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Northern Star (1837-1852), 24th June 1848, Edition 2 of 3, Page 3, a —The condition of the people is the gr...

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      S Fte Jmm24,184. | ^ The N0rthern Gtar _...

      jmm 24 , 184 S . | ^ THE N 0 RTHERN gTAR __________ 3

      Ftetvg*

      ftetvg *

      The Song Of Freedom. Hark! Fro10 &* Nati...

      THE SONG OF FREEDOM Hark ! fro 10 &* nations of the South , To Freedom ' s rallying roar ; fThose password flies from mouth to mouth , Aad riEgs from shore to shore . Too loaf , too long , With suffering strong , Unhallowed bonis they bore-Sow Freedom cries , With sparkling eyes , Let raen , be slaves no more 1 No more ! Let men be «! av « i no acre !

      Prance hurled her tyrant from the throw With one resistless stroke—Aad frightea'd despots vainly groan , To view tbe broken yoke . As princes fly , Their native ' s sky , To seek Britannia ' s shore—The nations rise , ' ?*& WUh fiery eyes , ' *& Acd will bs slaves bo more ! 2 Co more 1 And wiU ba slaves bo mare !

      Shall Esc-lakd tamely stand and see Young FatED ex ' s glittering lights , Kor raise the watchword—LiiriTT , Oar CHARTER and our RIGHTS 9 No ! they shall see We will te free , For Falsehood ' s reiga is o ' er ; With heart and hand . In strength wa stand , Aud will be slaves no more ! 5 o more J And will be slaves no more ! Who would not die in such a

      cause—The caise of Truth and R ' ght ? Though long oppressed by tyrant laws , We'll gird ourselves for fight . Who would be still , When every hill Re-echoes Freedom ' s roar ? And every valt , Repeats the tale' We will be slaves no more ! 'So mora ! ' We will bs slaves no more !*

      Who can withstand b nation ' s might , Impassioned , pure , and Strang ; When once they see , by Freedom ' s light , They have been , slaves too long \ Unites , then , Brave Englishmen , Tour strife will sooa be o ' er—Andnatisnsbleis , Your bright success , AndMESbe SLATES no more ! So i = ore ! And HEN ba SLATES no more ! Ohe or tbe Feotlx

      'Qodforbidt Toke.—' Bana It Up.'

      'QODFORBIDT Toke . — ' Bana it up . '

      'Qodforbidt Toke.—' Bana It Up.'

      • Special constable , sir ! ' uii the pouceraBn . Mr O'Coanor went oa . * Special conststle , sir ! This w « y , lir ' . * said tke first usher . Hr O'Connor passed on , l 6 okiag Indignantly at the official , but ranking no observation . 'Special constable , sir ! Are you to be sworn , gir f' ssii the * tcond usher . COD IORBITJ , ' was the noble reply of Mr O'Connor ,

      'Qodforbidt Toke.—' Bana It Up.'

      • Godforbid ! GodfMbla !' Cried the chieftain , bold and brave . ' ' God forbid ! Goi forbid !' I should * swEAfc' and be & slave ! I may pride in being a 'Felon , ' I may dis as otbera did , But to be b , Sasoa ' Special ? May the Gods absve ferbid ! God forbid 1 God ferbid ! I should lift this Irish hand , To strike at British freedom , Or to crash tiis British laud , I love this fine old England—I would spill my blood to rid All tha world of thieves and tyrants—Will I ' svxar , ' ties ?—Sod forbid ! God ferbid ! God forbid . ' That the gallant and the bold , In the cloaSy hour of danger , By their isaders shosld be' sold . ' I owe those rogues so homage—So ! and even if I did—WovXd I pay ikon as a' Special J ' Hay the God of Heaven forbid ! Sod forbid ! God forbid ! That the old and honoured name , I inherit from my fathers , Should , in England , lose its fame ; EuAlatouedlong iu story , Shall its brilliancy be hid ! Shall O'Coktos be a ¦ Special !' Hay tbe God I own forbid ! God forbid ! God forbid ! That my native Irish land Should Hurtare an O'Connor , Tar a villain , cut-throat band ! Jtv fathers smote the tyrant ! Who blamts them that they did * Thea , shall I dtsgrece their ashes ? May the God I love forbid ! Gsd forbid ! God forbid ! That the shamrock ' * virgin green , With the blood of msnly Bf itoas , Shouli be dyed and dsmn'd : —I ween Diimiieii '« corpse is ccSaeii ! Will a Paddy lift the lid ! Will O'Connor be a' Special ? May the God of War forbid ! 3 . K , Dublin , 40 , Bride ' s-street , June 13 ih , 1 & 4 S .

      Hemefos*

      Hemefos *

      ^- Revolutions And Counter-Revolutions, ...

      ^ - Revolutions and counter-revolutions , Republican revolts and royal flights , insurrections and proseriotiorta , ezneutes . demonstrations and tnnrnphisf public order (' . ) ' bare ot late bo occupied our attention , and bo much : monopolised ° columns , that we have allowed this department of the Stab to fall into neglect . In the clearing off arrears of publications received for review , we mast of necessity give bnt a brief DOtiCS Of each . When once agMn we hare raade all straight we shaU return io our farmer plan of giving lengthy reviews of all publications really valuable ; a plan which , ws believe . gave great satisfaction to . the readers of the Stab in other days .

      IRELAND . L-Ttnatii Bight . A Letter addreS ^ d to Lord Yk count Oastlereagh , M . P . 2 . —Repeal or Revolution . A letter addressed to the Sight Hon . Lord John Russell , M . P . By Joh 5 DracoK Lisa , D . L > ., A . M . London : E . Wilson , Royal Exchange . 1—This' Letter' appears to have beenprinted for private circulation . Called forth by Sir William SorssTTtLE ' s Landlord and Tenant Bill , this Letter has been written to explain—1 st . what' tenant-right really is , ' and 2 nd . suggest a scheme of law to the legislature , calculated in the belief of' The Antrim and Down Tenant-Right Asiociation' to give ' satisfaction to Ireland . This pamphlet affords us the opportunity of DrieSv explaining to oar readers the taeining of , ' TENANT BI 6 HT .

      The lands were mostly held at such moderate rents , « eaoonraged tbe tenants' exertions , and secured them 6 reusnsbie support for their families ; so that when « y teaant desired to dispose of his occupancy , he was siwsys enabled toseli his « good-will , ' or * interest , ' or ' tenant-right . ' for a sum fir exceeding- hU actual expinditure upon the premises . If tbe lsndlord , at tbe tipiratkn of a lease , or where tfcere was no lease , delirea to dispossess a tenant , he always granted per-CitEion te sell to another , or become , himself , the Purchaser , at the usual price of tetant-right , In the Strict .

      Coder such arrangements , the Interests ef tsaant-far . ctrs have corae to be as much recognised as actual prot ** S as a fa simple interest of the landlords — selling , according to circumstances and localities , either with or "itatrat leases at a rate varying from £ 10 , to £ 30 an acre . So completely has this privilepe been recognistd as a right , that land required for public works usually brisgs * » Iirge a sum to ttie occupying tenants , as to the owner io fes ; and farmtrs In borrowing money to effect im-Pavements , or when making their Wm , are uuif « na ! y enabled to act , on the faith of tbe mere tenantright , ts it tbej held their premises directly from the ^ WE , It should however be stated , that the abovei debribed usage is not uniform throughout Ulster . either 15 regards the value of tenant right or the regulations Kfcnected with its efljoyment : —

      Oa some fs tates , in consequence of the liberality of the Milords , tbe tenant-right Is worth £ 30 an acre ; whilst , 63 ethers , it sinks down to £ 10— £ 20—or even £ 5 . —On f Sffle estates , again , tbe tenant is permitted to sill his fc tweil to tbe highest and best bidder , without any re . * friction , t-hhtr as topics or person ; whilst ou Other ^ Utes , tbe landlord axes the maximum price , and also requires to be satisfied with the purchaser . , We shall next quote the letter-writer ' s Kheme of u to legalise ' tesast-rigki' for the whols oj ibzlasd . Pint , we propose , that tenants , if dispossesssd by their J ^ oloTdB , shall veceive fair and full compensation f (* all unexhausted improvements , previously made , * ntther purchased by themselves , inherited from their tfi * Hrt » or created bj their owa labour and expenditure

      —It Being Pr. Vided Always That Such Imp...

      —It being pr . vided always that such Improvements are suitable totha -operty , and tend penuuMtb to ia-. rease Its value . ¦ . _ SeMnd . —That « aUc «« , whentt tenant ! scompelled byhu landlord to arrendtr his occupancy by the detm-nd of an exorbita t rent , he ehou'd , la addiUon to compensation for iurpr , 'ementa reeeive as consequent ! , ! damages , asum eqaivaUat to six or seven years of tbe beneficial interest which ie would have had In the property fro m wUck he has w a removed , had he been tl . owed to hold it at a fair real No demand of rent by tnslanilord to be considered * orbitant which would not exceed the sum laid upon ta > soil , as a fair rent by Arbitaitor , , or a Jury , accoi iDg te the principle iMddoitn ln Sir W . Somerviilo's BUI , or in the 2 & d Section of the Land Clauses Consolation Act .

      . JK P 5 ! ° elacHate this aecon- propesal , we ongnt to quote at some length farther 'omthis pamphlet , but press of matter forbids . Ther , isanobser . Tation oa the repeal of the Corn-laws , tpage 13 . K «« e -: P t 568 a , Tiew of that question , enforced TKflri * ' A ? S er in the co'amns of thu ournal . ™^ tero - th ' , Letter in 8 iet 9 ttta * Inland -annot compete against the serf-grown corn of Russia and iS ^ ru ? abundanc 9 of America and o : -er wmb . That , consequently , the market price of all £ f ™ 2 £ ^ .. i ^ fsl 1 one-third at least , an < - tarmera will be unable to pay rent . Good leases and an equ itable law for securing Tenant Corapensation are , therefore , more than ever necessary to stimulate improved cultivatien .

      occasionall y the author of this Letter exhibits a manly tone when treating of the money-righta of the farmer , but we are sorry to add that no slave of an Eastern satrap could more devotedly express his sense of the right-divice' oi bis tyrant , than does the author of this Letter his acknowledgment of the robber-right of the Aristocracy to usurp the possesion of the soil .

      2.—This « Glimpse Of The Irish Future' I...

      2 . —This « Glimpse of the Irish Future' is an ably written and plain spoken exposition of the wrings , and defence of the rights , of the people of Ireland . Dr Lang ' s vindication of the necessity and justice of * Repeal' is unanswerable ; asd m one can read this pamphlet without feeling assured that if Repeal comes not soon , Revolution will come-Dr L & ng has infused something like novelty into the Repeal discussion , by recounting big own experiences of the blessings of self-government in eleven of the original United States of America , atd , on the other hand , the enormous evils ot Imperial legislation in fire of the English colonies , namely : New South Wales , Yan Diemen ' g Land , Swan River , tha Cape of Good Hope , and New Zealand . Dr Lang is a member of the Legislative Council of New Sauth Wales , and intimately acquainted with the condition

      and wants of the Australian colonies . He gives several striking—some positively ludicrous—Ulustrations of the presumptuous ignorance and fatal folly of Lord John Russell , Earl Grbt , and the Commtssioaers of Land and Emigration . ' It ia very evident that the day is not very far distant when perseverance in the present system of Colonial government will force the colonists to imitate the Americans , and declare themselves independent of the aristocratic fools and plunderers who at present curse with their rule both England and her colonies . The Charter—not the Gagging Biil—and tha consequent driving out of the amioeratio vermin from the offices of government , and the establishment of gel & government in the Colonies—making them federal states of the British empire—can alone guarantee the continued connexion of those distant regions with this island .

      # Or Lang truly says ef Ireland , that' the real question noty ; is , not whether Repeal shall be conceded , bnt whether the future cations ! legislature of Ireland shall be a parliament or a congress—whether that island shall be a kingdom under the imperial crown , or an independent and sovereign republic ' That one or the other will ba speedily seen , Dr Lang has no doubt—aor bare we . We earnestly recommend this pamphlet te all who haye not made up their minds on tbe Repeal question , and to all desirous of pushing on the good work of real 'Justice to Ireland . *

      Reform. 1.—The Revolution In France—O Wa...

      REFORM . 1 . —The Revolution in France—o Warning to the Aristocracy and Mddle Classes of England . London : E . WUson , Royal Exchange . 2— A Budget of Two Taxes only . London : E ; Wilson . 3 . —The Coming Era , and the Men to figure in it , By Thokas Styles . London : E . Wilson . i . —The Eig hts of Industry , or the Social Problem of the Bay . By G . Pouleit Scsofe , M . P . London : J . Ridgway , Piccadilly . 5 . —Common Right , the Bond of Union against Common Wrong .

      1 . —The aristocracy , the established priesthood , and the bourgeoisie , are properly exhibited in this pamphlet , as the robbers aad oppressors of the working classes . The author proves the existing system to be , politically and socially ¦ opposed to the laws of nature and the principles of eternal justice . He asks , ' Who will assert that the aristocracy and middle classes are not afraid of the millions of working men who crowd our manufacturing towes ?' He adds , ' There is fear of the people in tbe very fact that their rights are denied to them . But there is not fear enough . ' This pamphlet was written in March last , and then the author wrote : — ' Once let the masses be fully convinced that they are to expect no sympathy , oace let them lose sight of the last ray of hope , and yoa [ the middle classes ] than forfeit the one lingering hold on their affections . In that case , flatter not yourselves that the most numerous army , that the best drilled police , can much

      longer prop up your uaeqaal laws , your UDJnat instl ' tutions . The hour that you begin to govern through fear alone , that hour has the knell of your reiga sounded . " What would the author say now , after ' the 10 thof April' and ' the 12 th of June , ' ands Gagging Bill passed by a middle class House of Commons ? We can assure him that inextinguishable hatred of the bourgeoisie is tb » rulingtani , under the circumstances , naturallseotiment of the masses . The prentmongaring bludgeoners have themselves alone to thank for this feeling on the part of the working men . For the latter there is hope , in spite of the ' specials . ' ' The tendency of all class-governments , ' aays the author of this pamphlet , 'is to fiaancfa ! disorganisation ; and this tendency is the salvation of the oppressed . With a full exchequer , all is possible ; but falling revenue and increasiBe expenditure are the harbingers of ravolotion . ' True . Alld Wh . rj , admitting this , can donbt the present sif ns of the times ? We trust that this pamphlet has had a wide circulation . It contains truths which both the ruled and rulers would do well to ponder on .

      2.—The Author Of 'A Budget Of Two Taxes ...

      2 . —The author of 'A Budget of two Taxes Only , ' proposes , instead of the present cusbrous ajstem of taxation , that there be a Stamp Tax , with thelegacy duty equalised , and extended to real property ; aed a Property Tax applied to all realised property , with an equitable proportion on income . The arguments in support of this scheme , are well worthy th « consideration of « the men of the future , ' to whom the author addresses hie pamphlet , and not to ' the aristocrats , who misgovern , nor to the sordid legislature which misrepresents the coantry . ' It strikes us that 'the men of tho future , ' when overhauling the taxation of the country , will not hesitate at grappling with the monster Debt , so largely

      the cause of the grinding oppression under which the people groan . Truly is it said in this pamphlet , that , to meet the grasping requirements of their rulers , ' a greater amount of pirsonal and mental slavery is undergone by the people—by the operatives , hands , as they are called—than is , or has beep , endured under the worst systamsof slavery known id modern or ancient times . It ia a system of the meat elaborate wrong and degradation of which the world has any knowledge . ' But this system , * a middle class Parliament of alternate cringers and oppressors , ' will neither destroy nor amend . Slaves the working men of England are , and slaves they will remain , unless they resolve to right themselves , in defiance of the force and fraud of * no & Dcraey' and ' enobjeracy . '

      3.— • Gratiano Speakes An Infinite Deal ...

      3 . — Gratiano speakes an infinite deal of aothi & g . ' « Thomas Styles' is not fit te hold a candle to John NoakeV whose pamphlet on the ' Right of the Aristocracy to the Soil , ' we some time ago noticed m this journal . There was sense iu ' John Noakea'a hicnbrstioa , and it is true that there are some grams of the same article in ' Thomas Styles ' s , ' but we are sorry to say that the chaff greatly predominates . A certain publishing office advertises' AShilliogs worth of Nonsense ; ' we are sorry we cannot announce this pamphlet as ' A Shiliingsworth of Good Sense . ' Tbe author means well , but ba ? marred all by overlaying his few genuine thoughts with a cloud of useless words , and substituting an assumed qaaintness of expression f or the language of common sense , ' Go thy way , ' Thomas , ' and sin no more . '

      A —The Condition Of The People Is The Gr...

      a —The condition of the people is the great problem of the day . AH admit that the welfare of the working classes does not improve in proportion to the improvement of the world at large , in wealtk and civilisation ; en the contrary , large masses of the people are continually deteriorating in their social condition . This ' great fact' Mr Pouleit Scbopb proclaims in the follow startling terms—startling to the men of his own order : —

      THS WB 6 KGS OP TUB POOR . They see immense wealth , the result of the toil of many , accumulated in the hands of a few , who are actually gorged with tha means of enjoyment , while multitudes are unable to obtain a bare subsistence la re . quital of the most ceaseless Iabosr . Thes see one man appropriating thousands of acres to his mere amusement ; while mjriads of men cannot obtain a rood of ground on which , by patient industry , to grow the food necessary for their existence , or rear cabins in which to shelter themselves from the storm . They see some consuming in idleness and profligacy

      what might support many times their number ; while numbers vainly ask leave to woik through * . hfl longest daycr night for the smallest portion of that superfluity oawnieh Ufa can be sustained . And , their ideas being no longer limited , as in less enlightened ttinn , to the nariow sphere of the workshop or the field ; having learnt to think , and even to reason , as well as to feel , they begin to question themselves , to Inquire one of another . Why this should be;—whether it be really a mat . ter 0 f necessity ? And , if not , how so glaringly unjust a state of things may be corrected ! Mr Scrope thus demolishes

      THE LIE OF OVSR P : PDIAT 10 K . To talk then , as some have doae , of the growth of population outrunning the possible increase of tho avail , able means for human sustentatlon and enjjyment , is stark treasen to civilisation . Can it be supposed that civilised man £ s individually leu capable of providing for his wants by utilising the powers of Nature than the untaught savage ? Or are his wants and desires more limited as he advances in civilisation ? Or is hs lets wUling to exert himself for their satisfaction ?

      B-it If not—if the contrary is undeniably the fact—If the resources of Nature are inexhaustible , and that Man ' s willingness and capacity to eaploy them for the gratifi . ation of his desires , and his desires themselves , are all multiplied by the acquisition of knewledge , then must no the capacity of millions be in tbe aame proportion increased by the same means ? And where then is the limit c i tbe possible advance of the species la both iadividua and general well-being | Faulty nstitutions may cramp and fetter the Industrial energi . sofa people , or lock up the soil and ether natural resou ces ef a country , by unwise restrictions or monopolies , thus creating an artificial penury and privation . But whUY ( es at present is the fact ) not above

      one-hundredth part of the cultivable surface of tbe globe is yet cultivated , an < the greater part of that is tilled only in a rude and unscientific manner , so as not te return one-fourth of tha pioduce which might be obtained by application of tbe best agricultural processes up to this timo discovered—so lot r is it impossible that the human race , as a whole , or aiy portion of it , not oppressed by some external force , and having tbe wisdom to apply Its powers in a fit manner to the desired tnd , can { ail ia obtaining with ease / or ill its members an abundant supply of the chief objects utceesary to physlcil comfort , aud a large surplus beiidei to be exchangad a ? willfor other gratlfjing orjects or serv-ces with their fellow-men .

      Nothing but the mismanagement of their sroisl institutions , can now in any civilised community pravent the increase of the general wealth , beyond any probable in . crease of Its numbers , concurrently with the progressive advance of eseful knowledge . Mr Scbopb repudiates the extreme views both of the Laissez-faire' and tha ' Protectionist * schools , and maintains that the ' juste milieu'ia the only true and safe course . Mr Schope lays down the following ' axioms' as constituting the

      paiaiRT bights oy isbustbt . 1 . —The free use of the natural resources of the earth . 2 . —Tbe appropriation aud free disposal by the industrious of what they have produced . Very good . From these premises we should proceed to argue—1 st . for the resumption of the soil by the entire people ; aud 2 nd , the abolition of mastership by the union of capital with labour . Not bo , however , does Mr Scrope argue , Be announces great principles but he immediately afterwards sacrifices them to expediency . Ho accepts the present systes 3 , bo incompatible with the rights he proclaims , and demands merely certain palliatives which , though not valueless , would be fcund powerless to cope with the gigantic evils he so forcibly describes . His remedies are the

      removal of artificial barriers to trade in land ; a liberal system of land tenure ; a reduction of tbe national expenses and revision of taxation ; more freedom to the credit-currency of the country ; elementary instruction provided for all ; the organising of some regular system of colonisation ; a well administered public provision for the destitute poor of the three kingdoms ; mututl assurance institutions for the working classes ; and , lastly , the suppression of the fatal influence of Irish pauperism , by opening up tbe rich resaurces of the soil of Ireland to the willing in . dustryofita inhabitants . To effect this desirable consurxmationasregarda Ireland , Mr Sceopb contends for a series of measures similar iu spirit to those he

      advocates for England . This pamphlet deserves a mere extended notice , far the author gives expression to views on certain subjects to which we cannot subscribe , but which the claims up « n our columns prevents us combating . In spite ci this , we have no hesitation in recommending this pamphlet to our friends , as the work of a generous hearted man , who may at least claim the merit of good intention ? . There is no doubt that his plana would , if carried out , ameliorate the present condition of many thousands , bat , we repeat , such plans would fail to grapple with the causes ot present evils , and , therefore wcu'd be inadequate to ensure tfce triumph ot the principles oa whion he has based his plea for his suffering fellow men .

      5.—This Is A Tract, Issued Some Time Ago...

      5 . —This is a tract , issued some time ago by a committee of shopkeepers and tradesmen , was addressed to the trading classes of Manchester , in support ofs combination of' all classes' for tbe attainment of the people ' s rights . The committee advocate the ' sis points ' and the argument ! advanced do much credit to their ability and patriotism . We are sorry that , like the deaf addir , the majority of the Manchester shopkeepers refused to listen to the voice of the enlightened minority . Of that refusal there was more than sufficient proof in the brutal suppression of the intended public meeting of the working classes of Manchester on the 12 th of June ; for had not the ' authorities' been supported by the bulk of the middle class they would not have dared to have carried out the infamous orders addressed to them from the Home office . But

      ' Wait a little longer . ' Blacker ruin than they have yet known , is in store for the Manchester bourgeoisie , when they wilf be well punished for refusing to listen to the appeals contained in this tract ; and be driven , in spite of themselves , into a more revolutionary attitude than has ever yet beeu assumed by the Chartists .

      Periodicals. Tait'i Edinburgh Magazine. ...

      PERIODICALS . Tait ' i Edinburgh Magazine . June . Edinburgh : Sutherland aud Kuox . London : Simpkih , and Marshall . ' Taxes on Knowledge and the Newspaper Press , ' is the title of a very sensible article against the penny blood-mark—that disgrace to the Press of Britain . Wq concur with the Editor of Tait ' s Magazine , that the mainstay of this vile tax is the monopolising spirit of the principal journals in London and the country In fact , but for the London daily papers the penny robbery would never have existed , The writer of this notice is one of the band who by enthusiastic labour and personal sufferings—bath in and out of prison—beat down tbefourpenny tax , and so signal was the defeat of the government , that the tax would have been utterly abolished , had not the infamous daily journals , anxious to preserve their monopoly conspired to induce the Whigs to fix tbe penny plunder , for the purpose of preventing the birth of rival ieurnala .

      The Editor ef Tail ' * Magazine demands the repeal of the penny tax , with the understanding that papers sent througbt the post be subjected to a penny postage . He farther demands the total abolition of the ; advertisement | duty .. We suggest , in addition , the total repeal of ail tbe provisions of the infamous Whig Press . gaggiug Bill , passed on the occasion of the reduction of the fourpenny tax toene penny . We ajree with Tail that ' The red penny stamp on the cornerofnewspapersisa badge of slavery—abarri

      cade to knowledge , as the window-tax is a barricade to health and light—and the country cannot be free where both exist . ' We agree i 90 , with Taty that the emancipation of the press , must mainly spring from the will and union of journalists to be free ; and although we ate well aware that the repeal of the penny blood-mark would bring into the field a host of Chartist rivals to the Nobihbbn Star , we nevertheless hereby declare our readiness to join in any movement , calculated to release the press from its present bondage . ' .

      There is an excellent story in this number of Tak , entitled 'Tfae Chapter ef Accidents , ' from the German of Hbinbich TrscHOKKS . The other prose articles do not call for notice . As regards the poetry , one of Tail ' s « chartered libertines , ' Ebenezsr Elliot , puts in a 'A Plea for Lamartine ; ' but why tee twaddling trash is thus named we are very sure no man can tell , not even the crazy author , who , good lack ! thinks himself a poet ! Belter be * a kitten and cry mew' than such a poet . Of a very differ Cut Btanjp is Joseph Gostiok ' s dramatic sketch entitled 'The Revolt of the Miners , ' which does indeed contain poetry . We had intended to have given an extract or two , but want of space forbids ; perhaps we may do so nest week .

      The Voice Of The Artizan. London: W. Str...

      The Voice of the Artizan . London : W . Strange , Paternoster-row . This publication , whieh professes to ba ' the organ of Instruction Societies , and Mechanics Institutions ^ is conducted by the ' People ' s Instruction Society , Birmingham . Unlike Mr Poulett Scrope , we bate the' juste milieu' and detest' moderation' in politics . This publication , politically considered , is , therefore , not to our taste , because not * up to the mark . ' In other respects Tlie Voice of the Artizan is very creditable to its conductors . Written and conducted by working men , The Voice of the Artizan , notwithstanding its deficiencies , must command our good wishes ; we , therefore , will wish it a little more spirit , and an extensive circle of readers and supporters .

      2gt Pamphlets On Chartism , Republicanis...

      2 gT Pamphlets on Chartism , Republicanism , and Thb Lasd , willbenoticed in our nextnumber .

      The Imperfection Of The English Language...

      The imperfection of the English language h exhibited when we state the fact that a Jfacfc berry ia red when it is grcm .

      To The People. The Persecution—Fussell A...

      TO THE PEOPLE . The persecution—Fussell and the Spy-reporters ^ Pikes and Peelers—Blustering Ferocity , ex-M P ., and the working men of Bingley-7 he Law versus the Oonstitution-The constitutional right of the people to have and know the me of arms . Caution to the People-Respectable ruffianismthe Press-gang-The Republican Constitution . Friends , Countrymen , and Brothers , A great number of our unfortunate brethren at present under arrest in York Castle and other prisons , have been dragged from their homes , and deprived ot their personp . l liberty for the * crime' of possessing and attempting to learn the use of defensive weapons . The papers have teemed with

      accounts of the arrests of men , whose only offence appears to have been that of exercising the vaunted ' Constitutional ri g ht' of Englishmen — the right to possess arms . Amongst those marked for the vengeance of the enemies of Chartism , poor Fussell appears to be singled out for special persecution . You have his own declaration that the charge bought against him of having recommended private assassination is completely false ; and for my part , I would much rather take his word than I would the oath of the

      characterless vagabond who gave evidence against him . The'penny-a-liners' know , that to have a chance of their' flismy' being accepted , they must make their reports sufficiently ' spicy . ' If they report a fire , they describe the ' ravages' of ' the devouring element' in the most glowing terms- If an accidpnt , they as industriously elaborate the particulars of the ' appalling catastrophe . ' If a murder , they so red-ochre the horrors of the foul deed as to out-Greenacre Grebnacre . ^ Of course , by the same rule , when—spy-like—they take notes of a ' seditious speech , ' they never hesitate at a l ying invention , to make their report the more ' striking . ' I , therefore , suspect that the assassination-charge bremght against Fdsseil was a bit of' spice' inserted by the Miner , ' to make his 'flimsy' the more attractive .

      To make Fusseli / s case still blacker , a story has teen told of a terrible pike found at his home , and forwarded to the police ' authorities' by a broker . This ttory is very probably another l ying invention , but if true , what then ? With as much reason Mr Fussell ' s umbrella or toasting fork might have been sent to Scotland-yard . A man has as good a right to possess a pike , as he has to possess a toastingfork or an umbrella . The ' Constitution' authorises every man to have and to hold arms , and does not exclude pikes from the category of defensive weapons .

      The account which has appeared in the Star of the stretching of magisterial authority at Bingley , must have excited the disgust of every honesi man . Busfeild Ferrand ' s conduct is the nsore disgusting , seeing that he has always professed to be the poor man s friend . ' There is ne man in England who has done more to' excite discontent' than Feb . rand has done . His speeches in and out of Parliament on Free Trade , the New Poor Law , and Ten Hours Bill , are remembered by every one for their ' violence . ' He is now as violent in act , as he was formerly in words . Then he advocated the cause of the poor , now he damns himself to everlasting fame —• in his own locality , as the poor man s oppressor . How is this ? Is it . that having been discarded by the Tories , he has turned Whigand hopes to win

      , favour in the eyes of Lord John Russell , by persecuting the men whose alliance he courted not long ago ? Whatever may be his motive , his conduct has been most harsh , cruel , and despotic towards the working men of Bingley . According to the newspaper reports he headed a military force , with fixed bayonets , for the purpose of dragging unarmed , peaceable men from their work , to fling them into the companionshi p of thieves . He broke into houses , and one man he tore from his bed in his shirt , telling him * to come along for a damned thief !' He handcuffed his victims , and loaded them with chains , and these poor unarmed , fettered menchained like wild beasts , he caused to be escorted to gaol , by his ruffianly gamekeepers with loaded guns , Lastly , when he had collected his victims within

      the walls of York Castle , he lectured them in the most insulting language , upon his resolution to vindicate ' the majesty of the law' and uphold the constitution ; ' although , as I shall presently show , if law' and ' justice' had the same meaning in this country , he would be made to change places with his victims , and be himself punished for violating the 'Constitution . ' In the course of his address to his helpless victims , Mr FfiRRAND alluded to « the wicked advice of base and designing men ; ' and their' exciting language ' and « treasonable trash . ' Spoke of some one as a scoundrel , ' of certain personi as ' despicable

      cowards , ' and of others as ' so many scalded rats ;' reminded the poor fellows before him , that they had been ' marched in chains to the railway station ; ' and , after chuckling over the coming of the judge to administer the laws' with that power and authority ' the prisoners ( he said ) had ' turned into ridicule , ' cantingly said— ' But I have no wish to harrow up your feelings . added that he had a great number of the Bingley working raen ' marked down , ' and in the first ' confusion' that might take place , he would have them all into York Castle . I understand that he has since made good his threats by further arrests .

      Mr Oastler—for whom I entertain sentiments o f sincere respect-has often praised this Mr Blustering Ferocity , as his' son' and « disciple . ' I should like to know Mr Oastler ' s opinion of his disciple ' s recent doings . Mr Oasti-er may remember the speeches delivered not very long ago by B . F ., in which he proclaimed himself the champion of the poor . I could quote from many of those orations , but I will content myself with one . On Monday , the 30 th of November , 1816 , Mr Ferrand attended a public meeting at Leeds , along with MrOASTLEa , in support of the Ten Hours Bill , when the then member for Knaresborough delivered himself of the following sentiments . —

      When ha looked at his own neighbourhood , and thought how happy it used to b ? , and how miserable It now was ; wben be beard tbe poor people Burrate how their clock and other furniture had been sold to pay rent , and not a bed left whereon to lie , his blood boiled in his veins . ( Lmd cheers . ) * * # When he went to parliament be told bis constituents that every interest , essocpt that of fa & owr , was over-represented in the Eouse of Commons . He hud said , that if he got a seat within those walls , bis feeble voice aad humbler talents should fight tbe battle of tho poor —( cheers)—so long as he bad a seat there he would continue to redeem that pledge , ( Cheers ) * * * Ho migbt be violent . ' Ho would-tell them another thing : he would be violent until redress was granted , to the working men . ( Prolonged cheers , )

      Mr FbRRAnd will not pretend that the obtainment of the Ten Hours Bill has put an end to the exactions of those robbers of society who plunder the poor even to their bedding . Only eighteen months ago , Mr Ferrand ' s blood boiled in his veins at witnessing the sufferings of the poor of Bingley , Keighley , and the surrounding country . Will Mr Ferrand pretend that the condition of his neighbours is at all improved ? If not , his blood should still boil / or—not as it now seems to do , against—the poor . If Labour was not represented when he was returned to Parliament , neither is it represented at this time ; and if Labour ' s non-representation was then a grievance , it is not the less a

      grievance now . Perhaps , being no longer a member of Parliament , he considers himself released from his pledge to ' fight the battle of the poor . ' But I would remind him that' redress' has not yet been granted to the working men , The Ten Hours Bill is but a paltry instalment of' redress ; ' therefore , according to his own pledge , Mr Ferrand is bound to continue his ' violent' championship of the rights of Labour . Forgetting his pledge he is , on the contrary , exhibiting himself as the' violent' enemy of Labour ' s rights , and the ' violent' persecutor of labouring men . He once prided himself onenjojing

      the blessings of the poor . In the speech I have quoted from , he said— ' The blessing of one poor man upon his head was far better for him than the blessings of a thousand of the rich . ' What will Mr Ferrand say if the blessings of the poor are now turned to cursings ) Thinks he that thoss families whom he has robbed of a father or a son , under the pretence that the victims were ' rioters , ' or ' seditionists '—thinks he that those bereaved families will bless him ? Thinks he that the mothers and the wives of the victims remember him in their prayers ? If they do , he may depend upon it they do not pray for his happiness .

      Mr Ferrand may excuse himself on the ground that , in dragging the Bingley working men from the mills , he but' vindicated' the law , which had been violated by ' rioters . ' But there would have been nothing in the shape of ' riot , ' had he not previ-

      To The People. The Persecution—Fussell A...

      oiusly arrested two young men on a charge of ' drilling and training , ' and held them to ' esceisive bail ; ' which , as a magistrate he ought to know is a gross violation of the Constitution , and a crime against thesHbject expressly forbidden by both Magna Charta and the Bill of Rights . Mr Ferrand may p lead ' that in arresting the men charged with having been guilty of ' training and drilling' he but executed the law . But , had he been a 'just judge , ' no such law would he have executed ~ he would sooner have resigned his commission as a justice of the peace . A righteous magistrate would not execute an unrighteous law ; he would leave the judgment

      seat rather than outrage justice in the name of law . Now , any Act or Acts of Parliament against training and drilling , are both unjust and unconstitutional . Unjust , because enacted for the purpose of preventing the poor doing that which the rich may do with impunity . The playing at soldiers , in the shape of Yeomanry Cavalry , and the levying of ' Specials , ' are instances of what the aristocracy and shopocracy may do , and that , too , with the sanction of the Government . It is not the doing of a thing , but the party that does it , which constitutes the thing done a virtue or a vice , an act of merit or a crime , iu this country . As Shakespeare has said : —

      ' Through tatter d clothes small vices do appear ; Eobss and far gowns hide all . Plate sin with gold , Aud tho strong lance of justice burdess breaks ; Arm it in rags , a pigmy ' s straw doth plerco it !' I have said that Acts of Parliament , to prevent the people learning the art of self-defence , are ' unconstitutional ; ' they are bo , because ' the Constitution' guarantees to all the right to possess arms , and , of course , the right to learn the use of arms . Now , if there be such a thing as ' the British Constitution , ' it is clear that any Acts of Parliament , which are opposed to the Constitution , ought not to have the force of laws ; and submission to them can only be excused on the ground that the people are not strong enough to vindicate the Constitution ,

      by breaking the unconstitutional Act of Parliament . The laws , or pretended laws , under which the intended procession on tbe 10 th of April , and the pub - lic meeting on the 12 th of June , were forbidden and prevented by brute force , ought to have been resisted as violations of * the Constitution , ' which guarantees to the people the unlimited ri ght of petition , remonstrance , and public meeting . And the Parliament-made law or laws , uuder which honest industrious men have been dragted to gaol for possessing arms , and endeavouring to learn the art of self-defence , are equally unworthy of respect on the part of the people . In proof of the constitutional rig ht of the people to possess arms , I quote the following authorities : —

      By the 13 th of Edward the 1 st , we are told that ' Constables were elected , who were bound to inspect the arms of the people , twice a year , and present defaulters . By a previous statute of Wincbester , every man , between fifteen and sixty years of age , was commanded ' to have in his house harness to keep the peace . ' By the 13 th of Henry the Fourth , 'Justices , sheriffs , and under-sheriffs , were empowered to call for the assistance of all knights , gentlemen , yeomen , labourers , servants , and apprentices , who were all bound by the Statute of Winchester to have

      harness or armour . By the 33 rd of Henry the Eighth , every man was bound to possess himself with such arms as were then in use ; and , if a labourer came to a master tvithout arms , he was bound to find them , and stop the cost of them out of his wages . Fortescue says— ' It is the duty of all men to have arms . ' Bracton says— ' It is the right and duty of all freemen to have arms of defence and peace . ' Qaeen Elizabeth , in an address to her Parliament , said— ' You that be lieutenants and gentlemen of command in your counties , I request you to take care that the people be well armed , and in readiness upon all occasions . '

      Blackstone , after defining tyranny to be ' every wanton and causeless restraint of the will of the subject , whether practiced by a monarch , a nobility , or a popular assembly ; goes on to say that the subjects of England , when attacked in their rights , ' are entitled , in tbe first place , to the regular administration and free course of justice in the courts of law ; next , to the right of petitioning the king , and Parliament , for redress of grievances ; and , astly , to the rig ht of having and wsin ^ arms for selfpreservation and defence . ' De Lolme says— ' That to attack the lowest among the people , is to attack the whole people .

      I have somewhere read , that in the time of the g lorious revolution' the Whigs caused a man , named Anbertont , to be hanged for denying the right of resistance ! And the Tory Lord Eldon , when Attorney-General , at the trial of Hardy , Horne Took , and others , said , that' the King of England ought to die , and he trusted that he would die , if he attempted to alter the constitution as it then existed , and which he had sworn to uphold and defend . ' 1 trust that Mr EerAAVd will reap & little instruction from these ' authorities . ' Should

      he deem the above not sufficient , I recommend him to study certain elaborate letters on that subject written by his friend , Mr Oastler , and published in the Northern Star , if 1 remember right , in the year 1838 . He will , in those letters , find the right of having arms , and the right of resistance , full y discussed , and incontrovertibly proved . Mr Oastler has a favourite phrase about ' walking in the light of the Constitution ; ' from that light Mr Blustering Ferocity appears to have very far strayed . I hope , too , that on the forthcoming trials of the Bingley and other prisoners , the counsel for the defence will have both the knowledge and courage to defend the right of the people to arm , and know the use of arms . I will conclude this subject by quoting from Locke and Sidney for the instruction of the jury class : —

      Locke says-. —That ' whenever the legislators endeavour to reduce the people to slavery under arbitrary power , they put themselves in a state of war with the people , who are thereupon absolved from any further obedience , and are left to the common refuge which God hath provided for all men against force and violence . Whensoever , therefore , the legislature shall , either by ambition , fear , folly , or corruption , endeavour to grasp to

      themselves , or put into the hands of another , an absolute power over the lives , liberties , and estates of the people , by this breach of trust they forfeit the power that the people had put into their hands for quite contrary ends , and it devolves to the people , who have a right to resume their original liberty , and by the establishment of a new legislative ( such as they shall think fit ) provide for their own safety and security , which is the end for which they are in society . '

      Algernon Sidney , in warning Charles of his dangerous course of conduct , Said , ' the people of England know how to presene their liberty , or to vindicate the violation of it ; and the more patient they have been , the more inflexible will they be when they resolve to be so no longer . Those who are so foolish as to put them upon such courses , do to their cost find that there is a difference between lions and asses ; and he is a fool who knows not that swobds tcere given to men that none might be slaves but such as knoxo not how to use thtm !'

      Countrymen, Whilst Defending Your Right ...

      Countrymen , whilst defending your right to have and know the use of arms , I must warn you against certain braggarts , whose ' arming' doings and talkiiigs are calculated to draw upon you persecution , which but for them you would have a better chance of avoiding . Last week a man , named Haynes , was charged at Marlborough . street Police Court with the possession of a gun and several hall cartridges' for an unlawful purpose . ' It appears that he had been showing orT at Chartist meetings with his gun and ball cartridges , but when brought before the magistrate , this hero said , ' he feared he had been very foolish . He was very sorry , and had been led away by other parties ! ' Being required to

      find bail ' to keep the peace , he made his final appearance before the magistrate on Thursday , the 15 th , in the character [ see the Daily papers ] of ' A Reformed Chartist , ' when one of his sureties said , ' lie ( Haynes ) had been led away by others of a more designing character , and he was now heartily ashamed of his conduct . ' Mr Hardwick asked the bail if they were willing to be bound for his future good conduct , and that he should not frequent seditious meetings . —The bail answered in the affirmative . I quote the closing portion of this

      scene from the papers .- — ' Haynes then , came for . ward , and with a most penitential aspect promised good bel . aviour ; declared he would give up ' villanous company , ' and stick to ivork like an honest man . —Mr Hardwick was satisfied with this renunciation of his foll y by the defendant , and accepted the proposed bail . ' Of course , the thought of making any use of his gun and ball cartridges never entered the head of this crawl with his ' penitential aspect . ' Of all such things let the honest working men and true Chartists beware . A true man would

      leave his gun and ball cartridges at home , and keep [ u his arms safe and his mouth shut ,

      A Great Deal Has Been Lately Said And Pu...

      A great deal has been lately said and published I about ' Chartist dis turbances , ' ' Chartist ruffianism , „ & c . & c . Last week London witnessed an exhibition i of respectable ruffianism and histrionic hullabaloo , „ which threw far in to ' the ' shade the disturbances s laid to the account of the Chartists . I allude to >> the disgusting and disgraceful riots at Drury-lanei Theatre , got up by the ' rabblement' of the theatri .. eal profession against a company of French actors i who bad taken that bouse for the performance of : French dramas adapted from the writings of Alexandre Dumas . I pass by the particulars ; suffice it to say , that blackguards calling themselves '

      professional gentlemen , ' engaged in a conspiracy to drive the French actors away , under the pretence of upholding ' native talent . ' The rioters , in proof of their native talent , groaned , hissed , hooted , yelled , stamped , blew whistles , and made every possible hideous noise , and finished off their performances by a display of their fistic abilities . The brutal Sunday Times devotes more than three columns of very small close print to an exulting account of these disgraceful doings . ' There was , ' says that paper , ' no cessation , no pause , nor lull in the tumult ; it came like the roar of a fierce tempest upon the ear , amidst

      which the actors displayed wonderful perseverance , moving their lips and gesticulating as thougfs they were going through a dramatic performance—but not a word that they uttered was heard beyond the footli g hts . ' The same paper says , ' During the waits between the acts , a gentleman in the dressboxes , who rejoiced in a bald head and an extensive white waistcoat , made several insane attempts to address himself to speech , which were received with derisive cheers of Go it , Louis Blanc ! ' and inquiries as to what he would lay against Flatcatcher fov the Leger .

      This ruffianism was the act of ' the loyal middleclass , ' who , it appears , testified their hatred of the Republican Frenchmen by cries of God save the Queen !' These blackguards and fools seem to be oblivious of the fact that the Queen is the great encourager of' foreign talent . ' Why did they not take their cat-calls to the Italian Opera and drive away Jenny Lind and the other 'foreigners ? ' No ! ; hat the ' snobs' dared not do . The 'divinity that doth

      hedge' a Queen being too much for their slavish souls . Again , most of our English actors are , doubtless , 'Free Traders ; ' they wear French hats , boots , gloves , & c . Why not , then , accept French actors with the other importations ? Our play-wrights are ready enough to import French plays , which they ' adapt ' to the English stage . If the Irish labourer may follow Irish pigs to England , surely the French actor has as good a right to follow French plays ; otherwise what becomes of' Free Trade ?'

      the Sunday Times affects to regard the driving away of the French actors as a triumph for English morality ! To properly appreciate this cant , it is necessary that it should be known that that journal is the organ of the profligates of the gaming table , the racecourse , and the ring ! ' I trust that the French people will do their English brethren the justice to distinguish between the British people and these blackguards of the Press and the stage . The Sunday newspapers are , as usual , belching out their slander against the Chartists . The Dispatch is , of course , pre-eminent in ribaldry , brutality , and stupidity—so stupid this time as to contain nothing worthy of special notice , beyond the facts of its continued efforts to secure the conviction of Ernest Jones , and Messrs Fussell , Williams , and Vernon ; and its beastly chucklings over the transportation of the patriot Mitchel .

      I Shall Devote My Next Letter To A Revie...

      I shall devote my next letter to a review oi the Constitution prepared for the French Republic by the Constitutional Committee , and presented to the National Assembly on Monday last . I may , for the present , remark that it is a much better scheme than I had expected , considering the composition of the Committee ; although not equal to what I had imagined would have resulted from the glorious victory of February . L'Ami do People .

      Rotal Polvtechhic Institution. — On Mond...

      Rotal Polvtechhic Institution . — On Monday , MrBagge , the well-known inventor of electro-printing , & c , commenced a series of lectures at this place , on the phenomena of thucdersioro : * and the cause of lightning . As a lecturer , Mr Baggs possesses the advantage of a well educated mind , with a pleasing and simple manner of deliver / , bringing home his subject to the most unlearned . The great novelty of Mr Bagga ' a lecture was the production of an immense flash or spark of electricity , by meana of a peculiarly arranged battery of Ley den jars , censia . ting of thirteen placed horizontally . This battery is intended to illustrate his thunder-cloud ; each jar ia charged separately , and on the completion of the circuit , a spark or flash of electric fluid , at least three feet in length , is obtained . The noise produced

      by the discharge is immense , and , to use the expression of one of the audience , the fluid appears almost to * splash' against the bottom of the jara receiving it . la the course o f the lecture , Mr Baggg entered upon the subject of atmospheric electricity , largely il- lustrating the causes of fallisg stars , the aurora , & c-, by appropriate experiments . In opeaking of tie noise of thunder , he stated that the usual opinian that it was prodnced merely by the reverberations of a primitive sound , waa wrong . The noise of thunder was caused by tbe rapid succession of & number of distinct dischargee from eaeh distinct cloud , battery , or jar ; and in this way the want of continuity and equality in the sound can easily ba accounted for . Bsranobu ' s Contradiction of the Report op his Marriage . —The poet Beranger baa contradicted the

      report of his marriage in the following characteristic epistle , which he has sent to the papers : — ' Monsieur , —I aee in your paper that I have just married my servant , and that all the inhabitants of Pass ? came to my wedding . Now , this has surprised me mere than all the false news with which your journal is enriched ; and were I alone spoke of in this article I WOUld allow it to circulate freely , especially through Fassy , wbe ? e inhabitants were Utile aware of having witnessed this marriage in extremis . But you must be aware , sir , that the lady whom you are pleased to call my servant , and whose name you withhold , as it adds to the interest of the fable , this lady was the friend and companion of my early youth , a dear friend , to whom I am under the greatest obligation . More favoured than I in the accidents of

      birth and fortune , she waa enabled to help me through my poverty vith pecuniary services ; and to continue those services , although we are both nearly sixty years of ago , she has consented to take care of my humble abode , in place of an old aunt , whose infirmities have compelled her to resign the office of housekeeper . Old friends as we are , wo have never lost sight of each other , and we little thought that our united 116 years could not have met together under the same roof , without subjecting ourselves to the scandal of a newspaper scribe . And the old lady , all modest as she is , did not sur . mise in taking up her abode with me , to establish an economy indispensable to both of us , that she would have been described as my servant , although this affront has not wounded either her deaiocratical feelings or mine . Her name waa unknown , save to eur mutual friends , and tho indigent and infirm on whom she bestowed her aim * . But your scandal has made it necessary that it should now be made known to

      the public . You will perhaps , therefore , insert this letter , in order to neutralise the effect of an article which I regret not having seen before . As far aa I am concerned , I do not complain of the spirit which dictated this article , but I feel bound to let your readers know that my old friend has too much good sense ever to dream of becoming the wife of an old fool whose ehief happiness has been in writing songs , and laying his life open to the discretion of journalists . There are various other little anecdotea abeut me and my huniblo abode which are equally fabulous—and , perhaps , I am in fault , for , despite my love of seclusion , my desire to oblige compels me to receive many visitors . As long aa delicacy and good taste merely crossed my threshold , 1 did not feel bound to closa my doers , but henceforth I shall be obliged to turn my key , and thus your spirituel scribe will be deprived of some of his occupation . Thank him , therefore , for me ( sir , aud accept the assurance of my perfect consideration . —Your humble servant , Beranger . '

      The New Movement . —Mr Joseph Hume ' s new reform movement exhibits but a galvanic existence . It is deveid © f living , growing strength . Nor is this surprising ; for the inspiration is impure at the fountain . A man who deliberately offered to vote' black is white , ' for the sake of party , as Mr Hume once did , is a auspicious sponsor for a movement which ia put forth , as it is pretended , in utter hopelessness of the public welfare being wrought by partiep . It may be a patriotic movement , just as the sky may fall ; but more likely it is the' artful dodge of a political back , who has lost his undue importance since the days of measuring-cast majorities have ceased — Gloucester Chronicle .

      Mr Cobdbn , on Friday night , in the House of Commons , said— ' I will assume that the « ountry IS satisfied with the present slate of free trade measures . ' He may assume it , but let him ask the halfstarved population of the manufacturing districts Whether they are satisfied . — Halifax Guardian . A drunken north counlryman , returning fair , fell asleep by the roadside , where a him , and began to lick his mouth . Sawny ' wha's kissin' me noo ? Ye see what it is liket amang the lasses . '

      From A Pig Found Roared Out . To B§,Wep£...

      from a pig found roared out . to b § , wep £ " ^ / ^ ig from Sl pig found oared out to b § wepi * ""* ( ) ¦ & \ & ^ w . r ^ rr V-: 2 i " : ' . '

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 24, 1848, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_24061848/page/3/