government . No ; apart from the question of protection and free trade , he would not have

    voted fora direct motion of want of confidence in the Government . He and his friends were the advocates of a measure and of a policy , and no one could say that they had behaved otherwise than consistently with regard to the objects intrusted to them , or that they had ever made themselves the Parliamentary servants or tools of any Government . But he wanted to have a final verdict , and one couched in terms that could not be misunderstood , whereas the resolution of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was drawn up purposely to be be understood . (•« Oh , oh ! " ) If the House nrreed fo the resolution of his hon . friend ( Mr . Villiers ) , there was not a man in the United Kingdom who would not know that the present Parliament had confirmed the judgment of the Parliament of 1846 and 4847 , and had , moreover , ratified the judgment of the people of this

    country , and that , too , upon the ground that the act of 1846 was a wise just , and beneficial measure . The newspapers would carry that verdict to the United Stales , where the Free-trade President had just been returned by an overwhelming majority . The Protectionist party in the United States were in the same position as the Protectionist party were in here , but they did not give up the doctrine of protection , although they were beaten . (< ' Hear , " and a laugh . ) But if President Pierce came into office next March , and Congress knew that free trade was no longer a question for discussion in the united kingdom , did not hon . gentlemen on the other side think that reciprocity would be more likely to prevail between the two countries' ! ( Hear , hear . ) Let hon . gentlemen opposite look at the prosperous condition of the labourin g

    classes in ail parts of the country . Let them remember how steady was employment , how satisfactory were wages , and how gratifying the social , moral and political condition of the country . Let them see the beautiful tranquillity that prevailed , and then let the landlords say whether it was no compensation for anv supposed injury from free trade that the country should be so quiet and so contented . Even if they had suffered some small pecuniary loss , which he verv much doubted , was it no compensation that they could now enjoy their riches without exciting the jealousy or discontent of any class-that they were oppressing the working classes 1 In the present condition of the labourers and of the country at large , there was ample and abundant compensation for any iniurv which hon . gentleman opposite might suppose the repeal of the corn laws had

    inflicted upon them . The Chancellor of the exchequer , in one of his speeches delivered in Bucks , charged the revived Anti-Corn Law League with being a Jacobin club He did not know exactly what that meant . but supposed it was something unpleasant— something exciting to discontent and disloyally . But the liht hnn gentleman must now know that during the last six years he had not contributed one single feather ' s weight to the tranquility of the country , while thev whom he villified before his constituents had indeed contributed sometime to that oh jeet , and for 10 or 12 years of their political life devoted themselves to one oh " ject in which they had worked honestly for the good of the country . He now asked the House to sanction their own act , and to set their seal irrevocably \ Zl the policy of 1846 . He trusted by the vote they were oboutT ^ e ^ wS express their opinion , he would even say their reprobation , of the eoJ » ct oi ° fle Government , and , at the same time , establish for ever the rWr * ,. * f , . V try for the people of this kingdom . dlaitei 0 f f , ee lndus "

    Mr K Seyher said the questi on really bef ore the House was had Her Mail ' s Ministers been sufficiently explicit as to what would be their * tuw wm ££ da ! policy ; he contended that their laimiacro ™ „ , «!„ : „„« , ^ 'nmeiciai the country . The resolutions asked ^ tht Hnnlt . V leaV , 10 t t 0 misIead wise , just audbenel ^ ^^ "MM -as at the time it passed ; and he fh ^^^^^ ^ l ^ 1101 ^ ^ , o „ o .. » ... i -it c ° ac act > unaccompanied by subsidiar y measures , was not just . Mr Seymour vindicated the ProtectionisL a Horn the charge of assailing the late Sir B . Peel , and he denied that the present

    House Of Lords.—Liomay, Nov. 22. The Duk...

    Ministers entered office on the question of protection . The late Government were not turned out ; they fell out . He should support the amendment . Mr . F . Peel observed , that all must agree that Her Majesty ' s Ministers lia (( made very great advances , and continued to advance from one set of princi ple , ,. to another—from protection to free trade . The reason why he preferred tl ) e original motion was that , although he gave the Government credit for a desire heartily to abide by the principle of free trade in any measures of financial and administrative reforms they might submit to the House , he was not content with this ; he thought there was nothing unreasonable in exacting from them soii le test of the sincerity of their convictions and intentions ; that as they had aban .

    doned their policy only at the last moment , they should recant once for all t ) ie - false doctrines . Some reparation was likewise due for the past ; those who had heaped obloquy upon the authors of the act of 1846 should have the candour noiy to acknowledge that it was a wise , just and beneficial measure . He by no mean s undervalued the admission made , which was most significant . It was admitted that the country was prosperous , and that the prosperity was due not to t | , Government , but to unrestricted competition . But when he looked closely to the amendment he felt distrust ; he found it studiously ambiguous as to t ) l 0 future , with a cold and unimpassioned reference to the past ; and the pro spectj Va part ominously omitted all reference to the question of compensation , which ought to he set at rest .

    Lord Palmekston , considering the ambiguous nature of the speech from tlm throne with regard to the commercial policy of the couutry , thought it doubly necessary that some such resolution as the present s hould be adopted by tli " house . He concurred in the resolution , as to the past , the present , and the future ] The principle which it upheld must be the guiding rule of legislation . At t ]„ j same time he could not forget that there was a large party in the house who had surrendered their own convictions for the good of the country ; and it appeared to him that the resolution of the government was sufficiently decisivemore so in one respect than that of the opposition—sufficiently so , at any rate

    to bind any person supporting it irrevocably to the principles of free trade . Jj ,, wished that some middle course could be pursued , by which botli sides of the house might be satisfied . ( Cries of "Hear , hear . " ) He deprecated turning a resolution of such national interest into a party question . ( Hear . ) After further observations the noble lord said : There being two resolutions before the House , I do not presume to lay a thiid on the table ; but , at the same time , if the House will permit me , I will just read that form of words which , j { I were encouraged by any manifestation of opinion on the part of any great bod ? of gentlemen in the House , I should be ready to tender for your acceptance , Tim form of words I contemplate records , I think , on the one hand , the doctrine / , {

    free trade and its permanent establishment ; while , on the other hand , it is not liable to the objection that it requires those who agree witli it to recant opinion they may honestly have at any former period entertained . What I propose wi'l appear , I fear , almost a plagiarism upon my hon . and learned friend , the term are so nearly alike . The resolution I would propose would run thus : "Tinit is the opinion of this House that the improved condition of the country , ami especially of the industious classes is mainly the result of recent legislation , which has established the principle of unrestricted competion , and abolished taxes imposed for purposes of protection , and has thereby diminished the cost and increased the abundance of the principle articles of food to the people . Noboilv can object to that . ( Hear , hear . )

    " That it is the opinion of this House , that that policy , firmly maintained and prudently extended , will best enable the industry of the country to bear i '[ s burdens , and will thereby most surely promote the welfare and contentment of the people . " ( Hear , hear . ) " That this House will be ready to take into consideration any measures consistent with those principles , which in pursuance of Her Majesty ' s gracious speech and recommendation , may be laid before it . " After some further remarks , the noble viscount resumed his seat amid general cheering , which appeared to proceed more particularly from the Ministerial side of the House .

    Sir E . 13 . Lyttox and Mr . M . Gibson rose simultaneously to move the adjournment of the debate ; but we believe Sir E . B . Lytton first cauaht the Speaker ' s eye , and that upon his motion the debate was adjourned titt Thursday . The other business on the paper was then disposed of , and the House adjourned at a quarter past 12 o ' clock .

    HOUSE OF C 03 f 3 fONS . -WEmm » Ax , Nov . 24 . COUNTY ELECTIONS . On the order for the second reading of the County Elections Tolls Bill , Mr . B . Denison , assenting to the limitation of polls in counties to one dav , objected to the interval between the nomination and the poll being confined to one day , which would augment the expense of elections , since candidates must always provide for the contingency of a contest . After an interesting discussion , the bill was road a second time and ordered to be committeed on Wednesday next . The House then adjourned .

    Thursday , Nov . 25 . The Speaker took the chair at 5 o ' clock . Sir W . Clay said he had no intention of making a speech , or concluding with a motion , and therefore , without one single word of pref ace , he would take leave to ask the right hon . gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he would be willing to withdraw the ) amendment which he had proposed to the motion of his hon . friend ! the member for Wolverhampton , upon the understanding that thee house would aequiese in the motion suggested by the noble lord thee member fo Tiverton Oh !

    -oh !) He ' wishedf in the next place ,:, o ask his hon friend the member for Wolverhampton whether " on u like understanding , he would be prepared to withdraw his motion ?? o *& 7 r , Wlshed f ° ask the rigJlt hou- gentleman the Cliainfl 1 Wi f q ? ' Wl i 6 tller iu the event of «* honourable menuber tor Wolverhampton refusing to withdraw his motion , Government will be prepared to accept the resolution proposed by the noble lord time So ^ rto n ^ i ^^ w ^ to itfor tlie a « ieiidment alreadjl ) moved by the Chancellor of the Exchequer . ( Hear , hear . ) int . Lc 11 GllA ^ \ ' asense of public duty compelled him trfc : w !? ? ' * r ' and m order t 0 *™ g himself within the rules of thh :

    tw ™ gg , ° $ *** tUat he Sll 0 uld conclude ™ a motion . AmM ! o ™ SL J orde \ tlmt ™ y ° ™ vho choose to do so might have am . 22 m \ i I + r A , t 0 hlS remarks ' be £ Sed Iea ™ t ° make tll , h , ( SnS ^^ S " ** adjOUrn He wishedt 0 «¦ ? Widnnl SG ' m coi rV llich he had in the drawing up o « la ^ eiSl ? ' ( H ? ' ^ c Hedid not arrive in town uUi nor , no J < T , " ? &«** ? % ?* Speech from the Throne , and on tlitln K ? on ^ i e , ? liavmgtakeilhisSeatbefore ^ 0 o ' clock , hhi Ata ^ K ^ f C ° nfer u early with his noble friend Loror tinned 11 , ;^? ^ J ™* ™^™ , and with whom he still conon : tinned uppn terms of the most cordial friendship . ( Hear , hear . ) HH o the or ^ t n i " t ^ terms of «» Speech in refeUna to the great question of our commercial policy . The passage in tl til i ?' va KtwSf ^ ti ad f ™^ nsidUunsa ttsSy , ara * it waS agieed that Mr . Ydhers should , on behalf of the free tratao afubsta

    CldiSl ^ fir 0 ^ ^ » tive motion on the subjecjecc K ^^ i Spe ? f the SeCOnder was «« . Mr . ViVii unon 2 h o Si T ' P 1 ^ , Sll 0 uld g ™ atficeofhfcmotfcta SSZSflw ! *\ Graham ) wpKed , certainly . And it should d ofttt ^ Z ? mS given before «* y telaiation was ifSi ! T P J w ^ miment in either h ° ™» . ( Hear , hear . ) I 1 lav m ^ tt anUy t- aTOWed that he t 00 k « iest m U t : way in which the motion was S framed . CHpir hp-i L r 1 S H-iviivit tntvt Mrt Royal peech be ^ &^ : r Sat the CJnfrn iamierasi , 0 SsibIe - (^ eers . ) He recollected ! that the House of Commons , notwithstanding the varietv of its opiopii ions , was an assemb y of gentlemen ™ a 1 L variety or us op'op + lii «« . mi , j „ i , ¦ n J s ^ n-itmen , ana he was anxious to insert i-t u ItW i-l < , 1 ' v Ile Was t ] 'e ] ast P <™> n » ho owht to to II Semi t ,, ™^! , ^ I " " ' - ' (<&«•) [ The right '" I "" gentleman then lead the draft of the resolution which he drew w Itvaned to some extent from the motion submitted to thehol «

    244 Tee Star Of Freedom [Novkmbe*27 &A J...

    244 TEE STAR OF FREEDOM [ Novkmbe * 27 & A JL X ¦¦ .. „ ... ¦¦¦¦¦ ** - ¦¦> . II . » - ¦!¦¦ — I- !— —

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 27, 1852, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_27111852/page/4/