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Northern Star (1837-1852), 25th September 1852, Edition 2 of 2, Page 11, PUBLIC MEETINGS, &c. A NATIONAL PARTY. T...

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      ^ 25 ' 18 ^- The Stab Of Feeedom, 107

      ^ ' 18 ^ - THE STAB OF FEEEDOM , 107

      L Eratrak Jtarak

      l eratrak Jtarak

      Public Meetings, &C. A National Party. T...

      PUBLIC MEETINGS , & c . A NATIONAL PARTY . To the Editor of the Star op Freedom . Sib , —I must personally express myself much gratified with the reception which my letter , recommending the formation of a " National Party , " has met with from your correspondents and such of the reformers as I have come into communication " with . The fact that such a proposal has been made without producin

      g a loud , wide-spread , and fierce opposition is a proof of the tftoug htfttlness and moderation of those with whom we have to deal ; and the other fact that all who have spoken or written Bot only admit , but assert the necessity for its calm consideration , goes to show that there is a right appreciation of our all but powerless condition and the importance of building up a new organization fitted to retrieve the past and bring about a triumphant future . The very feelings which actuated me seem to have been latent in many minds , and to have been evoked J > y one voice giving to them open expression .

      ' I cordially agree alsowith the suggestion which has appeared in your columns , that if a new party could be formed the past m ust , in one sense , be forgotten . We cannot , of course , help remembering it aud applying its experience as a warning , but it must be forgotten as the pretext for obloquy , either against classes or individuals . Viewing it as 1 do , seeing in it many errors of pclicj * -, I am convinced that there has been at the bottom sincerity and purity of intention . The faults have been those of judgment , not of feeling—of the head rather than the heart . I do not believe that even with the old organization , and the old means of action , what has been would be likely to he repeated . The masses have made great advances in the last

      few years—greater comparatively than any other class . They have received a political education , they have learned to think , if not logically , after the manner of the schools , yet deeply and earnestly , and with a rough natural logic of their own which leads them on to the truth . They have formed a more correct estimate of their own resources as well as of those of their op ponents . They have acquired the power of calculating motives , as well as an insight into party tactics ; and they are better able to adapt the means to the promotion of the end to be obtained . In fact , I may say they have grown up from political children into men , and to punish them for the past would be as absurd as to whip the man for the follies of the schoolboy .

      An endeavour to base a new organization upon reproaches would be both foolish and fatal , worse than attempting to build a house upon a foundation of sand . For my part , I would not "ive my adhesion to any movement in which it was probable such a course would be pursued , for I shoidd regard such con duct as worse than a mere fault—as a political crime and a social injustice . If we are to succeed , our future internal policy

      must be prompted and directed by a spirit of mutual forbearance , conciliation , and good-will , enabling us to turn our * united strength upon the common enemy , instead of wasting it in sometimes ludicrous—sometimes insignificant—and always melancholy squabbles between ourselves . We have powerful prejudices , strong motives , and great influences to contend against , and to do so with a hope of success we require too many friends to allow us to make enemies of one another .

      There is one enquiry of your correspondent " Tom Pinch to which I am particularly desirous of adverting ; indeed , it has been the main cause of , my now asking for room in your columns . He thinks , and I perfectly agree with him , that there must be an infusion of fresh blood . Not that we are to discard or refuse the assistance of those who have hitherto been active ,-hut that we must have men who may command the respect , it not the confidence of all classes to lead the new party . I do not say this with any intention of depreciating the talents , the energy or the sincerity of anv one ; that would be Ming into the very error I have already disavowed , but because the survey ot past tne

      failure is often more injurious to a political cause than even feeling of by-gone wrong , and that renders it necessary that we should , if possible , be headed by those who are totally unconnected with errors that may have been committed . " Tom Pinch" enquires , could I do anything to ' promote the adhesion of new and good men to a national manhood suflrage party ? I think I coidd . I do not wish to overrate my own personal influence . I do not desire to have anything I may desire to effect upon that footing at all . 1 came forwaid not because I thought I was the best or the most capable man , but because it appeared necessary that some one should begin ; a i / 4 to to

      ,. ,-. ** i : ,-,.. _ ,,-,. » of ;« T . will sometimes surface very feeble touchin the right direction will sometimes suffice put a great mass in motion . Since the publication of my ioimei letter I have advised with some friends as to the best combe to be pursued ; the result is that letters have been written to several gentlemen of influence and standing , some ot them members of the House of Commons known to be fayouiable to red liberalism . The answers which ^ ye -hithc ^ 1 ^ received are eminently favourable to the project , and it , wonW appear , after replies W all have been <**^*** at central lace : m the

      aggregate meeting should be called some p metropolis , by which the principal officers might be elected resolutions passed embodying the objects of the *» ° <^ ™ persons appointed to draw up a programme ^ fcorda ^™ those resolutions . That done , the new society would be formally introduced to the world , its principles defined and credentials given to its representatives ; then we sflicmld l » e pie pared for action . Arrangements woidd be made , oi couise , toi enrolling members , raising funds , calling future meetings , publishing our opinions through the press , and setting on toot a systematic and well-organised efficient agitation throug h the

      I fully believe in my heart that such an effort would be attended by fall and complete success . I am sure that tne attempt will at least be made , for those who have taken it up are fully determined to do their best to carry it through , and 1 look with confidence to the formation of a party supported ^ thehifluence , the intelligence , and the enthusiasm oi the best of all classes , for the purpose of gaming the first and most important of the political rights of the people . I am , bir ,

      Your obedient servant , WILLIAM NEWTON 35 , Arbour-square , London , Sept . 22 nd , 1852 .

      "A National Party." How Is It To Be Form...

      "A NATIONAL PARTY . " HOW IS IT TO BE FORMED ? To the Editor of . the Star of Freedom . Snv-I am glad to find from the tone manifested by some of your correspondents , that an earnest desire is felt for thefoimation of a successful National Party . No dnect plan of action , however , has as yet been laid down by either Mr . Newton or any of those who so warmly applaud his sentiments . That it

      "A National Party." How Is It To Be Form...

      will be impossible to make headway under the old system of agitation , no matter how much ive may simplify and narrow tne question , will , I think , be disputed by no man in his common . senses . ^ I do not now allude to the antagonistic spirit which has hitherto characterised our proceedings , for that is now condemned by all but a few unreflecting man-worshippers . What i allude to is the machinery by which our principles are to be wrought ont . Mr . Newton ' s plan is to get up an agitation tor simple manhood suffrage , believing that by thus simplifying the questionwe shall silence a number of frivolous

      , objections . This , in my opinion , would be as inefficatious as any of the foolish things we have done before . For it matters little how far we curtail our demands upon the present House ot Commons , they will always be found raising objections to every plan propounded for the purpose of breaking down the monopoly of government . Do they not now raise an objection against manhood suffrage , on the ground that the people are not sufficiently educated , and would use it to their own prejudice . In short ; , that it would be like putting a razor into the hands of

      a madman . Wherefore , then , is the use of cutting down our principles to suit such unscrupulous opponents ? I can assure you that we have no occasion to he afraid of choking from having too much to swallow at once . The government will apply the pruning knife with sufficient freedom without our setting them the example . The success of our principles depends more upon the machinery which we use for the purpose of obtaining them , than in the principles themselves . I believe with you , Mr . Editor , that " it is impossible to recuscitate the

      worn-out past . " That we can do no good by " pursuing the old round of agitation . " The people are sick of it . Lecturing has become a bore , public meetings and processions are a nuisance , and petitioning a humbug , a sham , and a delusion . We have had sufficient talk ; what we want now is work—practical work . And seeing that nothing of importance is to be expected from the House of Commons , until a large influx of more liberal members be carried into it , our duty is clear . We must act upon the motto of Sir Robert Peel , only for a different purpose , " The battle of freedom is to be fought in the registration courts . "

      Having spent considerable time in examining our past mode of proceeding , with a view to find out some more efficient plan of action , I trust I shall not be deemed arrogant in laying before you iny thoughts on that subject . The following are , in my opinion , the most likely means to be employed to successfully work out our ends . As no association of a sufficiently practical character exists

      at present , and as a beginning must be made somewhere , I wouldadvise the friends of real progress , in every town , borough , and county , to form themselves into bodies , to be called democratic ^ election clubs . Having formed themselves into an organised body , the plan of operations which I would recommend is as follows : The society should be divided into committees similar to our town councils . Section number one to be

      called die Parliamentary Section . Its duties should be to visit periodically the electors , and ascertain their political creed , and endeavour , by reason and persuasion , and by supplying them with well-written tracts on the subject , to show them the necessity for a thorough reform in the House of Commons . They should keep a book , in which the political views of every elector must bo registered . All those whose principles agreed with our own must be urged to join the committee , and thus increase our numbers , and extend our influence . Those who could be induced to take an active part in the working of the

      plan , must be appointed as visitors to others of their own class , who have not yet become converts to our views . Others , who could not be induced to take so active apart in the propagation of our views , may be induced to assist by regular subscriptions , as periodical donations . After this section had got into proper working order , the society would be able to ascertain at a glance how near to their own principles they would be able to return a representative . Always taking care to return the most liberal man they possibly could ; never obstinately bringing out a

      manhood suflrage candidate in opposition to a household suffrage one , where it was known to be impossible to carry the former , for bv so doing we weaken the ranks of progress , convert into enemies those whom we are striving to make converts , and strengthen the power of our enemies , by returning whigs and tories . Where the power of the whigs and tories is too strong to permit of our sending two members pledged to either manhood or household suffrage , but ' where we can send one , by coalescing with a whig , we must do so , for it is better to do so than to allow two whigs or a whig and a tory to be returned .

      Section No . 2 should be called the Municipal Committee ; its business should be to watch over the municipal electors , in the same manner in which the other section watches over the parliamentary electors ; to nominate from its own body members for the town councils , and arrange measures for their adoption . No . 3 should be called the People ' s Section , and should look over and take care of the non-electors , and by periodically visiting and reasoning with them , bring them into the society . An Executive Committee might sit in London , to whom returns of the condition of each electoral district should be

      sent at stated intervals . The whole of them to be added up by this committee and sent back in a printed form to each locality . By this means the exact state of the country would be seen at a glance , and the progress which we accomplished regularly and accurately known . In the general conduct of the society towards other bodies of men , I would recommend that we lend our hand to push forward every movement that is making towards our goal ; taking care if we are invited to take part jjin the proceedings of any public meeting connected with any other branch of reformers , to urge the superiority and necessity of our principles .

      This plan of action possesses the superior advantage over the one which we have hitherto pursued , that it enables every member of the society to become an active agent in the propagation of our views , and renders unnecessary those troops of agitators who have been the bane of democracy . By bringing us into immediate contact with the electors , and others who are opposed to us , we shall be enabled to answer their objections , and satisfy their scruples , and remove a vast amount of prejudice and misunderstanding .

      Perhaps those who have given themselves up to a sort ^ of mental indolence , and who would prefer paying some brawling charlatan to rant and mouth a lot of senseless vituperative trash , will object that the course which I am recommending will be slow and laborious . I readily grant that it will . But will it be any slower than the course which those objectors are pursuing ? I fancy not ; for their progress is like that of the

      crab—backwards . I think it will be conceded that we shall never get manhood suffrage until we get a House of Commons the majority of whom are in favour of it ; and we shall ^ never get that until a majority of the electors are in favour of it ; and the readiest way to convert them to our side is to go and reason with them , face to face , and not to skulk into some obscure room , and denounce and abuse them .

      "A National Party." How Is It To Be Form...

      A dozen energetic men in each town may make a commencement ; and if they go to work in a proper manner they will soon have both numbers and funds . I have given a rough outline of what appears to me to be the best mode of action under present circumstances . Should it meet the approbation of any of your readers , I hope they will make known their opinions through your columns ; or if any has better

      one a plan to propose , I trust he will propose it at once , in order that the subject may be fairly taken up , and some satisfactory conclusion arrived at . After a sufficient number of localities have agreed upon either this or some other and better plan of organisation , an executive committee may be appointed to act provisionally , until a conference can be called tn prepare a set of rules ' embodying all the working details of the plan .

      I have not mentioned any particular principles on -which to base the society , beyond an allusion to manhood suffrage , for several reasons . First , because I conceive that that would be the business of a conference , and not of an individual : and secondly , because I do not think , after mature deliberation on the subject , that it matters a fig whether wc base our . first demand on the charter , simple manhood suffrage , or household suffrage ; for I imagine that the majority of us aim at th

      Republic : democratic and social . But this ' is a work of time , and can only be arrived at by degrees . The public mind is not yet prepared ; and we may rest assured that a constituency which is not prepared to go for household suffrage will not go for manhood ; neither will the legislature grant to the nonelectors a more sweeping measure of reform than the electors are prepared for . Our business , therefore , must be to prepare the minds of that class of men for the most liberal measures .

      Doubtless , they will agree to household suffrage before manhood ; while , therefore , we are preparing the minds of the electors for household suffrage , or for manhood , if possible , we must be preparing the minds of the householders for manhood , and the people in general for the Republic . Our visitors being divided into classes suitable to the parties they , will have to visit , will be able to manage this point .

      I have thought proper to give the proposed organization a new name , in consequence of the disgrace which has been brought upon chartism ; feeling convinced that nothing will ever be accomplished by any party acting under that name . The deeds which are daily being done under the cloak of chartism , would disgrace a band of Thugs ; and the few men who still hold together under that name have dwindled down to a mere blind instrument in the hands of a common swindler .

      I would , therefore , advise every man who is really in earnest , and wants to see some of the fruits of Ms toil , to flee from it as he would from a pestilence . Queenshead near Halifax . ' CHRISTOPHER SHAQKLETON .

      Bury.—Mr. Editor-I Send Twelve Postage S...

      Bury . —Mr . Editor-I send twelve postage stamps for the Exiles . I think , with Mr . Peel , of the National Trade Association , that we want a National Society of workmen—both of head and hand . Get this , and we shall soon raise a National Party ir > r the vote , or Manhood Suffrage . All closses help to make socie t y bad , and all must help to make it better : it is absolutely neces sary they should be drawn closer together , and try to understand each other better . There are good and bad in all classes ; bring them together , and the good will unite . I think , with the writer in your paper , we want and must have a People ' s Bank ; if

      not , our work will be just mere talk . Who is it that hinders us from having a National Union of workmen ? I know , that some of the trades called " aristocrats , " have spoken in its favour years back . I am not in the least afraid to say that it is small cliques of selfish demagogues who hinder it , and Avill hinder it while they can do so with profit to themselves . Mr . Peel is right : instead of fighting against employers , we must seek the co-operation of the best of them ; and then , if force is

      necessary , we can compel the selfish ones to do what is right . But these tyrant denouncers will hinder this , too , by abusing whole classes indiscriminately , iand employers , seeing their workmen led by such men , have to treat all alike . You may , if you think fit , put these few remarks in the Star , with my name , as it seems to me quite useless to raise any agitation unless we keep clear of the rocks that have wrecked in times past , I am , dear Sir , yours truly ,

      JOHN BATES . P . S . Perhaps some of your readers will tell us why we cannot establish a National Union of workmen . If it is impracticable , let us be shewn that it is so . Again—we are told that the working * classes have £ 30 , 000 , 000 in the savings' bank ; then what the use of grumbling so much for more power when we do not use the use the power we have at hand . Bradford . —Mr . Editor , —On looking over the Star , of Saturday , I am glad to find so many democrats responding to the letter of Mr . W . Newton , on the organization of a National Party . I , as an individual , feel the importance of such a party being formed , under a good and practical plan of organization ;

      one that will meet the views of all shades of veritable reformers , and bind them into one bond of union for the attainment of manhood suffrage , as the stepping stone towards those rights which we have been so long contending for , and which we can enjoy in tneir plentitude under a republican form of government , It is necessary that this question should be discussed in all parts of the country , and that the democrats send their decisions to the Star of Freedom . Hoping that Mr . W . Newton will push forward what he has so nobly commenced , and that his efforts , and those who may assist in so noble an undertaking , may be crowned with success , is the sincere prayer of , yours fraternally , Thojias Wilcock , 32 , Adelaide ^ street , Manchesterroad , Bradford , Yorkshire .

      White House Locality , Hare Street , Bethnal Ctreex . — Mr . Editor—The letter of Mr . W . Newton having been discussed , the following resolution , proposed by Mr . Vaughan seconded by Mr , Brisck , was adopted . " That having discussed Mr . W , Newton ' s letter during two Sunday evenings , we are of opinion , that an organization in favour of Manhood Suffrage , will meet with general support throughout the country , and will be a step in the right direction towards obtaining * the other points ot the Charter . "—Hewmit , Secretary .

      OHARTISM IN THE NORTH . To the Editor of the " Star of Freedom . ' Siu . —To any acute observer of the times , it must be apparent that a great change is taking place in the minds of the mass of the thinking portion of the people of this district . Many declare , Chartism is dead . In my opinion , it is not so . The dogmatism of Chartism , it is true , has nearly given up the ghost , but the principle itself is springing * up in the minds of the intelligent and industrious orders , and leading them on to true Republicanism , It is true , that men like yourseky . have been denounced ' as enemies'by others , who by thiir narrow and co &

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 25, 1852, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_25091852/page/11/