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    • TO THE WORKING CLASSES.
    • Imperial parliament*
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      To The Working Classes.

      TO THE WORKING CLASSES .

      Jly Dear Friends,—It Is Now Within Twent...

      jly dear Friends , —It is now within twenty -aiotes of twelve o ' clock , Wednesday right , j I feel more Iresh after my week ' s work JL , if I had been sitting on the Editor ' s stool jgn honrs a-day . I know not exactly what rtose who have merely thought of our Laud Plan rt » v suppose , bnt I do know that all who have -ftne ssed its progress continue to increase in alight . Ihave frequently wondered at the anomaly , j , v at the crime , of precluding those who build loiisesand produce everything , from having a NEST

      ? hat they can call their own . As Cains Gracchus told the Roman soldiers , many centuries ago , the ^ ild beasts , and birds , and all animals , have som j gee of refuge , while these who fight the battles ot jjeir country are denied shelter ; nothing so much tends to degrade man and to make him lavishly subservient as his actual dependence upon flie wealthy to allow him a place of refuge from Tfhieo he may be ejected at the will or caprice of his jjndlord at the shortest possible notice . The man ^ hocan say , ' This is my own house , ' is esteemed an independent man . Is he not distinguished among

      jiis class ? and even this poor privilege he has purchased at a destructive RETAIL PRICE . The many experiments that have been made by capitalists have all failed for want of this precious gem—perpetuity of tenure , or lease for ever . In Belgium , where the natives understand the value of social comfort better almost than any other people , the first and dearest object of the peasant is to purchase a spot of ground whereon he can erect himself

      a house , from -which no earthly power can disturb him . The Belgian looks first to the house , and then to the means of living in it ; and hence , in numerous instances , the Belgian peasants live at a distance of a mile , two miles , and even three miles , from their plot of ground ;—and so with the French . This distance from the seat of work considerably reduces the value of labour , and increases the price of production . Ton , every one of you , will live en your allotments ; and with very trifling exertion will he able to manure jour land ( the heaviest process )

      at one-tenth of the expense that a farmer holding a thousand acres of land can accomplish the same work . They will tell yon of the Scotch plan and the Jforfolk plan of folding cattle upon the spot . That is a mere make-shift—a substitute for the best principle of culture . A man living on his four , three , or two acres of ground , will do more at some of the most expensive processes of husbandry in one day , than a farmer liting at a distance on a thousand acres can do , with a pair of horses and four men , in a week . This fact must enhance the value of close labour .

      Since I last wrote , I have refused £ 100 an acre for the detached two and ahalf acres that I mentioned to you in my last . I want the value of the timber upon it as well , and I WILL GET IT . We have progressed wonderfully within the last week , and so we ought . Yon paid £ 352 on Saturday last for Jahourand building materials , and YOU ARE THE BEST EMPLOYERS IN THE PARISH—Labour employing its own class . We have sow twenty carpenters , ten sawyers , fifteen bricklayers , six sand

      diggers , three well diggers , together with slaters , plasterers , and about fifty labourers and horses at work . - We have nearly a mile of a straight gravel walk , running from wood to wood , from end to end of Labour ' s estate , with houses on either side , looking most beautiful , in fact to my eye most heavenly , and on the 17 th ? of August { I will show such a sight to all who choose to come as never was seen in Eng land or in the world since Adam was a little hoy . I cannot tell yon how I long for that day .

      There will be an entrance with a single three room cottage at each side of the gate-way leading to . the main road of nearly a mile in length , and then a double row of houses , with a garden of 21 feet in front of each the length of the house , and spring water within about 150 yards , the most distant that will be from any man ' s housej some will have it on the spot , and all will be upon an average of about 60 yards from it ; so that I am not unmindful of yeur comforts , nor am I going to huddle you into mud houses . It would be impossible to convey to you anything like a true notion of the amicable , the willing , the cheerful , and efficient assistance I receive from M'Grath , Doyle , CnJliaghajD , out foreman , and John Bowling our overseer of Bricklayers . In fact , bat for those

      menlconldnot manage at all . THOUGH I WOULD SOT GIVE IN . No , no , with God's blessing , and tout Co-operation , I will force the Honse of Commons , and that ere long , to legislate upon this LAND PL AX OF OURS . I am full of it up to the very throat , because I see the ease with which it might he made national . Mark me , and mark me well , my own dear fustian jackets , blistered hands , and unshorn chins , when I tell you that in all mere political movements great liars speculate upon the gullibility of freat fools , as a means of making political power achieved by their aid , a stepping stone to their own social happiness . But the devil a honse have they , one of them , ever built tor a poor man upon any other condition than thai the occupant is to be their very humble servant , their slave .

      The Americans , with their political freedom , have been obliged at last to put our social motto upon their flag ; they say . THE LAND . The Pole will only fight for THE LAM ) . The French did fight for THE LAND . The Prussians will soon fight for THE LAND . In fact , it is the only one thing on earth worth fighting for , and if all the working classes saw its value as I do , they would fight for it to-morrow all over the world—EXCEPT ENGLAND , Mr . ATTORNEY-GENERAL , where we have found outtheknach of purchasing it .

      Now , my friends , what a great hig bother some building societies do make to be sure , when theypnr chase a few PERCHES or LUGS of Land to build houses upon , and here are we , not vet a year in real existence , and we have 230 ACRES to begin with , and we are now looking out for another PATCH . Shall I erer he able to convince yon of the magnitude and importance of this practical turn that Chartism has taken ? Before very long we shall have 20 , 000 members , and can any man believe that 20 , 000 persons of one mind , speaking at one and the same time ,

      and in ONE AND THE SAME TONE , will be long unheeded by the House of Commons . No—the thing is impossible , utterly , wholly . impossible . It would be very desirable to make an impression upon the minds of Candidates at the approaching General Election , upon the Land plan , as a joint of Chartism ; and when 1 have about 500 located , which will aot take long after the first estate is finished and mortgaged , then I will see and find my way into the House once more , and rest assured that the Charter and the Land shall ring through the whole world .

      You don't seem to consider that the wonders we are now doing are being accomplished upon the fundi of the society without any thing returning , and that , once in full swing , we shall then be able to mortgage and go on as rapidly as we can get estates to purchase . While some people are mortified at our success , others , who wish well to the project , write to caution me against going on too fast . | It { will give those sincere friends pleasure to learn , that , without mortgage or sale , we have now very nearly as much as will complete all our purchases up to this time , and build all onr houses , and make all our

      improvements . That is , in less than a year wehave securer the location of one hundred and fifteen occupants at two acres each . This is the only way I can put the question , for our calculation was made for two acres , and we have now two hundred and [ thirty acres , which at two each would locate one hundred and fifteen . The snobs in the neighbourhood of Carpendens say , they would subscribe £ 2 , 000 to purchase me off , as the Queen Dowager has recently taken a residence close to OUR ESTATE , but my answer is , that the people who support the lady are fit and proper and respectable neighbours for her .

      One thing I have now to impress upon every secretary of the Land Society—onr payments arc Weekly and heavy . Last week , £ 332 , this week , perhaps more . The Post-office people make so many alterations in their rules , that I am very much inconvenienced . I will give you one ot many instances . They used io pay the orders if signed W . P . Roberts ; then they directed that he should sij ; ii his name in full . When I was at Manchester he did sign a iarge Mmber William ? . Roberts . They

      Jly Dear Friends,—It Is Now Within Twent...

      cashed some , and refused to cash a large amount , unless his name was signed in full—William Fronting Roberts . I have a large quantity of these not signed as they have directed , for which I cannot get cash . Moreover , the process of sending piles of orders to Manchester is expensive TO ME , and expensive to MR . ROBERTS , who returns and sometimes registers them ; besides , I cannot possibly insure his having time to sign so many . Now , to

      correct this inconvenience , I have to request that all monies , whether Post-office orders or bank orders , may in future be payable to me . This will considerably lessen my trouble and inconvenience . I trust to all secretaries being punctual in the observance of this direction : —All Post-office orders , whether sent through me or t » Mr . Wheeler , to be made payable to Feargns O'Connor , with the name of the person who procured it written legibly .

      In conclusion , I trust that all who intend joining in the demonstration , on the 17 th of August ^ will notify the same to the Committee in time to allow of perfect arrangements being made for their accommodation , and , again , I say , that I will shew Labour such a sight as Labour never saw or expected to see . Henceforth , the working classes cannot be made brawlers for power for this party or that party , for this er that man , unless a House and Land and something substantial is at the bottom of it . If I have done no more good I have done THAT . Yon will believe that I am not a little interested in the

      Land Plan , when" ! tell you that , on Tuesday last , an notion against me for libel , at the snit of Mr . William John O'Connell , Head Repeal Warden for ALL ENGLAND , was to be tried in the Common Pleas , and by a SPECIAL JURY too , what think you of that ? and the right hon . W . Gladstone , Cabinet Minister , was one of the jurors , and all the time I was too busy and anxious about the buildings to attend . Yesterday being the last day for specia l

      jury causes , and the Court being occupied with a heavy railway case , the Lord Warden General was doomed to disappointment till November next . Now , most people would like to know the result of such a trial , but I have had so much experience in SPECIAL JURY cases that I was satisfied with a guess . These are some of my LIABILITIES . Your faithful Friend and Bailiff , Feabuub O'Cohnob ,

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      ... ; '¦' . ' . ' .- * . v ' ' ¦ ¦ ¦ < - f ! - ' -.. ; /; . y- l'i l AM ) NATIONAL TRADES-JOURNAL . . .

      Vol. X. No. 450- London, Saturday, June"...

      VOL . X . NO . 450- LONDON , SATURDAY , JUNE"ff 8 ' 1846 . ' ; . ' ^ . Sg , Kgg '« Sw .

      Imperial Parliament*

      Imperial parliament *

      House Of Lords.— Fmday, June 19. The Ear...

      HOUSE OF LORDS . — Fmday , June 19 . The Earl of Bjpon moved the order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate in CommUtee on the Corn Importation Bill . The Hake of Richmond moved as an amendment that it should be lawful for every tenant , within sis months after the passing of this Act , to give his landlord or lessor notice to qnit ; and that the compensation for improvement be referred to the Commission of Inclosures to value . His Grace after , some discussion , withdrew the amendment , and the remaining clauses and the preamble having been gone through , the house resumed , and the Chairman reported the BUI without amendment . It was arranged that the consideration of the Customs Bill in Committee , and the third reading of the Corn Bill should be taken on Monday . HOUSE OF COMMONS , Friuat , June 19 . THE LATE PRIME MINISTER CANNING

      AND SIR R . PEEL . Every seat in the House of Commons was occupied for the purpose of hearing the defence volunteered by Sir Robert Peel , against the charges brought -igainst him by Lord George Bentinck with regard to the conduct of the right hon . gentleman "in having hunted Mr . Canning , the friend of Catholic emancipation , to death" in 1827 , when in 1 S 26 Sir Robert t * eel was reported to have admitted in one of his speeches that , in 1825 , he had stated to Lord Liverpool " that something must be done for the Catholics . "

      Sir Robert Peel , under feelings of no little agitation commenced by apologising for obstructing the public business of the country , upon a matter , of a uers & nal nature—but as he might bo lowered in the estimation of the public if he did not notice the accusation made against him , he thought a rigid adherence to forms where the character of a public minister was concerned might be dispensed with . Sir Robert then entered into a long statement of the charges made against him , which he divided into three counts : 1 st . That he had designedly suppressed , in an

      authorised report of his own speech in Parliament in 1829 , the words " that something ought to be done for the Catholics , " in order to give an impression that he had never made the communication to Lord Liverpool which the reports in the Times and the Mrror of Parliament , if correct , would clearly establish . 2 nd . That , in the said speech , he had stated " falsely" that he had intimated to Lord Liverpool that something ought to be done for the Catholics , " and that he had garbled his corrected speech in support of that declaration .

      3 rd . That he had been guilty of a suppretsio veri in garbling the report in question . Sir Robert Peel denied that the alleged communication to Lord Liverpool had erer been made . He entered into a variety of historical statements connected with the events of the time , quoting a variety of private letters from Lord Liverpool , by which besought to prove inferentially that it was highly probable that the alleged communication had been made- Sir Robert Peel then went into a variety of details , showing from the reports of the Homing Herald , Claronicle , Morning Journal , and other papers ,

      that the particular words in question did not appear in any of their reports ; and hence inferred that the Timcsxnd Mrror of Parliament reports were not correct . He denied , upon the authority of the Times , that thespeech of Sir E . Kxatchboll , which referred to the words in dispute , had ever been delivered . The right hon . baronet concluded a most argumentative speech , carrying with him the unrestrained feelings of the house . The impression seemed to be that the charges , difficult as they were of proof , and still more difficult of being rooted out altogether , had been only i raked up for the purpose of party .

      lVird George Bentinck followed , in a violent personal attack upon Sir Robert Peel , reiterating all the charges which bad been preferred , and dwelling upon the triumphant progresses of Sir Robert in 1 S 2 S , as the apostle of Protestant ascendancy . The "no-surrender" oak was planted in 1828 , when in 1 S 29 Sir Robert turned round with duplicity , and committed his first offence , which caused a transportation from office for . many years , aud . hislast crime would cause him to be transported for life from all public employment . Lord Ge : rge Bentinck pressed particularly upon the fact of the speech of Sir Edward Juiafc-hbulL commenting , a lew days , after the speech referred to , in 1829 , upon the very sentence which Sir Robert Peel denies to ha ? e been ever delivered .

      Mr . Roebuck followed in a speech full of invective against Mr . D'Jsraeli , and the highest panegyric ol Sir Robert Pt-el . He was followed by Lord Jous Russell , who , in a brief speech , declared his opinion that the Minister had satisfactorily answered the charges made against him . Mr . D'lsRinu thtn sj : oke at great length , the main point of his argument being the fact of the speech reported in Hansard , as . delivered by Sir Edward Knatchbuil , in which the very words ascribed to Sir Robert Peel are made the main

      subject of Sir Edward ' s remarks ; and Mr . D ' Israeli asked why Sir Robert Peel did not produce a few lines from Sir Edward Knatchbuil in denial of the speech ascribed to him , which would have completely set at rest the whole dispute . The debate was warmly carried on by Mr . Goulburn , Mr . Escott , Lord Sandon , Air . Newdigate , Mr . Hume , Lord Morpeth , Mr . Villlcis , Mr . Stafford O'Brien , and Mr . Borthwick ; after which the order of the day for the consideration of the lrLh Coercion Bill was adjourned till Monday .

      HOUSE OF LORDS , Monday , Jose 22 . Their lordshi p * mt-t at a quarter to five o ' clock . CORN IN BOND . Lord AsnncnTON- roic , pursuant to notice , to move the following resolution : — "That , whatever may be the alterations which it may be expedient permanently to make in the laws regulating tuc I-otrocluctioii of foreign corn , it is the opinion of this house that the sudden importation of the large quantity of wheat now in bond at a very low rate of dutv , while the prices are moderate , and the prospect of ' the ap-

      House Of Lords.— Fmday, June 19. The Ear...

      proaching harvest is promising , may be productive of great injury and injustice to the cultivators of the soil of the United Kingdom , and that some better provision against such a calamity should bo provided than is contained in the bill now before the house . " His lordship said he would not enter into the general policy of the great change about to be made in our commercial law . after the opinion which had been twice expressed by their lordships unon the principle of the measure . _ But assuming they were right in the general policy and expediency of this great change , he wished to call their attention to the want of caution exhibited in the hasty , inconsiderate manner in _ which the measure had been conducted . Their lordship s were about to take away every safeguard against the shock and oscillation of prices which must be occasioned by the vast quantity of corn andi

      flour now in bond coming at once upon the market . That quantity was some time ago not less than two millions of quarters , and since then foreign corn had been pouring in every day from all parts of the world , exceeding all power of absorption by the effectual demand in this country , where there was , moreover , every prospect of an abundant market . Upon an average of six years , we had required only about 100 , 000 quarters of foreign wheat in aid of our own produce , and they were now going to open the . floodgates , and let in recklessly , without the slightest precaution to prevent individual ruin , at least two millions and a halt of quarters actually in bond . He suggested no particular plan ; he merely proposed a simple resolution , that , whatever their lordships did , they would take care not to expose the country to any unnecessary risk .

      TheEarlof Dalhousie observed , that the speech of Lord Ashburton was dark in alarm and fruitful in prophecy , but a speech more bare in facts , or less supported by argument it had never been his fate to hear . His noble friend had talked of some unheard of and dangerous amount of foreign corn that was to come into this country ; whereas the latest accounts from the Custom-house showed that the quantity of wheat and wheat flour together in bond is under one million nine hundred thousand quarters , and so far from there being any anticipation that this quantity would be unduly or inordinately increased by imports from foreign countries , the very reverse is the fact ; for from every quarter of the world the Government had the same information as in the last

      year—namely , that there was a probability of a short coming harvest ; Nature appearing to set herself in array in her yarious elements against us , by an excess of wet in one quarter and drought in another . He showed that the quantity of foreign corn in bond and actually admitted , under the existing law , had been greater than one million nine hundred thousand quarters . In reply to the complaint of Lord Ashburton of the hasty and reckless manner in which this measure had been conducted , he reminded their lordships that the measure had been announced a quarter of a year back , when Sir Robert Peel proposed that the same rule should be applied to the gradual admission of corn as it was customary to apply to other merchandise when duties werealtered . But this was objected to , and Sir Robert , finding it not according to precedent in respect of corn ,

      withdrew the proposition , and Lord Stanley had given hi p credit for so doing . Whatever effect this measure might have been expected to produce upon prices had been produced { already ; and if their lordships intended to make this change in the Corn Law , it should be done as much as possible at once ; for experience had shown that the worst thing that could be done was to hang up such a measure over the heads of those who were affected by it . After speeches from Lord Kinnaird , Earl Grey , Lord Redesdale , the Earl of Ellenborough , and the Earl of Wicklow , chiefly deprecatory of the delay which the proposed resolution would cause to the passing of the Corn Bill , Lord Ashbubtos shortly replied , and their Lordships divided , when there appeared—For the resolution 41 Against it 70

      AA gMAUaV * W ... ... ... ... IV Majority against the resolution ... 23 THE SILK DUTIES . The Duke of Richmond then rose to present a petition from certain silk manufacturers and weavers at Macclesfield , complaining of the effects of the reduction of the silk duties some years since ; it had caused distress among them from which they had never recovered ; their condition has continually tended downwards ever since . They stated that the quantity of silk worked up in this country had not materially increased of late , and that all the finer branches of the silk manufacture were passing into foreign lands ; articles of luxury like these were proper subjects of taxation . They prayed that this branch of industry might receive protection . The noble duke added , that he had another petition from

      the silk weavers of Spitalfields , very numerously signed , praying to be heard by counsel at the bar of the house . He professed himself unable to state their case properly ; there were technical terms to be used , and a great deal had to be stated ; but a learned counsel had been instructed , and ought to be heard . The petition from Macclesfield said nothing against free trade : it only stated that this branch of industry would be found on inquiry a proper exception to the general rule . If the house was prepared to place in jeopardy the landed interest of the country , and give way to the clamour of the League , that was no reason for abandoning the operatives of the country and the principle of protection of domestic industry ; though the keystone of the arch was thus being taken away , he trusted it would be only a tempovarytriumph , and

      he should be as eager as ever to maintain protection to other departments . ( Hear . ) He did not ask to have witnesses examined—that might be supposed to be for delay ; he only asked the house to do what they had heretofore done—what they did not refuse to the municipal corporations of England and of Ireland —to grant that which every Englishman had a right to expect , ay , to demand—a fair hearing . There were several precedents for this in former years , in 1779 , 1789 , 1790 , and since . There bad been great distress among the Spitalfields weavers ; but they had borne their lot with a resignation and forbearance which was very much to their credit as good subjects and as members of a Christian community . ( Hear , hear . ) He moved that these petitioners be heard in the committee on the Customs Duties' Bill against that clause which affected their interests .

      The Earl of Dalhousie said it was an ungracious task to oppose this motion , but with reference to convenience and to precedent , their Lordships should not agree to it . The usage and practice of the house precluded the hearing of counsel on a Customs bill , or a measure of general policy . Lord Brougham denied the existence of such a rule , and appealed to the precedent of the orders in council , when he had been heard as counsel in the house . The Earl of Ellen-borough said it would be dangerous and obstruct business . The Duke of Wellington reminded their Lordships that they could not consent to any alteration of the details of the Tariff Bill in committee , without an infraction of the rules of proceeding between the two houses .

      The Duke of Richmonb indignantly protested ayain ^ tthis doctrine . "If this , mr Lords , " he said , "is to be the constitu t ion of Parliament , is it not a mere farce that these Bills should be brought here at all . ? are wc to be called on here night after night to go through the several stages of a Bill , and then , forsooth , after all to be told that we must not alter what the House of Commons has done ? I contend that these petitioners have a right to be heard , and I will not detain your lordships by saying more than this—that if this is to be the future course of the government , I hope that they will alter the standing orders of the house , and say at once that the Queen ' s consent and the Commons is sufficient—for that must be the result . " Their Lordships divided . For the Duke of Richmond's motion—Contents—Present 43 Proxies 31

      14 Non-ContontB—Present 42 Proxies 36

      78 Majority for Ministers 4 Lord Beouguam denounced the use of proxies , in such acase as this , as most unwarrantable . The Peers present had , by a majority of one , declared their desire to hear the case of the Spitalfields weavers stated by Counsel , had yet the votes of Noble Lords who were absent in Ireland , on the Continent , in Madras , and elsewhere , were put in operation to decide that those who were willing to be informed should not obtain the desired information . Such a use of proxies dealt a serious blow at their use in their Lordships' House .

      The Ear ! of Glexoall questioned the validity of the vote given on this occasion by the Duke of Bucck-uch , on the ground that the noble duke was not " in the house" at the moment the question was put from the Woolsack . The D uke of Buccleuch pledged his honour thnt he Was present in the house when the question was put , although perhaps he might not be , strictly speaking , within that limit which was technically called " the House /'

      House Of Lords.— Fmday, June 19. The Ear...

      . The Loud Chancellor ruled that a Peer who was within the four walls as the Duke of Buceleuch undoubtedly was , had the right to vote as one present . The Earl of Glengall similarly questioned the right of the Earl of Home . The Earl of Home pledged his honour he was present and heard the question put . , The Earl of Wiokiow thought that should such injudicious use be made of proxies as that just witnessed , it would be advisable for some Noble Lord to propose their abolition altogether . Earl Geey promised such a proposal his hearty concurrence . The iiuKe ot Richmond assured their lordships that though they had , by their extraordinary use of proxies , prevented the Spitalfields weavers Irotn being heard by counsel , he would feel it his duty to read the brief which had been prepared for the instruction of the Learned Sergeant who was prepared to address them at . the bar .

      CUSTOMS' DUTIES BILL . On the order of the day for the committee on this bill , Lord Stanley rose to offer some observations to their lordships on the subject , but commenced by referring to theprevibu 8 , oonyersation . He also thought that proxies had'ow » lmpropei-ly . broughtiihto' the vote . His lordship then proceeded , at considerable length , to object to the Tariff on financial grounds . With so small an estimated surplusitwas most dangerous to reduce duties , many of which were taken off luxuries : and the changes ^ proposed by the bill would be most injurious to the native artizan . He should first notice the articles of boots and shoes ; and he begged to call their attention to those articles

      in the first place , because whatever advantage the consumer might derive from thn reduction ' of the duty on the importation of foreign boots and shoes , that advantage would be derived exclusively by the higher and not . by the lower classes ; while at the same time it would have the effect of throwing out of employment a large number of workmen in this country . " ( Hear , hear . ) Before 1842 the dut ' es upon the importation ot foreign boots and shoes was £ 2 14 s . a dozen . It was lowered in 1842 to £ 19 s . 4 d . a hundred ; and the importation immediately rose from 4 , 820 to 8 , 353 pairs ; and they had continued to increase from that to 12 , 220 , 13 , 261 , and 14 , 387 . He repeated , that whatever advantage their lordships , and those in circumstances like their lordships ,

      might derive from a reduction in the duty on French shoes , the lower classes would derive none . He was utterly at a loss , then , to conceive upon what ground it was now proposed to reduce the duty to 14 s . a dozen . ( Hear , hear . ) It was the same with women ' s boots and shoes , the importation ot which had risen from 39 , 000 pair in . 1841 , to 82 , 000 pair in 1845 . He would notice only two more articles , viz ., stained paper and pillow lace ., The importation of stained paper had risen from 13 , 479 yards in 1841 , to 30 , 000 yards in 1843 , and yet , with the fact of the importation having doubled in five years , it was now proposed to reduce the duty from Is . to 2 J . a yard ; and

      if it was hardly possible at present to compete with the foreigner with a duty of Is ., he begged them to consider how it was possible for the British producer and manufacturer to compete with the foreigner under the protection of Is . reduced to 2 d . ? ( Hear , hear . ) Then take the article of pillow lace , which was a manufacture exclusively conducted by women and children . One could see no particular reason why the duty was reduced upon this article , which , if there was a luxury in the world , was a luxury ; but it was easy to see strong reasons why it should not be reduced , considering that it would confer an advantage alone to the rich , while it would throw a large number of the poor out of employment .

      The Earl ot Dalhousie denied that this measure was introduced as a free trade measure . He had admitted that there were various anomalies and exceptions to the principle of free trade in the bill , the object of which was to remove all duties from articles of food and of the first necessity , as well as from raw materials ; and with respect to articles not of prime necessity , but which entered largely Into consumption , to reduce the rate of duty as far , as practicable . Upon some articles , for various reasons the principle was not worked out , and he admitted that the tariff did not profess entirely to depart fram the principle of protection . The . noble Earl then replied in detail to the specific objections of Lord Stanley , observing that it did not follow because the importation of an article was increasing , or the revenue collected upon it augmented , that this was a healthy increase j high duties created an illicit trade , which deranged all calculations .

      Earl Stanhope , whilst he predicted the most ruinous consequences to British industry from the operations of the Tariff Bill , expressed his conviction to be that the full principle of free trade had not been carried out in it , simply because , though the agriculturists allowed themselves to be led like cattle to the slaughterhouse , the Ministers duvst not treat the manufacturers in the same way . The Earl of Ripon neutralized the apprehensions of Lord Stanhope , by exposing the groundless vaticinations with which he had been overwhelmed at the introduction oi' the tariff of 1849 , by deputations from the glovers , the dealers in salt provisions , and the milling interest , some of whom had since assurred him they had found that he ( Lord Riro . v ) was right and they were wrong . After remarks from Lord Monteagle , Lord Salisbury , Lord Colchester and Lord Ashburton , their Lordships went into committee on the bill .

      On the second clause , which reduces the duty on timber . Lord Stanley moved its omission , because he considered it an absolute and uucalled-for throwing away of revenue , The Committee , after a short discussion , divided . For the clause-Contents C 4 Non-contents 62

      Majority for the Government 12 The clause , as well as clauses 3 , 4 , and 5 , were agreed to . The Duke of Richmond objected to proceeding further . Lord Stanley announced that he , and those with whom he asted , would not oppose the third reading of the Corn Importation Bill , contenting tuemselves with entering their protest on the journals against it ; he , therefore , suggested that the Tariff should be proceeded with in committee en Tuesday , and that the Corn Bill , which stands on the ra . ) er for to-night , should be adjourned to Thursday . The suggestion was acquiesced in by the Duke of Wellington , the Chairman reported progress , and their Lordships adjourned at a quarter to ten o ' clock HOUSE OF COMMONS , Monday , June 22 . The Speaker took the chair at the usual hour .

      NEW ZEALAND , Mr . C . Buller inquired what were the intentions of the Government as to the introduction of any measure in respect to this colony ? Sir R . Peel said , the Secretary for the Colonies and himself had given great attention to the subject . Some of the objections which he had felt to the disclosure of any opinion on the subject had been removed by the vaeent accounts from the Cilouy , whence it appeared that the authority of the Crown was re-established . ( Hear . ) lie had no longer , therefore , any objection to declare that it would be highly desirable to introduce in the course of this session a legislative measure in respect to the Government of tho colony .

      THE SUGAR DUTIES . Alderman Thompson asked what were the intentions of Government as to the sugar duties . The Chancellor of the Exuujsqukr stated , that he had intended to make that proposition tonight , in pursuance of the notice which he had given last Thursday ; but late yesterday evening he had received an intimation from Lord & . Bentinck , that he intended to move , as an amendment on the proposition for going into committee , a resolution to the effect , that it was the duty of the Government to have introduced a bill for the continuance of the sugar duties at an earlier period of the session , and that the introduction of it at so late a period was calculated to injure the commerce of the country .

      If tho noble lord persisted in that intention , it would bo an interruption in the very first step to the progress of the temporary measur e which he wished to press with some rapidity ; and if the debate on hi ? amendment were adj ourned at a late hour thai evening , the discussion of the original resolutions must be postponed till Friday next ; and , if so , there would be no possibility of passing this temporary measure before the sugar duties expired . He therefore appealed to the noble lord , and asked him t allow the resolutions to pass that evening in the Cominitteo of Ways and Means without propositihis amendment . The noble lord ' s acquiescence J u this request would not prevent him from briDgiiiy forward his amendment on another occaiion .

      Lord G . Bentinck . replied that it . was not his intention to put an end to the prcsmfc sugar duties , o ? to cause a large defalcation to vhe revomi ? . ; his intention iu moving his amendment whs to cast a censure on the Government for allowing so late a pcriui > of the session to arrive before asking for the removal of a measure upon which between three and four millions of revenue were annually raised . We arc asked now , said his Lordship , to pass a Sugar Bill for a

      House Of Lords.— Fmday, June 19. The Ear...

      month ; but m the present position of political affairs in this House , there are sufficient indications that probably more than a week will not elapse before the Right Honourable Gentleman now at the h ad of the Government will be so no longer , and then his successor will have a right to ask a considerable adjournment for the purpose of making the usual arrangements and procuring seats for the members of his Administration in this House , under which circumstances he also will be obliged no doubt to ask another month . Now , is it right so to derange the trade , and to put in hazard so large an amount of revenue ?

      After a short debate in which Messrs , Hume , M . Gibson , G . Bankes , M . Bernal ; Lord J . Russell , Sir R . Inglis , and other members took part , the propriety of going at once into the committee of ways und means on the sugar duties was generally concurred in , and the house went into committee , and agreed to a resolution to continue the existing sugar duties for a month from the 5 th of July .

      PROTECTION FOR LIFE ( IRELAND ) BILL . The Earl of Lincoln having moved the order of the day for the resumption of this debate , Mr . S . Crawford rose to oppose the bill though he was concerned to vote in opposition to the right hon . gentleman , at the head of the government at a time when , in his judgment , he had been unjustly assailed and unnecessarily persecuted . He congratulated the right hon . gentleman , however , on the triumphant manner in which he had disposed of these most undeserved

      attacks . He would , indeed , go into the same lobby with several hon . gentlemen opposite , but he had not ny feeling in common with them , who had upon every occasion supported measures which he deemed oppressive to Ireland , who had always opposed any enlargement of the ri g hts of the Irish people , and who , failing to damage the measures of the Prime Minister , had tried to damage the man . He then proceeded to point out the defects of this bill , and to explain what he considered to be the causes and the remedies of crime in Ireland . Remedial measures

      would be more effectual than coercive measures in restoring order and tranquillity to Ireland ; and among the remedial measures which he recommended were a well organised Poor Law , a more effective system of police , and the establishment of agricultural schools in every district of Ireland . Mr . Seymer explained the reason why he felt it to be his duty , though a strong Protectionist , to support this bill . It was a temporary measure , and only applicable to certain districts in Ireland ; and though it placed in the hands of the government extraordinary powers , he did not think that those powers would be abused ; for , in their conduct towards Ireland , it appeared to him that her Ma jesty's Ministers had acted in a just and generous spirit . Had he been able to place Government in a

      minority on any question relative to protection , he should have been delighted to have done so ; but he could not see why he should oppose the government on a question where he believed them to be right , merely to bring in another government , which he believed on all questions to be wrong . Mr . C . Powell , Mr . Huisey , and Mr . V . Stuart opposed the bill . Mr . W . Collett supported it . Mr . Roebuck was bound , to look at this bill in another point of view than its own merits , and to ask several disagreeable questions before he could make up his mind to vote against It . Lord G . Bentinck had declared , that he had no confidence in the Government , and had , therefore , determined to vote against this bill ; but after the speech he had made upon the first reading of it , it did not follow that , if

      he could get rid of the present Ministers , he would not propose the very same measure , and seek to administer it by an executive Government of protection members . But why had not Sir R . Peel the confidence of that noble lord and his party ? Merely because he had passed a Corn Bill which the people of England had long desired . Leaving Lord G-. Bentinck for a short time , he turned to Lord J . Russell and his friends on the Opposition benches . He traced the history of Coercion Bills for some years back , — showed that Earl Grey ' s Coercion Bill , with its court-martial clauses and its domiciliary visit clauses , was the severest Coercioa Bill ever placsd on the statute-book , —and complained that Lord J . Russell , who had now changed his opinions on the

      subject ot coercion , had never expressed any regret for the cutting censure which he had cast upon those who then opposed that measure . He then alluded to the Coercion Bill introduced in 1835 , which was quite as severe as the present . Owing to these circumstances , he wanted to know , before he ousted Sir R . Peel from office on account of this bill , whether he was ousting him for the benefit of those who would reintroduce it as soon as confidence in them was restored . He would , therefore , ask Lord J . Russell what the house was to expect from him with regard te the administration of the law in Irelaud , provided this bill was successfully opposed on the present occasion ? It was well known that , last winter . Lord J . Russell had been called on to form an administration . It was said that the Earl of

      Eesborough was to be Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , and that he was to be so on the express condition that he should be armed with a Coercion Bill . Lord J . Russell : That is not true . Mr . Roebuck admitted that after that answer the argument which he had intended to raise on that rumour was at an end ; but he must remind the house that this bill was first introduced in the House of Lords , and that the most marked supporters of it in that assembly had been the political friends of Lord John Russell . He had , therefore , every right to believe that they , too , would sanction a bill like the present if the Administration were changed . Unless he should receive

      a distinct intimation from Lord J . JRussell that he would no longer adopt towards Ireland the wild and severe measures which the Whig Government had formerly enforced , he should certainly not vote against the second reading of this bill now ; and if he did receive such an intimation , he should say that the change of opinion which it would display was expressed at an inopportune time , in an inopportune manner , and for an inopportune object . For if the opposition which ho should then be compelled to give this bill should be successful , it would unsettle the present Administration , without giving the country a chance of a strong and beneficial Administration in its place for many years to come .

      Lord J . Mannehs observed that his oojection to this measure was one of principle and not of party , and that if it had not b ] een for insinuations spread out . of doors , he should " have been content to have given a [ silent Tote against it upon Tory principles , This bill was neither novel nor necessary ; but if it had been either novel or necessary , it was not calculated to meet the evil of Ireland . Sir James Graham , in defence of this Bill , replied to the observations in which Lord John Russell had found fault with the Government for their delay it ? forwarding this Bill in the House of Commons , and showed ( hat nothing could have been more injurious to the country than both the two courses reconimendedin lieu of that taken by the Government . He admitted that this bill was unconstitutional , and that ministers were bound to prove the necessity of the case before thev allied the house to eonaentto it .

      As attempts had been made to cut down the facts of the case originally made out by the Irish Government , he re-stated many of them , and established by reference to the criminal returns , that in certain parts of Ireland , crimes , dangerous to life and property , were increasing to a fearful extent , jlle then referred to the appeal which Lord John Russell had made to himself personally respecting the conduct which he had formerly displayed towards the Whig Government . When the nobie lord assorted that the partisans of Sir Robert Peel had overthrown tho Government , by opposing the fiscal measures which they had afterwards supported , he must remind him , that having overthrown the Government of Sir II . Peel in 1835 , by means of the appropriation clause , ho had aftonvards abandoned it in a manner which he ( Sir J . Graham ) would not characterize . Then as to the doctrines of free trade , he must repeat that the noble lord and his friends had been but sudden

      converts . Let any man read Mr . Labouchere ' s speech on propesing the sugar duties in 1840 , and he would si'O that the demarcation between free labour sugar md slave-labour sugar was as strongly laid down in Uwt speech as ever it had been by her Majesty ' s present government . As to free trade in corn , not mil ? , before his abandonment of office , Lord Melbourne had declared it to bo downright insanity ; but a change of opinion suddenly came over Mi lord-• hip and the members of his cabinet , and at a particular moment when power was fast departing from their hands . There was this difference between the . rnlicy of Sir R . Peel and of Lord Melbourne . Sir it . Peel asserted the principles of free trade , and thereby

      wcrificed his influonce , and it might be his office : whereas Lord Melbourne asserted them in order to Kiiiu influence and retain power thereby . Such being the case , retraction of his former censures was impossible , though if those censures had been conveyed with too much bitterness ho was sorry for it . Advening to the question put to him by Mr . Colquiioun , he declared that it was the intention of tho Government to adhere to the curfew clauses , and not to recede from them on any account , in case the second reading of the bill should bo carried . Ho implured the house to consider the serious consequences which were likely to ensue next winter in case this bill should be rejected . Those who doubtod of its

      Necessity; Ought To Resist It; But' ' Th...

      necessity ; ought to resist it ; but ' ' those who were sa- ; tisfied of that necessity , ought to give it their cordial support , independent of any confidence they might or might not have in her MaJGstj's Govern * ment , and not reject it on account of any other se- condary considerations . Mr . L aboochere commented on the singular fact , that Sir J . Graham should have ventured to give the , house a lecture on consistency , and denied that he had ever drawn the demarcation between free-labour sugar and slave-labour sugar , on which Sir J . Graham had insisted . He was grateful to Sir R . Peel for having introduced the Corn Law but be 30 uld not on that account grant > him complete control over the liberties of Ireland . After a few words from Sir J . Graham in explanation , the debate was adjsuvned to Thursday next . The house then adjourned . 1

      IIOUSE OF LORDS . —Tuesday . June 23 The House met at Five o ' clock .

      VISCOUNT HARDINGE AND LORD GOUGH'S ANNUITY BILLS . Th : Earl of Ripo . v , in answer to a question put by the Marquis of Lansdownc , stated that he proposed on Friday next , to ask their Lordships to reconsider the opinion they had lately expressed by vote on the annuities to Lord Hardiuge and Gouph . Discussions of some length ensued on . the presentation of petitions by Lord Brougham and Lord Rodcn , from two clergymen , complaining of the oppression caused by the present constitution of the Ecclesiastical courts . '

      THE TARIFF The order of the day for resuming the discussion , in committee , of the schedule of articles from which the duties are to be removed ; or reduced , by the Customs' Duties Bill , being read . The Earl of Uardwicke moved the omission of the articles of butter and cheese from the schedule . The revenue produced by butter in 1845 was 241 , 6041 ., and that b y cheese in the same year was . Hl . 818 J ,, theywere increasing duties , and it was , therefore ,

      moat impolitic , to reduce . them , To lower the price for the benefit of consumers was the avowed design of the Government , but the reduction in price would be so small as to be felt by no one , whilst the proposed remission of 10 s . duty would take from the poor Irish producers 509 , 000 i . a year ; The . Eaii of Dalhousie replied that the Government did net frame the schedule upon a consideration of revenue only . He argued , that if the price to the consumer would not be lowered by the reduction of duty , the poor Irish farmers could not be injured .

      Alter a speech irom Lord Stanley , their Lordships divided . For retaining the articles In the scheduled Contents 50 Non-Contents 33 .. ¦ Majority for Ministers ..... —11 On the article ot hops , The Duke of Richmond objected to any remission of duty on this article as a gross injustice to the hopgrowers . In Kent there were 23 , 000 acres of hop plantation , in which capital to the amount of 2 , 000 , 0002 . was sunk , and upon which additional capital to the ameunt of 900 , 0001 , was annually

      expended m cultivation . A large and increasing labouring population were comfortably supported by means of these plantations ; for the sum paid annually for manual labour was 230 ( 0002 ,, which exceeded fhe usual amount for the same number of acres ' by 160 , 0002 . Under that state of things a large population had grown up , because that branch ot agriculture found them constant employment ; and now they were about , not only to cripple the resources , of those domestic producers , but to leave them burdened with so large an amount of population that they ; would not be able to employ it in other ways ,

      A deoate followed in which Lords Dalhousie , Wick * low , Colchester , Stanhope , and Ripon took part . The Duke of Richmond urged that the only sure means of giving the people cheap beer was to repeal the duty on malt . Lord Fitzwilliam concurred in this suggestion . Beer was just as much part of the food of the people as bread , and the repeal of the malt duty would be a great boon conferred upon the landed interest . Lord Radnor supported the reduction of the duty upon hope , and the amendment was negatived without a division . . Lord SiANrEY objected to the reduction of the dutv

      upon thread-lace and pillow-lace , which would destroy a branch of domestic manufacture carried on in cottages by poor industrious women and children . He declared his determination to take the sense of the committee upon this item . The Duke ol Richmond likewise deprecated the sending the cottage lace-makers Into cotton factories . Lord Dalhousie considered that the effects which the two noble peers had ascribed to a reduction of duty from £ 13 2 s . 6 d . per cent , to £ 10 per cent . were extravagant , These were articles of great value , easily smuggled , and the effect of the reduction would he to prevent their illicit introduction .

      Lord Stanley ridiculed the idea that a reduction of three per cent , could check smuggling . The reduction was unnecessary , whilst it took away pro tamo a not extravagant protection from an humble bntdeserving class of manual labourers . The gallery was then cleared for a division , but none took place , and the item passed . Upon the item of paper-hanging !! , Earl Stanhope objected to the reduction of Is . to 2 d . Lord Ashburton could m > t see what possible objection could be gained by this reduction . The manufacture of the higher and tasteful descriptions of ornamental paper had been entirely given up in this country . _ He entered his protest at the manner in which this measure was carried out for the mere pedantry of political economy .

      Lord Dalhousie could only meet this sweeping assertion by a general denial . On the article silk , — The Duke of Richmond rose to move its omission from the schedule . The noble duke held in his hand the brief which had been prepared for counsel , if the silk weavers had been allowed to be heard at the bar , aud which he said on the previous evening he would himself read to the house . Those noble lords who had refused to agree to his motion that the silk weavers be heard by counsel at the bar , but who were so eager to plunge into tree trade , had been actuated in their refusal to hear the petitioners by fear of having their case brought forward , because they knew that it could be proved that the reductions

      made in silk duties in 1 S 24 had been ruinous to those engaged in the trade . The wages of the weavers had been so enormously reduced that many of them had hardly enough to maintain themselves and their families , and the employers had , in many cases , given them notice that , when the bill passed , they would reduce their wages still f ' miher . ( Hear , hear . ) To reconcile their lordships to the abolition of the corn duty they had been told that , notwithstanding the measure was pending , such an estate had sold for so much , and such a farm had let for so much , forgetting altogether what the landlord might have undertaken to do ; but such pleas could not be put forward as regarded property employed for the manufacture of silk . It had become much depreciated . The silk mill of Messrs . Kay and Co ., at Tring , which cost £ 30 , 000 , had been offered for £ 200 a rear

      rent , and refused by one party ; but was now let at that rent to another . Messrs . Broelehurst , too , had sold six mills since 182-1 , at one-third of their cost ; and another beautiful and celebrated silk mill at Manchester had been sold at less than its value . His noble friend opposite ( the Earl of Dalhousie ) argued that these duties could not be maintained because the manufacture was one that depended on fashion . Why , that was the very reason it ought to be protected . A noble earl opposite , who was arecent convert to free trade doctrines , had argued against the lace duties , on the ground that tl e morals of the children employed in the lace cottages in Buckinghamshire would be improved by their being free to be sent to school . But how were their parents to be able to send them out of their wages ? The Earl of Galloway—By their having cheaper provisions .

      The Duke of Richmoj to—That was the fallacy of a new convert . How were they to get wages to bay those cheaper provisions ? He believed that their wages would be reduced one-half ; and how were they on such wages to buy the provisions , however cheap they might be ? The noble earl ' s argument would imply that it was better that the children hitherto employed in the lace cottages should be sent to the cotton tuctorics , where they could get some schooling ; but he ( tho Duke of Richmond ) would prefer the morals they would learn in those cottages than where they were exposed to the fearful scenes they at present witnessed in the iarge manufacturing towns . ( Hear . ) The petitioners alleged that they were not about to receive a protection of 15

      per cent , as the Government professed that they would ; at least , not in the finer and more weighty articles ; as to those the protection would not be above 9 per cent , ikcy laughed also at what the Government put forward on the . subject of smuggling . They described those arguments as being " either ahcar folly or intentional delusion , " and argued that the { publication or the names of the shopkeepers who sold the smuggled goods , and a refusal to them of a license to sell in tuture , would effectuall y stop sinu "" lin » in articles of the kind , which were usually p ° ureka * ed by persons of good condition who would dread exposure , lie wished that the arguments of the petition

      had had , a better advocate than he was . He could not but regret that their lordships had refused to hear them . They had been treated in a manner which he never could have supposed that house would have adopted towards any class of well-conducted operatives , lhe noble duke concluded bv moving that the article "silk" be struck from the ' seheduie . Lord Dalhousib expressed his regret that he had been constrained , upon preeeienfc and public convenience , to resist the prayer of the petitioners , whose case , however , had not suffered in the hands of the noble duke . The petitioners had complained , that whilst the bill professed to retain a duty of 15

      per cent , upon torei » n silks , on many articles id amounted to only nine per cent . The noble losd explained the difficulty > f adjusting exactly the ( Continued to the Eighth Page . )

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  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 27, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_27061846/page/1/