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Northern Star (1837-1852), 24th February 1849, Edition 2 of 3, Page 7, MONDAY, Feb. 19. HOrSE OF LORDS.—Case of...

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      February 21, 1849. The Northern Star. 7

      February 21 , 1849 . THE NORTHERN STAR . 7

      Emgerial Parliament

      Emgerial parliament

      Monday, Feb. 19. Horse Of Lords.—Case Of...

      MONDAY , Feb . 19 . HOrSE OF LORDS . —Case of Mr . W . S . O'Brien —The Clerk ofthe Crown in Ireland appeared at thc bar and returned the writ of error in Ihe ease of W . Smith O'Brien . C onncri Practices at Elections . —The Lord Cjuxcellok moved the second reading of the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill . The ob ject of thc present bill was to g ive additional facilities for ji ;< -w : iT in cases of bribery . It was provided that if ihe House thought fit they mi ght appoint commissioners to investigate the matter on the spot where the election took place . Lord Desman said that , on making a digest of it , he found that every one of its provisions was actually an argument against thc bill itself . He should not oppose thc second reading , but would move that ihe bill be referred to a committee upstairs .

      Lord Beocgham was anxious to let the bill proceed , in order to try whether , at a future stage , the ol'iec tions mig ht not be remedied , Lord Stan-lev thought their lordships would find sonic extraordinary provisions in this new measure . If the bill were not allowed to pass a second reading , it ought to be referred to the investigation of a select committee . The Lord Chancellor vindicated thc bill , which was read a second time . Marriage axd Registering Births ( Scotland ) Bills . —Lo .-d Campbell , in moving the second I'Kidii ! " of these bills , observed that he need not remind their lordships of the necessity of the marriage bill . They were all aware of the convenience . that would arise from thc existence of conclusive evidence of contracts which hud been made , as then no doubt would be left as to the status of ¦ women in Scotland . Thc law of marriage in Scot-Land did not at present admit of that condition , where a case of cohabitation would appear as a

      marriage . Jsuch a system produced women ofa very degraded class , and gave rise to a very great deal of inconvenience . At present any man who had spent a short time in Scotland could not tell whether he was married or not . A grc . it facility was also created in evading marriages . Marriage contracts were performed au along the borders of Scotland ; and it was stated that the chief priest of Hymen , who lately died , had , durinsr his life , celebrated 3 < l , O 0 ' - i marriages . This bill provided that there should be documents registered which proclaimed the contracts of persons who were married by a religions ceremony . He believed that if this bill passed , the same course would be followed in Scotland as in England , where marriages performed before a clerjrvnian or witnesses were held srood .

      All that was requisite was that the parties should go before a clergyman , and have the bans proclaimed ; the marriage was then proved to have been authorised . It was stated by some that no inconvenience arose out of the present system in Scotland , but he should remind their lordships that there had been several appeals made to thc Court of Chancery in England arising out of such a system . There was in tliis bill a clause which provided registrars who were intended to make an entry © fall the marriages wliieh had been properly performed , and which would obviate thc evil he " had just complained of . There was a committee appointed last session to consider thc matter ; and thc opposition of several of their lordships , who were prejudiced by the representations made to them about this bill , subsided srcatlv on their learning the true facts of the case .

      Thc Earl of Aberdeen said he regretted that he must object to the second reading of the Marriage Bill . He did not think that such a bill as the present was called for ; and that such an alteration in the law a ecting marriages should be made as a means of perfecting a system of registration . If tlie noble and learned "" lord thought that the law of marriage in Scotland was defective , let liim introduce a bill irrespective of registration to alter thc law . He entertained the utmost respect for the opinions of those of their lordships who approved of the bill , but , yet , he should * ay tliat the general opinion ofthe people of Scotland was in opposition to it . There had been no complaints of tlie law as it existed at present . But he was happy to observe that thc noble lord had not stigmatised it or spoken of thc Scotch ] K-oplc in such strong terms on this occasion ,

      as he did last year . When aspersions such as these were cast upoil the people of Scotland , he ( thc Earl of Aberdeen ) felt it ri ght to call to their lordships recollection a statement made in that house by the late Lord Liverpool . That noble lord publicl y declared in his place that , taking Scotland altogether , " it was the best conducted country on thc face of the earth . " It was a colloquial expression , but it was important as tending to show what Lord Liverpool ' s opinion was of tbe people of Scotland for morality . The noble lord then went on to say that under all the circumstances he was not one of those who concurred with the noble lord ( Campbell ) in the necessity for the changes he had proposed . He would ask , where was the evil that called for thc enactment of such a measure as this , wluch would hayc thc clicct of c-oufiuinir and restricting the host

      feelings of the people of Scotland ? Marriage , by the law of Scotland , was a civil contract , essentially depending upon thc mutual assent of the parties entering into it . Tliat consent might be proyed in various modes . The noble and learned lord opposite referred to three modes of entering into the contract of marriage . The first was by a promise in writing , followed by cohabitation ; the second , an adniission or declaration of thc marriage ; and thc third was repute . Now , the promise must be proved cither by the writing or thc oath of the party . These modes of contracting marriage had given it great facility . What was the consequence ? In Scotland seduction was extremely rare , whereas in England it was quite the reverse * In England the

      instances of seduction were innumerable , compared with the number which took place in Scotland . The law in Scotland mig ht therefore be fairly presumed to be a great protection to females , for they were invariably the sufferers . For one artful woman by whom a young man was entrapped into marriage in Scotland , there ¦ vrcre at least one hundred innocent women betrayed and ruined by seduction in England . Looking at the marriage contract as possessing no reli gious character , however desirable it mi ght be tliat the nuptial benediction should be given in facie fccl < fi < v , he did not understand why some other proof of consent should not ses-ve just as well . Twenty years' cohabitation would not be sufficient to constitute a marriage without proof of the mutual

      consent of the parties to enter iuto thai contractbut six months * would he sufficient if there was evidence of the promise- to contract matrimony . It was quite a mistake for thc noble and learned lord to state that such was the condition of the law of marriage in Scotland , that msay persons did oat Imow and had hardly any means of knowing whetbes ' they were married or not . ( A laugh . ) It was quite impossible , and in fact things were not so . He ( the Earl of Aberdeen ) was willing to assent to any measure which might prevent people from going into Scotland to evade the marriage laws of England , and take advantage of the lex loci of the former country . Thc jseople of Scothaid were perfectly

      Satisfied with tbe law as it stood . For his own pari , ie had no objection to the principle ofthe Registration Bill , but he most decidedl y objected to any restrictions upon entering into the contract of marriage , which was a source of thc greatest blessings and happiness , and the natural right of every man IwvrcuT poor . TJieir lordships should , therefore , hesitate before they interfered with the present law . He would not object to thc noble lord ' s bill if certain p hrases or irords were omitted or expunged from it ; otherwisCj lie thought thc proposed method was most objectionable , and with every respect for thc laws of England , lie was of opinion that the marriage law of ' Scotland , as it stood , was just as efficient as any law could be .

      Lord Brougham said it was a mest unfortunate circumstance that the marriage and registration Mis seemed to have been wedded together . ( A laugh . ) It was supposed the Marriage Bill was introduced io complete tiie Registration Bill , wldle it was just the other way . He approved of the proposed measures , and thsug ht them extremely salutary . They would throw impediments iu the way of clandestine marrintres , wiiicli were always ill-considcred audsnischievous . His noble friend near liim ( thc Earl of Aberdeen ) denied that people -could not be aware of fcheir marriages in Scotland . ( Alaugh . ) Now , lie ( Lord Brougham ) esid distinctly vbai there were many peseons fn Scotland totally igaorantof the fact—( laughter )—and kaew not whether they vrerc married <* r not . ( Laughter . ) But it vras a very difficult thin g to prove , the result was the

      enormous amount of litigation to prove the legitimacy of people , aitd their title to property . He believed that the proportion of marriages contracted before the registrar was less than that of marriages contracted before the parson . It might be asserted As a general fact , that in Scotland people preferred to go before either clergyman or registrar to going before the magistrate . He considered it a recommendation o the bill before their lordshi ps that it went onl y to the law of marriages , without any substantive interference with the law of divorce . ( Hear , hear . ) It was his clear opinion that the noble and learned lord had done well in confining himself to a revision of there anomalies and conflicting enactments by which , under the existing state of the law , it was very possible for a man to be bastardised by the sentence of courts of law in England who would be legitimated in the finding of the Scottish

      courts . The Earl of Aberdeen observed that returns which he had moved for did not indicate the prodigious uncertainty referred to by the noble and learned lord . After gome further discussion the bill was read a «* ond time , and their lordships adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Poor Laws . —Sir H . " OUiocGHBT wished to ask the chief commissioner fot" the adnunistration of the poor laws " if any infrrtOaiHui had been received that poor rates have k « i impended in aid pf wages , under the head of in-

      Monday, Feb. 19. Horse Of Lords.—Case Of...

      sufficient earnings , income parts of Lancashire , especially at Ashton-undcr-Lme , during the last twelve months , and whether any order has been issued on that subject by the commission . Mr . Baixes said that no official information had been received at the poor law board respecting the circumstance alluded to by the hon . baronet . There was an order of the board against the expenditure of rates , in aid of wages , but he believed that there had been a partial deviation from such order in certain manufacturing towns . The board had made no order sanctionint such deviation . * English " Clearances . " — Mr . Scott put a series of questions on the subject of emigration to Australia , one of them having particular reference to emigrants from thc counties of Dorset and Wilts .

      Mr . Hawes replied that there was no intention on the part ofthe emigration committee to give a preference to the two counties named . Thc fact was , that there had been two ships appointed to sail from Plymouth , but the number of emigrants offering themselves as readv to embark not having been sufficient to fill the " berths , thc deficiency had been made up from the neighbouring counties . The expense would be about £ 14 a head , and of course if the emigrants had been " assisted , " a

      jryeatcr numncr mignt nave gone . The luna at tlie disposal of the government was now reduced to about £ 50 , 000 . Mr . Scott contended that there had been an undue preference shown to those two comities ; and wished to know if any correspondence which had taken place on thc subject . would be laid on thc table , which was desirable , as it might remove any suspicion that the arrangements ofthe government were made with a view to clear the estates of certain gentlemen at the expense of thc rest of England .

      Mr . Hawes said he was not aware of the existence of any such correspondence . Southampton Small Tenements Rating Bill . —On the motion for the second reading of this bill , Mr . CocKnunx moved that it be read a second time that day six months , on tho ground that inasmuch as the bill contemplated thc rating of all tenements under the annual value of £ 10 , in the name of the landlord instead of the tenant , the consequence would be that all these voters would be swept off the municipal and parliamentary lists , while it would throw additional burthens on those who were least able to bear them , and the owners of large property of this description would enjoy perfect immunity . Mi - . Willcox described the measure as a wolf in

      sheep s clothing , professing one thing and intending another ; and seconded the amendment . Mr . Mackixnon supported the bill , contending that there was no taking away the franchise whatevor , for if the tenant chose to vote ho had nothing to do but pay the rate , and deduct so much from his rent . In Southampton there were 6 , 000 persons rated , of whom 1 , 800 paid no rates whatever . The bill was supported by a large majority in every vestry . Mi . Com pt on contended that the bill , so far from operating as a hardship on thc poor , would prove

      most advantageous to them . Mr . p . ScnoPE hoped that this and other bills with a similar object would be suspended until parliament had had an opportunity of taking the general principle into its consideration . Mr . Hume contended that parliament ought to endeavour , by every means in its power , to induce the poorer classes to pay the rates , inasmuch as the area of representation ought to be increased rather than diminished , and submitted that this mode of legislating for any particular party was most ohjectioiir able .

      Mr . Govsos said thai m the bill relating to Kidderminster , the clause was , that nothing should affect any municipal or parliamentary franchise . Another clause empowered the owner to compound with the overseer . Tho effect was that the landlord made a per ccntage on his money , he paying the rates , and the occupier enjoying his franchise . Mi - . IIexlev did not know how the bill would affect the franchise , but the objection which he had always -taken to measure s of this description , unless they were promoted b y common consent , was that they deprived the poor man of the advantage which the humanity of the law had conferred upon him that he should not bo rated if his neighbours agreed in vestry that he was too poor to pay his rates . After a few words from Mr . Spooxeb in favour of the measure , and from Mr . Muxtz against it , the house divided , when the second reading was negatived by a majority of forty-two ; the numbers , IOC to 04 .

      Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in . Iii £ i . an-d . — On the motion for the third reading of this bill , Mi . John O'Connell , finding that Lord Ifugcnt ' s amendment , which was on the paper , could uot be submitted until the hill had been read a third time , and being unwilling to trouble the House with two debates upon the hill , stated he would content himself with simply dividing the House upon the third reading , and taking the debate upon thc amendment afterwards .

      Sir G . Grev said that perhaps he owed some apology to the hon . gentleman who had just sat down for having reminded him some twenty mmutos ago that he had then spoken an hour . The hon . gentleman appeared indignant at having been informed that he was an hour on his legs , but he had spoken now for nearly an hour and a half , and he had occupied twenty-five minutes after saying he was only going to read and speak for six minutes . ( Hear , hear . ) How , on referring to the list of tho minority on the Oth of February , the name of the hon . gentleman would be found voting on the

      motion for limiting the discussion to one hour . ( Hear , and laughter . ) Hanything could convince him ( Sir G . Grey ) of the necessity of limiting- the addresses in that bouse , it would be the speech they had just heard , because if all the extraneous matter it contained had been expunged , it would have been an effective , and a far better speech than it was . ( - ' Hear , hear , " aud renewed laughter . ) He knew not tliat it was necessary at present to prolong the discussion , because the hon . member for Limerick had thrown out a suggestion which seemed to meet with the acquiescence of the Hoase—namely , to take the debate on the amendment of the noble

      lord opposite ( Lord Xugent ) after the third reading of the bill , those members who dissented from its provisions now recording their protest against it . If this plan were adopted , there would he another opportunity of sneaking on the main question , and her Majesty ' s ministers could then defend the line of conduct they had thought proper to pursue . ( Hear . ) The hen . member for Nottingham misrht have spared himself all the trouble of reading the extracts relative to the constitutional value of the Habeas Corpus Act . Xobody deubtcd the immense value to be attached to thc provisions of that act ; but thc hon . member must know that the greatest constitutional authorities had hdkl that occasions might exist , when , in order to preserve the

      constitution , it would be necessary to suspend the act ( Hear , hear . ) Having noticed cursorily some parts of Mr . O'Connor ' s speech , he pressed the House , after the ample discussion which the measure had undergone , not to delay the third reading . Mr . E . B . Rocue could not omit availing himself ofthe opportunity of again recording his opinions against the bilL He then , in answer to those who charged the Irish members with neglecting to propose measures ofa remedial character for their country , went at some length into thc ecclesiastical , social , and political grievances of Ireland , pointing out , in connexion with each , thc measures which , in Ms opinion , were necessary as a condition precedent to Ireland ' s regeneration . Amongst these he laid

      particular stress upon a measure having for its object to effect a thorough change in the system of land tenure in that country . It was difficult to understand where social rights ended and political ri g hts began . On that subject a great deal of what might out of doors be called " clap-trap" was spoken . On a son naturally the richest in the world existed a population the most miserable and helpless in the world . What they wanted was to bring the rich soil and thc poor people together . That was what they had never done , and what they would never do till they had the heart to give up their English prejudices with respect to the rights of property , and to turn , In a certain sense , a deaf ear to the landlords of Ireland . ( Hear , hear . ) He was a Landlord himself , but he felt that it was impossible to be a

      doctrinaire on this subject . The ^ uestion was lni nnnent ; it was not one for a debating society . The people were dying by hundreds , and the hon . gentlemen must g ive up then squeamishness as to the landlords of Ireland—must be prepared to pass a good , strong , and comprehensive measure on the subject of the tenure , without understanding that they must app l y the . same principles to England . Mr . Hume , in reply to some remarks addressed to him bvMr . Roche , defined his position with respect to the bill , which he supported , in order to keep Ireland for some months longer in that slate of tranquillity in which she was now said to be , and the continuance of which would leave the government no excuse whatever , if it failed in bringing forward remedial measures .

      Mr . Napier would not have taken any part in the debate but for the attack made by Mr . Roche on the Irish Church , an establishment which he was prepared to support , on the ground of its antiquity , its scriptural truth , its perfect discipline , and the moral benefit which it conferred upon Ireland . If any proof were wanted of the exceUence of that establishment , it was to be found in the quiet and decorous state of the Protestant parts of Ireland , such as . Ulster , where neither sedition nor disturbance prevailed .

      Mr . Jons O'Coxxell said , that incendiary fires ? revailed , and were increasing in number in Ulster , 'hey mig ht not constitute sedition , but he put it to the hon . and learned gentleman if they were not of the nature of disturbance . If the Protestants of Ireland were comparatively contented , it was be-

      Monday, Feb. 19. Horse Of Lords.—Case Of...

      cause everything was done for them at the expense ofthe great body ofthe people . As to Mr . Hume ' s excul pation of himself , it appeared to him to be of the lamest description , thc hon . member for Montrose , notwithstanding all his professions , being no real friend of Ireland . Mr . S . CRAWFonn had heard nothing to convince him that a case of necessity for so strin < rent a measure had been mado out . " He regarded Mr . Hume and his coadjutors in thc House as guilty of tiie most glaring ' inconsistency in tlie part which they took in reference to the bill . ' Mr . Hume ' s apology for himself was anything but successful . The hon . gentleman concluded by moving , as au amendmeiitr that the bill be read a third time that day six months . The House divided , and the numbers were—For the amendment 23 Against it 117 Majority against 94 The bill was then read a third time . On the motion that the bill do pass , Lord Nugent moved , as an amendment , that the words "the first day of June" be substituted for " thcfirst day of September" in the first clause—in Other words , that the bill be limited as to duration to three instead of six months . He appealed to the House , in submitting this amendment , whether or not it were fit that , at the beginning of a session , a lease of so great and tremendous a power should be given to tho government for the space of sixmonths ? Colonel Thompson seconded the amendment . Sir G . Gkey objected to the amendment , thinking that thc noble mover had not shown that tlie objects of the bill could be attained in so short a time as three months . He trusted that the noble lord would not persist in the amendment . After a declaration by Mr . Reynolds and Mr . 3 . O'Coxxell that thev should not vote at all ,

      The motion , on a division , was negatived by 100 toll ; and the bill passed . Jewish Disabilities . —Lord John Russell then rose to move a committee of the whole House on the oaths to be taken by members of the two Houses of Parliament . Thc House of Lords had rejected the bill he brought in last year , and he now proposed that the House should review thc subject of these oaths , which wore not merely declarations of opinions—they were means to an end , to secure the due performance of the duties incumbent upon thc members of this House . If , however , they contained

      matters which were unnecessary , or ambiguous , or which imposed undue restrictions on any of her Majesty ' s subjects , these oaths required the consider . " .-tion ofthe House , with a view to their alteration . The noble lord then read and explained the nature and objects of the oaths of allegiance , supremacy , and abjuration , the latter of which pledged the person who took it that he did so " on the true faith of ii Christian . " He contended , as lie had done last year , that they had no right to exclude any subjects ofthe realm , except upon the ground that they entertained op inions which rendered them unfit to be members of that House , or incompetent to perform

      their duties . Such exclusion was a case of unmitigated persecution ; and after admitting Roman Catholics into Parliament , it was peculiarly odious towards our Jewish fellow-subjects . It was the luxury without the danger of persecution . After the admission of Roman Catholics and Dissenters the exclusion of the Jews was peculiarly odious . The noble lord then stated what he proposed to do for the purpose of amending the oaths . As he had already said , there was to be no alteration in the oath taken by Woman Catholics . Instead of thc other oaths , he proposed that a general oath should be substituted , to tbe effect that , "I , A . B ., swear that I bear true allegiance to her Majesty Queen Victoria , and that I shall maintain the succession to

      the Crown as settled by the Act of Settlement , and that I do not believe that the Pope of Rome , or any other foreign prince or prelate , hath or should have any temporal or civil jurisdiction within this realm , that I shall defend to the utmost of my power tho settlement of property in this country as by law established , and that I make this declaration on the true faith ofa Christian—So help me God . " ( Sensation on thc noble lord ' s reading the words " on the true faith ofa Christian . " ) But he proposed that whenever this general oath was to be administered to a Jew , the words alluded to should be left out . The words were , by their retention , no effectual barrier against unbelief ; but he did not think that it would be right so to frame tlie oath as to throw the House formally open to infidels and

      unbelievers . By these means he believed that tho measure of religious liberty would be complete . It would , at the same time , give constituencies the right , which they did not now possess , of electing as their representatives such persons as happened to enjoy thc greatest share of then - confidence . There was no danger to the Christian faith , no risk to any Christian institution , in that which he now proposed his proposal being in strict accordance with the principles of Christianity . Mr . Goulburx , whilst he did not oppose the motion for going into committee , protested against , being supposed to adopt the principle of Lord J . Russell ' s proposition . He could not acquiesce in the admission of Jews into Parliament , which bethou ght would have serious consequences to reli gion at home and abroad .

      Mr . Plumfihe , Mr . Law , and Mr . Bankes , opposad thc measure . Mr . Gladstone said , his opinion had undergone no change except that it had been confirmed by reflection . He was deliberatel y convinced that the claims of the Jews to civil liberty could not bo barred by the difference of their religion from ours and he believed that in admitting them to our Legislature wo wore guilty of no abandonment of religious duty . _ He was glad that thc noble Lord proposed to retain the words " on the true faith of a Christian ; " but he suggested thc omission of words abjuring the temporal power of the Pope , which were as superfluous as other words excluded by tho noblo Lord . Mr . Xewdegate moved an adjournment , in order that thc House might have time to understand the oath .

      Mr . H . Drummoxd admitted that there was much in the oaths which would be better left out ; but this was nothing but the old Jew bill . Mr . WalpoIiE agreed that some parts of the oaths were unnecessary ; but he complained of the reopening of a discussion which had taken place only nine months ago , exposing this House to a collision with the House of Lords , and interfering with the religious convictions ofa great mass ofthe people . Lord J . Kussell said , the surprise which Mr . Walpolc had expressed at his stirring this matter again , after it had been rejected by thc House of Lords , did not harmonise ' with his ( Lord J . Russell ' s ) understanding of the Constitution ; nor was it consistent with the course pursued with respect to tho Catholic Emancipation Bill and the lleform

      Bill . Mi . Xewdegate having withdrawn his amendment , the House divided on the original motion , which was carried by 214 to 111 . Tho House then went into committee , when Lord John Russell p laced his resolution in the hands of the Chairman , who then reported progress , and obtained leave to sit again on Friday . Mr , C . Lewis obtained leave to bring in a bill to authorise the enclosure of certain lands ; Sir W . Somerville a bill to amend the laws relating to the appointment of vice-guardians of unions in Ireland ; and Sir H . Barron a bill for the move speedy trial of offences in Ireland . The House adjourned at half-past twelve .

      WEDNESDAY , Feb . 21 . HOUSE OF LORDS . — Habeas Conrus Act ( Ireland ) Suspension Bill . —This Bill was brougirt up from thc House of Commons , and read a first tame . The Conveyance of Real Puoperty Act Amend- . 3 tEST Bill passed through committee , and was reported to the House . Thc Marquis of Lsxsdowxe gave notice that he would move that it be read a second time on Friday next . Their Lordships then adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Colonial Grievances . —Mi . Baillie moved for a select committee to inquire into the grievances complained of in- the

      Crown colonies of Ceylon , and British Guiana , and the Mauritius , and to report whether any measures can be adopted for the better administration of those dependencies . The honourable member began by appealing to the general feeling which prevailed the public mind that the Colonial-office was incapable of discharging its functions with advantage ; and observed that there had been a succession of colonial ministers , not deficient in talents , who had failed in inspiring the colonies with confidence , or in g iving satisfaction at home ; and the experience of last session had shown that tlie present Colonial Secretary had not been more fortunate than his predecessors . But he charged the Colonial-office with tyranny and oppression , with a wasteful expenditure ofthe colonial resources ; and insisted that the time had arrived when the colonics were competent to control their own expenditure and manage their own affairs .

      He then entered into an exposition of the system of local government in the Crown colonics , and of ? he specific grievances of which they comp lained . He ? detailed the eccentricities of Lord Torrington in CeVdon , to which he attributed thc late rebellion in that island , and after condemning in strong terms the severities , some of them illegal , exercised towards the rebch he produced a marked sensation in the House by " the statement , that a bill of indemnity was nasseJ in bis own council only by the casting vote of Lo -d Torrington himself . In British Guiana thc withering influence of the Colonialoffice had produ ^ d fruits of mi-government not assess ruhST p lmtS ^ Sle ^ SSSS ^ X ^ hJi ^ « . the resist - nnVnffpred bv the Colonial-office to the financial and concluded by asking th «? JHouse how the colonies lovHipheo confidence in a nNUrter irty BtO Qd . COU-

      Monday, Feb. 19. Horse Of Lords.—Case Of...

      victcd ofa deliberate attempt to deceive thc House 01 Lords , and who . perverted truth for party purposcs . - - - ¦ : l ' Mr . Klme who seconded the motion , wished thc House to understand that it was the svstcm under winch our colonies were placed , and therefore the fault of larhamcn t itself , which had produced the disastrous results so well described bv Mr . Baillie . lie dilated upon flic harsh treatment which Ccvlon had experienced , upon the insult which Demerara had received at the bands of the Colonivl Secretar y , in the matter of the Civil List , and claimed for tlie colonies that self-government which was denied only on account oV tho patronage it would wrest from the Colonial-office .

      Mr . J . L . Ric . vntio moved an amendment , the object of which was to extend thc inquiry of thc committee to the means of enabling these colonics to meet the difficulties of the transition from a system of protection , to that of competition with the ' produce of forei gn states . Tho hon . member thought it would have been fairer on tho part of Mr . Baillie and Mr . Hume to have proposed a direct vote of censure upon the ministers , whom this motion was designed to embarrass , in order to get up a reactionary movement in favour of protection . This had been the covert object ofthe partv who refused supplies in the Court of Demerara , * which mi < rht have reduced salaries , but had preferred to attack the Civil List . It was to the honour of Lord Grov , * . '" I bad dared to encounter odium rather than shrink from carrying out when in office principles which he had maintained in opposition .

      Mv . Hawes said Mr . Baillie had made grave charges against Lord Grey and the Colonial-office , but he had supported them by selections singularly disingenuous and unfair . His ' charges were general , tinctured with bitterness and personality , without stating what was in reality the colonial policy of this country . He had enlarged upon tho supposed errors of Lord Torrington , but he had carefully abstained from noticing the many beneficial reforms that noble Lord had introduced in Ceylon , some of which Mr . Hawes explained , and then justified thc taxes to which Mr . Baillie had incorrectly ascribed the rebellion . The measures taken to suppress the rebellion and to punish the guilty agents , Mr . Hawes showed were justifiable or unavoidable , and ho cited the testimony of Sir Herbert Maddock to

      the judicious manner in which the rebellion had been dealt with by thc authorities of Ceylon , at thc same time vindieiitiriQf thc conduct of the soldiery . With regard to British Guiana , Mr . Baillie ' s statement appeared a burlesque ofthe facts , which Mr . Hawes minutely developed , and deduced from them evidence tliat tbe Combined Court in refusing supplies , was actuated by a desire , not to make salutary reductions , but to embarrass tbe Government , and force upon it the principle of protection , and it was Lord Grey ' s resistance that had brought upon him so much bitterness and obloquy . He then vindicated both Lord Grey and himself from the charges of inconsistency made against thorn . As to Lord Grey , his conduct , since he had come into office , was thc best answer to the charges made . He had established responsible government , in reality , in the British American

      provinces , where formerly it existed only in name . And , as to tho Australian colonies , it was his ( Mr . Hawcs ' s ) intention to introduce a bill to confer upon them representative government . He feared that the spirit and temper in which the discussion had been introduced , would have anything but a good effect upon the colonies . As already said , ho shrunk not from inrrairy . Lord Grey shrunk not from it . That noble lord had exercised his patronage in the most unimpeachable manner , and he challenged Mr ! Baillie , and those in league with him , to impeach it if they could . Having thus , ns ho said , mot tho charges made by the hon . gentleman , he concluded with a warm eulogy on Lord Grey , whom he felt it an honour to defend . He would not oppose tho motion , but trusted that the House would agree to the addition sought to be made to it by way of amendment .

      Sir W . Molesworth , who followed , went into an analysis of the expenditure of Ceylon , which ho characterised as extravagant , and which had , of late years , greatly increased . Extravagant and increasing expenditure had led to financial embarrassment , and this again had led to the enactment of bad laws . He then proceeded to sustain , at great length , most of the charges preferred against the Colonial Department by Mr . Baillie , and concluded by recommending the transfer of Ceylon to the East * India Company . Mr . Addkuley did not think that this motion was in reality an attack on individuals . As for Earl Grey , so far from proposing a vote of censure upon him , he would readily give him a vote of thanks , as to a man who seemed to have been raised up by Providence for the express purpose of damning the system with which he was connected . * Mr . Scott , in supporting thc motion , complained ofthe denial to tho colonies of self-srovernmcnt , and

      of the mismanagement of their affairs by tho Colonial Department . Sir R . Peel' then rose and observed that , in his opinion , public advantage would accrue from an inquiry into the state of some of our colonics ; an inquiry to be conducted , not with a view to inculpate this or that Colonial Secretary , but to be calml y entered upon , in order to ascertain what could be done to give peace and contentment to thc colonies . The state of more * than one of our colonies required that such an inquiry should take p lace ; and if another reason were wanting for instituting it , it mig ht be found in the challenge thrown out by the Under-Secretary for inquiry into the condition of all the colonies . He wished that thc motion had more correctly specified the object

      which tlie House should have in view in sotting such an inquiry on foot . Nor did he see any reason wh y the motion should be saddled with an addition , which the circumstances of thc case did not require . He liked neither the motion nor the . amendment as they stood . The inquiry should be a simple one , tending to a simple but a great object ; and into such inquiry the House should enter , without seeking to pledge itself to this or that economical policy , when economical policy was not necessarily involved . He would be a party to no motion which might give rise to the idea that a return was meditated to the system of protection . But they mig ht inquire into the case of the colonies in question , without involving that question af all . He well knew the difficulties with which colonial governors had to cope , particularly when the scone of their administration was at a great distance from this country ; but he was bound to say . that in the papers before thc House in

      relation to Ceylon , there were ample grounds to justify the motion submitted to the House . The documents had left a most unsatisfactory impression on his mind , The Under-Secretary had alleged that there was no connection between the rebellion in Ceylon and thc ordinances of taxation which the local Government had passed . For the sake of argument he granted this , but it was a consideration which created all the more alarm in his mind with regard to our future government of Ceylon . K appeared that the rebellion had a wider and deeper root than this ; that , in fact , the native priesthood were engaged in it . Under these circumstances , was it politic , or rather was it in accordance with common sense , that when a priest was condemned for the part which he took in thc rebellion , lie should be shot in his sacerdotal robes ? If anything was calculated to alienate from us the feelings of a population entertaining a religion which was jealous of neglect or any contempt which

      minrht . he brained unon it . it was such a course as mig ht be heaped upon it , it was such a course as this . Again , when a native prince was condemned to transportation , wherefore was ho subjected to corporal punishment as preparatory to his undergoing it ? They had in Ceylon a jealous native religion , and a jealous native aristocracy ; and it appeared to him that an unnecessary outrage had been visited upon both . If the rebellion , as the Under-Secretary had assured them , had had no connection with the ordinances of taxation , but with feelings of alienation from us pervading the native mind , what course could have been pursued more calculated to increase that alienation than that pursued , on the two occasions alluded to , by tlie local government ? He could not agree to tlie inquiry without expressing how deeply these circumstances had pained and alarmed him .

      Lord John Russell observed that , although he did not feel , after what had fallen from Mr . Hawes , that the conduct of Lord Grey required any further vindication- ^ a laugh from tho Opposition)—he could not agree to the committee demanded without making some remarks upon the observations which had fallen from Mr . R . Baillie , and upon some of those which had just been made by Sir R . Pool . The noble lord then proceeded to criticise very severely the speech of Mr . Baillie , whom he accused of every misconstruction , and of suppressing the truth whenever the enunciation of the truth would have proved favourable to Lord Grey or Lord Torrington . He then came to a subject , which he said was painful to him , that of the insurrection in Ceylon . Lord Torrington had given , in his opinion , the correct version of thc origin of that insurrection . It did not oricinato . as Mr . Baillie supposed , in the

      taxing ordinances of the local government . It was to Lord Torrington ' s energy , promptness , and efficiency , that they owed the speedy suppression of the insurrection ; an op inion not onl y entertained by the government at home , but by influential parties , best capable of judging , in the colony itself . As to thc punishments inflicted , he confessed that he did not feel competent to judge of the extent of punishment which was necessary for the preservation ofthe lives and properties of her Majesty ' s subjects in the colony . It was his own belief that the proposal made by the Chief Justice of Ceylon was politic—a proposal in which Lord Torrington had virtually concurred . As te the two cases of punishment alluded to by . Sir R . Peel , he ( Lord J . Russell ) must decline giving any opinion- whatever . Taking the facts , merely as they stood , they mi g ht appear to bo unnecessary ; but be was far from thinking that it was impossible

      Monday, Feb. 19. Horse Of Lords.—Case Of...

      that there -might be peculiar circumstances in the case which rendered the facts justifiable . Lord Tui-rington was accused of not paying sufficient regard to the reli g ion of the natives . If he disregarded that roliffion , he ran the risk of alienating the natives ; whereas , if he paid any great attention to it , a cry was raised in this country that a Christian government was countenancing idolatry . With reeard to the colony of Guiana , tlie noble lord rested tlie case of tlie government upon the statement made by Mr . llawcs ; and contended that Mr . Barkly had done thc very contrary of sacrificing his character for consistency in accepting the governorship of that colony . Mr * Baillie had chosen to make this motion—a motion which might lead to useful results—the occasion of a bitter personal attack on

      Lord Grey and Lord Torrington ; but he would nevertheless agree to the appointment ofthe committee , although ho thought it advisable that some words should " be appended to tlie motion which would indicate that thc House did not contemplate any alteration in its commercial policy . Mr . Disr . \" eu would occupy the House but a few moments , in order to explain the exact position in which Mr . Baillie was placed by tho amendment proposed , and the observations which had been made upon it . The motion , as proposed by Mr . Baillie , did not involvccoinmercial considerations at all , nor did he touch upon commercial topics lest it should be supposed that it did so . Yet he was charged with an attempt at economical reaction , and was met by thc amendment , which placed him in a posi- < tion of some embarrassment , if the committee could only be granted on tho condition of the amendment being accepted , those who supported the motion could not take the committee subject

      to such a condition . As to Lord Torriiurton , when he heard ofthe attack upon , aud the defence of , him that evening , it appeared to him that the noble lord would prefer the attack to the defence . He did not then wish to go into tlie merits ofthe case , his chief , if not his sole , object being to vindicate the terms of the motion . The amendment of Mr . Ricardo therefore , was a piece of strategy , which afforded Mr , Hawes an opportunity to tack to the motion a . condition which he knew would not be accepted , and which it would not be creditable to the House to accept . After some playful remarks upon thc qualifications of Lord Torrington as whimsically described by Mr . Hawes , Mr ! " Disraeli concluded by vindicating the motives of Mr . ISaillio in bringing forward tliis subject . Mr . Labouchere thought it would not bo difficult to frame a motion for a committee that should not , on the one hand , send out an impression to the colonies that there was an intention to make the

      committee a vehicle of free trade discussions , and on tlie other deprive thc colonies of the benefit of inquiry ; ho , therefore , proposed to omit thc words , "to inquire into the grievances complained of , " so that the committee would have to inquire and report as to measures for the better administration and government of tbe two Crown colonics . Mr . Osborne protested against the subject of free trade being employed to hoodwink tiie " House . The object of the Inquiry ought to be to examine into a colonial system which sat like an incubus upon the energies of tho colonies . A discussion of some length and perplexity then took place , several members proposing changes in the phraseology of the motion . At last

      Mr . Ricardo withdrew his amendment , Mr . Baillie consenting to puthismotion in thc foUowing form : — " That a select committee be appointed to inquire into tho grievances . complained of by the Crown colonies of Ceylon and British Guiana , in connexion with the administration and government of those dependencies ; and to report their op inion whether any measure can be adopted for the redress of any grievances which they may have shown just reason to complain of . " To this motion Mr . Hume suggested adding tho following words : " And to inquire whether any measure can be adopted for thc bettor administration and government of those colonies for the future . " This addition was accepted by Mr . Baillie , and thc motion as altered was agreed to . The House then adjourned at half-past twelve .

      WEDNESDAY , February 21 . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —The House did not meet until two o clock , being Ash-Wednesday , and nearly tlie whole of the sitting was occupied by a debate on tlie second reading of the BnniERY at Elections Bill . —Sir John Paiunqton explained the views upon which he founded it . After the scenes at thc general election of 1841 , this subject had assumed a new and pressing ; importance , and it was apparent that the existing laws for preventing bribery and corruption at elections were ineffectual , for this reason—that tho detection and punishment of bribery were primarily dependent upon tho presentation of election petitions ; and , wherever bribery prevailed , there was always a combination of powerful motives deterring parties

      from presenting petitions . The Bribery Act of Geo . II ., though a very stringent law , had virtually become a dead letter , and the Acts brought in by Lord J . Russell in 18-11 and 18-12 , required to be put in motion by a petition . A bill upon this subject was proceeding in the House of Lords , the principle of which , however , was essentially the same as that of the bill of last session ; namely , the discovery and punishment of bribery by means of commissions ; but it was open to the same objection as Lord J . Russell ' s acts—a petition was necessary . The hon . baronet then proceeded to g ive some curious details which had readied liim confidentially as to tho gross bribery which had prevailed in several towns at the last general election in 1847 , and asked whether such a wholesale system of

      corruption was to continue unchanged and uncontrolled , which must be tho case unless they tried some other remedy than trusting to thc presentation of a petition against tho return which , in such eases as those he had referred to , they could not obtain ? They must not trust to wholesale disfranchisement , which was hi hly unjust , as confounding the innocent with the guilty , or to election petitions ; they must direct their eitbrts to the conduct of the candidate , and not alone to that of the voter . Ho intended , therefore , to propose that no member should take his scat in that House until ho had declared at the table that he was entirely innocent of all corrupt practices ; and if , after such declaration , it should he decided , either by a committee of the House or a court of law , that he had been guilty of bribery ,

      then that for ever after he should be disqualified to sit in Parliament . Also , that it should be competent for two electors , duly qualified , to demand the declaration from the candidate on the hustings , aud that in the case of the voter , if he should be proved guilty of having received a bribe , he should suffer tho penalty of disfranchisement for the rest of his life ; that was the only disfranchisement to which he would be a party . The only other remaining provision of importance was , that in grappling with the offence of bribery , as the candidate was the proper person to be attacked , lie contemplated doing away with the bribery oath altogether , which only affected thc elector . Colonel Sir . TiioRP objected to the bill in toto , and had given notice of moving that it be read a second

      time that day six months ; but as it was to be referred to a select committee , he should refrain from so doing . The hon . baronet had talked of the purity of public men . Purity of public men ! Nonsense ! Stuff ! ( Laughter . ) For his own part , he had always looked upon tho Treasury Bench as the greatest nest of corruption in the world . Sir J . Hanmer trusted that if thc bill was to be referred to a committee upstairs , thc terms of the reference would not be narrow , but that the inquiry would be extended to the state of the law of elections generally , and to those cases in which the decisions of committees of that house had conflicted with those in the courts of law . Lord Maiion though not in hostility to the measure for he thought the House much indebted to

      the hon . baronet for thc attention he had paid to the subject , would state some objections to it in its present shape with a view to amendment , lie wished the House to consider how dangerous it would be if by the decision of a majority of a committee of the House of Commons , n'hen party spirit ran high , a member declared to have been guilty of bribery should bo for ever after incapable of sitting as a Member of Parliament . Again , as regarded the disfranchisement of the voter , there was also a danger of party spirit interfering . He would suggest that a party should be disfranchised only when the committee was unanimous in convicting him of bribery . With regard to the substitution ofthe declaration for thc bribery oath , there might

      perhaps be some advantage m the proposition provided the committee should consider that any declaration at all was necessary . He had great satisfaction in concurring in the course proposed , of referring tho bill to a select committee . Mr . Aolionby would give his support to the bill , on account of its title , having supported every measure introduced since he had been in Parliament professing that object . He thought the declaration clause , however , was like setting a trap , in which the conscientious and sensitive would be caught , but from which the unscrupulous and dishonest would easily escape . He should like to know if such a declaration were required from the hon . members

      now present , how many of them would be m a position to make it . How many of them could declare that they had never applied to the treasury for some place or office for some favoured supporter . For himself he had not flown at . very hig h game , but he must confess that he had succeeded in obtaining for one or more of the electors of Cockermouth situations as postmen at 20 s . a-week . If they wished to meet thc real difficulty , let them extend the franchise , and there would be no need of bribery bills . Do away with the old freemen and extend the franchise to all householders , and it would be worth no man ' s while to attempt obtaining votes by such means . Sir G . Grey thought that great credit was due to the ton , baronet for the pains he had taken to re-

      Monday, Feb. 19. Horse Of Lords.—Case Of...

      medy a serious evil , and he should bo swryto oppose the second reading of the bill , or its reference to a select committee . There seemed , how-° « ' ' '" i " llcsive to east upon thc committee tho office of recons tructing the bill , and reviewing tho entire subjects of bribery and tveafuv : ho had not collected that any member supported anv single ciausc . Y ith respect to thc declaration , ' lie had heard nothing to convince him that it was desirable ) to impose a test at which some men , not sruiltv of any moral offence , might demur ; and he awl-ecd with Lord Mahon , that it would be monstrous " that men convicted of bribery by a committee of tliat House , should be for ever disqualified to sit in Parliament . With regard to the disfranchisement of electors , he entertained , in a certain degree , the ) same objection in principle to that power being lodged in an election committee .

      Mr . Turner considered that the disfranchisement of the ancient freemen would be most prejudicial to the interests of the country , lie was decidedly in favour of punishing the agents guilty of corrupt practices , but as to Hie declaration it should have liis most determined opposition . Ifc moved that the bill be road a second time that day six months . Mr . Cocki ) i : rn supported the bill . Mr . Henlva- seconded Mr . Turner s amendment , and , after a few observations in favour of the measure , bv Mr . S . Crawford and Mr . Iloim . sos , ' F . O'Connor said the discussion showed that the measure of the hon . baronet , the member for Droitwich , would , in thc long run , be a sort of conscience-refining bill . He agreed with the lion , member for Southampton , in thinking that all questions having reference to tbe criminality of a member of the House , ought to be decided by a court of law . Tlie Jion . member for Montrose seemed to think that the oloctionecrins agent ov attorney

      ought to bo severel y punished , hit he appeared to forget the just and truthful legal maxim , Qui facit per cdiitm facit per SC . ( Hear , hear . ) The member for Cockermouth had asked whether any honourable member of that House could lay his hand upon his heart and say that lie had never been guilty of bribery ; but he ( Mr . O'Connor ) had stood two so voro contests for the county of Cork , and he neither asked any man for his vote , nor would he go to tho hustings until his electioncering ; cxpeiise . s were paid by the voters . A deputation ot publicans had oneo waited upon him to ask whether , if returned , ha would undertake to pay tho expenses incurred at the previous election b y a ri g ht lion , baronet , tho then President of the Board of Controul—( loud laughter)—which expense , including the bribery and corruption of thc voters , amounted to at least £ 20 , 000 . Of course ho had declined to comply with the request . ( "Hear , " and a laugh . ) He was glad that a distinction had been drawn in the course of

      the debate between Nottingham as it was and Nottingham ns it is , for at thc last general election himself and his hon . colleague had been returned foe that borough without either of them knowing that they had even been proposed as candidates . If tho cesspool of election was so muddy as described by some hon . members , he would purify it by letting in a fresh current . He would extend the franchise , and thus render bribery too expensive a process . Sir J . Pakinotos replied , and the House divided , when the second reading was carried by a majority of thirty , thc numbers being 110 to 80 . Lord John Russell , in reply to Mr . llmv ., on tho subject of Colonial Lighthouses , said thc subject was a practical one and , therefore , he thought tho opinions of those practically acquainted with tho subject should be made known preparatory to legis * lation . The House then adjourned at six o clock .

      Fkench Trials, (From Le Courrier De Veur...

      FKENCH TRIALS , ( From Le Courrier de VEurope . ) Military Jurisdiction—Second Council of War— . Insurrection of June—Murder of . General Brea and Captain Mangin—Judgment . President . —Daix , have you anything to add to your defence ? Daix . [ mih energy ] Yes ; Daix shall speak for the salvation of his soul—for the sake of his conscience ! During forty-eight hours of unheard of anxiety , Daix has protested against the accusation of murdering an old general . I shall yet protest -be / ore you against this infamy . I am innocent ! Yes ,

      gentlemen , I am innocent ! I swear it by the grave of my father , ex-captain of the empire , and old soldier of the Republic ; Yes I am innocent . ' I shall swear it standing on the brink of my own grave—a crucifix in my hand , before God and man ! [ agitated ] —Ah ! brave and honourable General Brea , arise from thy tomb , and corae like a guaidian angel , to crown my judges wilh truth and justice ! Come , and say to them , ' Daix is innocent!—Daix encouraged me ivith words of consolation !—Daix said to me , ' the first ball shall be for me and not for you !' —at the last moment his body served me as a wall of protection ! ' Yes ; my brave general , thou wilt s ' -y truly ; and H was not until th y body was p ierced

      with bullets that I was forced to abandon th y defence , by the bayonets which stretched me on the bed of earth . I do not demand pardon or indulgence—Daix is incapable of committing a crime ! I am innocent ! Yet I am guilty—yes , guilty of insurrection , and , for this crime condemn me to death —to the gallows—to perpetual or temporary imprisonment ! 1 shall undergo my sentence with courage—with eagerness . Go , gentlemen , pass senfence upon me ; I confide myself entirely to thehonour of the tribunal . But , first , I consign to eternal misery those who have here raised their perjured and sacrilegious hands against me , for their impure souls belong not to the skies !

      Guillaume , Coutant , Beaude , Gem , Monis , Gom , Boulley , Paris , Quintin , Vappreaux , senior , and Dugasi declared they had nothing further to urge in their defence . President — And you , Lebelleguy ? Lebellkguy —I think that the Council should know that the sword of the general never having been plunged lute his body , I cannot be condemned for a crime which has not been committed . President .-Chopart , bave you anything further to add to your defence ?

      Chofart — Gentlemen of the Council , after tne eloquent and noble words of my devoted defender , little remains for me to say . At the solemn moment iu which you go to decide upon my fate , upon my life itself , I owe it to myself , 1 owe it to the principles I profess , to protest energetically against aU participation on ray part in the frightful drama of the barriere de Fontainebleau . It is wished to make people believe that it is a duty of the Socialist to assassinate the reactionaries ; the falling cause , here , gentlemen , is more than an error , it is a crime . Socialism—that is fraternity — is not assassination , it is not theft , it is not robbery ; shame to men so base aud wicked as impute to us thoughts like

      these ! We may be in error ; but our error proceeds only from loving and sympathetic hearts . Viewing the moral and physical degradation of the working class-if it be a crime to ruminate on their regeneration—this crime I have often committed ; and my only regret is that of not having had talinf enough to aggravate it , if I may thus express myself . I speak to you , gentlemen , as I would speak io God , the sovereign judge of all — although Socialist , being persuaded that it is Christianity-m J hand on my heart , I declare gentlemen I took nopart in the murder at the barriere de Fontainebleau .. During that frightful day I dealt death to no one . [ swear it by all that is held most sacred , On the .

      contrary , I lost twenty minutes during which I wasattempting to save the life of one of my comrades . My conscience is at ease . It reproaches me with nothing ; for me that is the chief thing . No ! I repeat it ; I am not , and could not be an assassin . Do not think , gentlemen , that the lines which I read are designed to make you conceive a change in my position , - that is not the thought which dictated them . I demand neither pity nor favour , I demand nothing but justice . If you believe me guilty of murdering a defenceless man , have no mercy upon me . I prefer death to dishonour ! But that will not prevent me from crying from the bottom of my heatt , with my last breath [ with energy ] ' Vive la Republique '«'

      Next day Daix , Nourrit , Chopart , Larh , and Vappreaux , junior , were condemned to death . Miens , Gautron , and Lebelleguy were sentenced to perpetual imprisonment with hard work , by a majority of four to three , who voted for the punishment of death . -Guillaume , Coutant , and Quintin were acquitted . A great many other prisoners were sentenced to different periods of banishment and imprisoojaent for insurrection .

      Ancient Inisn Coin.—A Curious Silver Coi...

      Ancient Inisn Coin . —A curious silver coin , a halfpenny of King John , A . D . 1217 , was dug up , in thc nei g hbourhood of Xcwry , a- few days ago . It weighs about ten grains . On the obverse is the head of the king , in a triangle , and the inscriptioa " Johan Rex . " In the centre ofthe reverse there is a crescent and cross in a triangle also with the mint-master ' s name , "William now in the possession , of Mr . Ncwry Telegraph . - A Smart Place , — The S " East Albany is one of the sma world . Although there are onl y in the place , ninety-eight babie here sinco the 1 st of April . "

      , On Dive." It Is Corry, Post-Office.— F...

      , on Dive . " It is Corry , Post-office . — f < ~?) ~ . nicierboAiV My & — i ^ sf Mccfliinbe ., £ „; . . nfflPw # me women . - ^ j . . 3 M |* % b | 6 ^ J ) om . % *!« # £ ¦ >\ - "Jjt ~^ ve- -y $ -iy v . ' - w & wmM on Dive . " It is orry , Post-office . — f <^ Y . icierb < tAer \ e & p — irfts ^ places iinbe $ _; . jjjroil ?^ " ¦« * - *• - rTvw " . > , ¦ ¦ > ' ' ' r * L /& * . r * " ¦ «" ¦ * ¦ ' '¦ - " ' ' Ok . > S » V . v '; 'X ^ J- ^ - ^^ yJ ^ Hk'i

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 24, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_24021849/page/7/