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Northern Star (1837-1852), 22nd February 1845, Edition 2 of 4, Page 7

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      ; Iiousf, Of Commons, Mondat, Feb. 17. ....

      ( Continued from our « ir $ potgcj ifl ¦ mi ¦—ii-ii-m—11—11—11 - ¦¦ - ii irnnni- > nrinivirvi »» ww » ii » ww «> i » i « i cult to put salt on the tail of so shy a bird as Sir Kobert Peel , but bethought that he had done it now , when he OTQducea an opinion of his that the Minister ought to ijeep iis ears open to the complaints of the agricmtnriBts , and to give them a share in any relief which he was gnanled to dispense to the community . He gave notice Qaz , on a Mature day , lie should propose to extend the inline and properry-tax to Ireland . Tie Marquis of G * akby thought that the manmacj ^ is would not feel satisfied if . the same answer were jetorned to than which Sir'Robert Peel had just re . ^ med to the agriculturists . "Would they think themalres well treated if they were told that ' their distress VouM be alleviated in consequence of the general prosperity « iieh would overflow the country , when the remisjioo of the tares on agriculture came into full operation !? alter afew -words from'Sr . Collett , ( Continued from our sixth 1 MK , )

      8 r . Boebcck caned the attention of the country to this act , that every Member oa his side of the House had -yjidenined the income and property tax—had deprecated -. jc a permanent tax—and had expressed hie expectation iat it would be permanent ; and that , nevertheless , every c-ne ofthemhad come to the conclusion that he would rote for the tax . Sr . C . Bcu . ^ asaidjthatthistai must now be regarded S a permanent tax ; and seeing that it must be so regarded , he felt himself at liberty to oppose it . " Tlw gallery was then cleared for a division , when there 3 j ! cear 2 < i— Forthe amendment . 55 Against it 203 Majority against it 203 3 ir . Cceteis moved that the Chairman do report progress , and ask leave to sit again . " Hr . RoEBCCKSaidjhewas about to more that the income tax be extended to Ireland .

      Mr . 5 hei £ . —Yes ; to give the Hon . and Learned Memherfor Bath an opportunity of reading Edmund Burke ' s speech on the conciliation of America . ( A laugh . ) bard Howick observed , that if the Hon . Member for Bath meant reaPy to move his amendment , it must be dace in the present stage of the hill . Mr . Boebcck said , he seriously intended to mora It Mr . Ctoteis repeated his motion . After a few words from the Chancellor of the Exchequer , on the inconvenience that would attend delay , " Mr . KoEsccK said , he felt all that inconvenience , but there -would be quite as much inconvenience in hasty legislation . 3 Ir . Sunn observed , that there seemed some reason in the proposition of the Hon . Member . 3 Ir . W . tTilmahs supported the postponement

      Sir K . Feel said , if the Hon . Member for Uathperse rti-edjheinnst of course give way ; bathe begged to retnuidthenon . and Learned Member that at the same time the income tax was proposed , he had also proposed additional stamp duties forlrelancL He should decidedly tytposeihe Hon . Member ' s motion , lord J . Russeix supported the postponement . He hoped 2 few days would he allowed to members to consider the Government propositions frith regard to the sugar duties . The CuiiMnsthen reported progress , and obtained leave to sit again on Wednesday . Adjourned at half-past one . Tuesday , Feb . 18 . The 3 « nse : m , efc at four o ' clock .

      TheJIon . H . Fitzroy took the oaths and his seaton his re-election for the borough of Lewes . Sir . W . Heath-coie brought up the reports of the committee to which several petitionsfor railway hills had heen referred . From these it appeared that in the case of the London and York Railway the standing orders had not been complied with . This report was referred to the Committee on Standing Orders . In the cases of the following petitions for railway bills , the committee reported that the standing orders had been complied -with , and ihe parties obtained leave to bring in their respective bills : —The Leeds and Bradford Railway ; the Manchester aud Birmingham Railway ( Ashton branch ); the York and Scarborough Railway ; the London South-Western Railway ( Metropolitan branch ); the Leeds and West Riding Junction Railway ; tie Manchester and Leeds Railway ( Birley branch ); the Leeds , Bewsbary , and Manchester Railway ; thc West Yorkshire Railway , and the North British Railwav .

      Mr , lOCSG moved that aiiew Wrilshoum' he issued for thc election of a knight of the shire to serve in this Parliament for the eastern division of the county of Kent , in . the room of the Right Hon . Sir Edwara EnatchbuR , Bart ., who since Ms election had accepted ihe Stewardship of the Chiitern Hundreds . ( Hear , hear , and a laugh . )—Ordered . Mr . YooxG next moved , that a new -writ should he issued for a burgess to serve in this Parliament for the borough of Thetford , in the room of the Hon . W . B . Baring , who since his election had accepted the oSce of Paymaster of her Majesty ' s forces . — Ordered . ilr . Cowper gave notite , that on the 4 th of March he would move for leave to bring in a bill for the allotment of field gardens to the poor .

      Mr . Williams gave notice , that in the Committee < i { Ways-acd Means he would move a resolution to tbis effect— "That all persons receiving public money ic Ireland should pay the same amount of income tax as persons in like circumstances were obliged to pay in Great Britain . " EMTiOIMESX or CHILDBEX V 5 CALICO rBDIX-WOnES . Lord AsnxEr rose to bring forward the motion of fuiehhe had given notice , and addressed the House to this effect : —Sir , the subject which I feel bound to bring under the consideration of the House is so much akin to others which I have had the honour to MngfarTOrd , that I fear I cannot promise anything hi the wa . v of novelty in the evidence I have to adduce , or in the arguments derived from it ; but ,

      nevertheless , I do hope that the House will extend to me its patient indulgence while I bring before it th ? ease of a large class of our feUow-subjects who have never yet been represented here . I am about ta speak in behalf of a large body who have been l & ach oppressed , and I may say , have been altogether & rgotien-4 rat whose interests raise of great value totueniselves , and , if taken in connexion with their fttemnorary labourers , are calculated to have a powerful inflnence on the destinies of tie empire . It fill be recollected that in the year 1840 , 1 had the fBDopr to move in this House for a commission to tt'inirs into ihe employment of children in the various apartments of labour . That commission made a Tar voluminous report ; and in a surmnarv of

      oat report , from which I shall read a few extracts , fey stated what was the condition 0 / many feusands , I may say hundreds of thousands , « clufdren . I do not here mean those employed in use factories , bat those employed in the various faades and branches of labour in the realm , and who * « compelled to commence labour at very tender J & is . Thereare many instances of their beginning to work at the very early age of three and four Fais ; many more between five and ax , and in many »| 5 knees , regular employment began from seven to Bait , and in most instances between eight and nine , "itii respect , to the employment of girls , the report stated , that " A large proportion of the children and Fauns persons employed in this branch of trade are

      ? -rs , the proportion in Lancashire being upwards of ote-lhird of the whole number under thirteen . " It ^ r t & r appeal ? , from the report , that the young girls ^ -racd as long each day as the adults , which some-« aes extended to sixteen , seventeen , and CVCD vfiateen hours consecutively . Schools were wholly f : ! i ? e reac ^ ° f these poor children in consequence « the early age at which they were set to work ; and u » result is , that the greatest demoralisation exists ^ tuesedistlicts . This was the summary presented y tlie commissioners , and adduced from a close « rrey of large numbers employed in various trades * the realm . Of all these cruel and pernicious em-Nyiuents—pcrniciouS j Imean , intheestent to which ** r are carried on—only one has been brought under

      L f consideration of the House . I had the honour ? I » roposMK / to the House the removal of females ^ aoapi ^ uent in coUerics ; but of all the trades a ^ a manufactures that have been inquired into , that : ^? < % one with respect to which any measure of * « Ha has been afforded , or any motion made . In all ev ^ v ***** notmng i , as & en done , —or , rather , j ^^^ bas been left undone ; not one hour has hn ... !?? , off fr » m tiieir term of labour , —not an errJ , ' i * l ** recreation . Tier hare not had huh " f 2 dvan } a S » f pnblicopinion being awakened waJitk- ° ur —that public opinion , which has such Cfc T ' 'naueuce when brought to bear on other W 3 f it * of B 0 advantage to those on whose low ^^ wntured to come forward . 1 am , ' er , aow nrcnar » i ? in fnl-A im + ht » snhippt and T

      ttu n thntm consideration of the ragency of the tHW - of tae moderation of what I am about Dsw -5 ° * ' ^ Bouse may be induced to give me tSH aot tbc whole , of what I ask on behalf of Bmni & ¥ eB 80 ,, » ' Ihopeitwfflbeliornemrnind , ftaffiS ^ wMe of t " discusaoh on this ques t & Lfrf £ m * demand entirely to children under the £ ^ i torteen » wilch are children according to the *!^ ° n of * he ; Factory Act . Avast number of a ^ ff * " are females , and therefore entitled to t ^ fW PwtectionofthisHouse . Ido notconsider oomfto esdnsi <) n of fliose of more advanced age % i ] - . ° Pe » tionofthemeasuTCwMchIshallpropose ** £ S & F ? hnman itv wiU he satisfied , but the de-» iatl W ! , n 0 nr w & e is more in accordance with l . ,- PetOObtani tlion -rrHfh ™\ . TAInlrlonwuiirml .

      fion m %£ * SS . to "which I now beg to call the atten-^ 9 neR' ^ - Uouse ' is " thus described in the commisi »^ JW ;~ " Calico printing-, with lis sub-0 E tu tE mssss of bleaching and dyeing , is carried Wint ^* * ° * ** " > coaon d istrirts ° i ? * tknd J 4 hcsbire ' ^ rbyshire , and the west of kjndon - j erc are also a few print-vorks near ^ e ^ v ^^ Dublin . " With respect to ,: ln LrL ^ - ^ dren employed the report said-^^ nr w ^ T' C ^ ire , and Derbyshire , instances ?*«»«? 1 ^ Mren be gin work in this employ-^ cen lfj 5 ' asbetween four and five , and several s « nd ~ s » r -it ** ""^ f *! many begin between ^* Sre . -- " ^ ! ^ more between seven and eight , and ^ ur ^ ' ^^ p b etween eight and nine . " From J ° rained from print-works in Lancashire ,

      ; Iiousf, Of Commons, Mondat, Feb. 17. ....

      2 Sw- - " ^ ^ y 3 ^ . * children under thir ^ ffi cwnawMMMsr , "by no means includes the JSrSfcr- V ; ' There are SGveral SSt ^ 'H though they commence Mmewhat later than as tierers , many children are employed . Theworks at West ' Ham / in Essex , tH on the largest scale , and those at Carshalton , in Surrey , are considerable . " Total number as stated in the report , 13 , 492 . But this is confessedly much under the trnth ; and when we add the number employed w bleach-fields and calendering departments , KteS ^* ^ vfr & iFWBja , yn- cannot nutthewMeofthenumbe rsatlessthanZS . OOO . Inow peg to call the attention of the Hourb tnwhaf TO « ct flhtaW ™* - „ j iwiu-T-t-. xt . , T 7 7 . -

      nave an important effect on the moral character of those employed—I mean the state of the places in which this work is carried on . On this point the TOmimssioners state— "Thereis perhaps no description of manufacture in which the convenience and comfort of the places in which the various operations are carried on differ SO materially in different establishments , and even in different departments of the same establishments , as in calico-printing . In great numbers of cases these conditions of the place of work are deplorably neglected . The hooking and lashmg-out rooms , and the slngeing-roonis , are also very disagreeable places , the air of which is filled with dust , and m the latter with small burnt particles , which irritate the eyes and nostrils exceedingly . ' On going intthis with

      o room a friend / says the sub-commis sioner , ' we were both instantly affected , our eyes began to smart , and we felt a ticklish sensation in the throat and nostrils , much the same as that produced by taking snuff . I noticed that all the children who were employed in this room were more or less affected with inflammation and copious discharge from the eyes . The temperature of the workshops usually varies from 65 to BO degrees . . . the stoves are often overheated , and I have occasionally seen them red hot . The temperature to which the stenters are exposed is very high , from 85 to 100 degrees . I have found them between eleven and twelve years old working fourteen hours . The temperature at which , ' says the commissioner , ' I usually found these stoves , when the girls -were filling themwas

      , as high as 110 degrees , or fever heat , and the steam rising from the wet goods as they are hung up is still more suffocating and oppressive than dry heat would be . '" To give a complete picture of the case I nave to present to the House , I must'likewise show them what is the nature of the employment in which these children are engaged . It is quite true that the labour is not in itself heavy ; it is the continuity of it daring so many hours that produces a debilitating effect on both body and mind . Sir , I now quote from the Report of the Commissioners : — "The work of the tierers does not require much muscular exertion , while it admits of some variety , as they occasionally bring the colour from the colour shop , and it is also their duty to wash the blocks and cleanse the sieves :

      but , on the other hand , their exertion ot attention must * be almost unremitting ; they must keep their arms in a continual rotatory motion , and during the whole time they are at work they must-be upon their feet . " And what are the hours of work ? " The regular hours of work in the different departments of the pr int field an ? rarely less than twelve , including the time allowed for meals , but it is by no means uncommon in all the districts for children of from five to sue years old to be kept at work for fourteen , and even sixteen , hours consecutively . " "In those o f Lancashire , Cheshire , and Derbyshire , the nominal hours of-work are twelve , including meal hours ; but there can scarcely be said to be any regular hours , for all the block printers are in the habit of

      working over time , and as they are paid , and are independent of machinery , they are at liberty to work what hours they please . " Thomas Sidbread , block printer , says , "Ibegan to work between eight and rune o'clock on "Wednesday night , but the boy had been sweeping the shop from Wednesday morning . You will scarcely believe it , but it is true , I never left the shop till six o'clock on the Saturday morning , and I had never stopped working all that time ; I was knocked up , and the boy was almost insensible . " Henry Richardson states , " At four o'clock I began to work , and worked all that day , all the next night , and until ten o'clock the following day . I had only one tierer during that time , and I dare say he would be about twelve years old . . . 1 have known children made iU bv working too long hours ; the boy that

      worked for me at the Adelphi was sometimes unable to come to his work from being sick with over working . " The sub-commissioner adds , " instances were found of girls working at the steam cans for thirtyeight hours in succession . " The occasional practice of night work in print grounds in all the districts is universal , while in many it is so general and constant that it may be regardedas apavtof the regular system of carrying on this branch of the trade . In Lancashire , Cheshire , and Derbyshire , night work is stated to lie so common that those establishments in which it does not exist are exceptions to the general practice . " But here comes the fearful and important consideration for the Parliament and the country—the physical suffering is bad enough , but the moral degradation is

      worse . The commissioners state , and this is thengeneral report , that "the evidence collected in the Lancashire district tends to show that the children employed in this occupation are excluded from the opportunities of education ; that this necessarily contributes to the growth of an ignorant and vicious population ; that the facility of obtaining early employment for children in print fields , almost entirely empties the day schools ; that parents without hesitation sacrifice the future welfare of their children through life for the immediate advantage or gratification obtained by the additional pittance derived from the child ' s earnings . '' This is not my language ; it is the language of tlie report . . . "Of the same class in Scotland , it is stated that the ease with which parents are enabled to rid themselves of the

      burden of their children's support weakens all parental and domestic ties , saps the foundation of morality , and stops all progress in the mental and moral culture of the children . " I shall not weary the House with any further evidence as to the moral condition of those engaged in the print works . But I will ask if that be a state of things which should be allowed to continue ? Anyeflbrt we maymake , may in the outset be imperfect on account of the difficulties that stand in the way of aU legislation on such a subject ; but at any rate we may strike at the main evil , and correct the law as far as we can . In the first instance I should propose the total abolition of night work for all females of whatsoever ages , and all of both sexes under thirteen , to commence in October next . I am

      quite sure that in this I am not proposing anything that can be in the least injurious to the interests either of the workmen or their masters . If the House will allow me I will state on what evidence I found that opinion . Morally and p hysically nothing can be more injurious than this night work . A de-Sutation of calico printers say—" Night work is oubly distressing on this account , where a great quantity of gas is burning in a room badly ventilated , * the air is hurtful to breathe and bad f or the constitution . Children of delicate constitutions are obliged , in a long succession of night work , to desist from coming to the shop , otherwise they die off . " "When children first come to work , from being robust they will become pallid and weak . " " Almost all classes of witnesses in all the districts concur in stating that the effect of night-work is most

      injurious , physically and morally , on the workpeople in general , and on the children in particular . Jfor is night-work necessary or advantageous to the trade . The report savs , — "Ivocounto'vailin * advantage is ultimately obtained from it even Try the employers . " Again , — "In working in the night it is generally considered that more work is spoiled than in the day , and an abatement is made for bad work . " Mr . Robert Hargreavcs , of Accrington , one of the highest authorities in the kingdom , says , — " 1 do not like thc principle of night-work ; there is danger of fire , and a necessity for a double set of superintendents . The work done is much worse . " The sub-commissioner for the West of England reports that " the sreat maioritv of printers would not olnect to a

      prohibition of night-work for children and young persons : " Mr . Gilbert Jones , manager of Cogan printworks , "is very strongly of opinion that over hours are injurious both to workmen and employers . " He " considers that a law reducing and regulating hours of work iu print-fields would put all on a footing , and so would soon produce no inconvenienee . " Mi " . Kennedv , the sub-commissioner for Lancashire , Cheshire , and Derbvshire , reported—and this is a most valuable statement— "I have been favoured by an influential house with an Inspection of those books which show rates of production in their roller printingmachines , during a period o f four months , when they worked fifteen hours a day . . . Theproportion ofsnoae ^ work fromthebesinninff of the first to the

      end of the fourth month , actually doubled itself , whilst the average production of the machines decreased from 100 to 90 percent . In fact , the amount of spoiled work increased to such an ahmning degree , that the parties referred to felt themselves compelled to shorten the hoars of labour to avoid loss , and as soon as tlie alteration was made the amount of spoiled work sank to its former level . " ( Cheers . ) I am informed he adds , "the general experience of this branch of trade is , that under whatever circumstances night work is tried , the produce is totmguished by a larger share than ordinary ot spoiled work . " Itis clear , therefore , that a law must be proposed to save these unfortmiate children from the effects of such a system . I would next-propose a reduction of the hours of labour with respect to those

      under a certain age—under the age of thirteen tor instance , Ipropose , therefore , that in October , 1846 , allowing , thereby , nearly two years before the operation of the enactment , none under thirteen years ot a ^ e sh ll be allowed to work more th an ei ht h rs a ^ l av for six days in the week , or more than twelve hours a-dav for three alternate days 111 the week . 1 shall propose also , in ronformity with the provisions of theFaetorv Bill , that two hours a-day of schooling should be required with respect to those children who work eight hours a-day for six days in the week : and thr ee hours of schooling on alternate days Witn respect to those who work twelve hours a-day tor three davs in the week . Should more labour be required , " it maybe obtained by relays , to which the trade is accustomed . I do not know whether it is

      ; Iiousf, Of Commons, Mondat, Feb. 17. ....

      necessary for me to notice the number of arguments which I may anticipate as likely to be urgedagainst Wr ? Ml prov i sion withrespect tothe education ot the children . Iit the first instance , I mav be told that parents may be safely trusted to attend to the p hysical and moral welfare of their children . Now , in answer to this I may refer to the results of the investigations of the commissioners , which prove the utter carelessness of the parents of those children in reference to their education , even when they have ample means for providing for that education . Mr . ivennedy says— " One of the chief po ' mta to observationis the carelessness of the parents as to the lutureweltare of their oftapring , as shown by depriving them of the advantages of education . This they invariabldo without reference to their ample means

      y w Supporting them . " Mr . Grainger savs , many of the . parents are utterly indifferent to the moral and physical welfare of their offspring ; and it would be a serious error to mistake tin ' s indifference tor desperation arising from distress and misery , in - this deplorable state the population is being brought up . It must , I think , be evident to everv one , that unless parents themselves receive the bene * - fit of education , they mil be indifferent as to the education ot their progeny , and yet we are bringing up a race of parents in an entirely demoralised condition , and who will be ignorant of the great advantages which would accrue to their offspring from proper attention to tlioir education j for we find the present generation of these children neelected as

      fains then * physical and moral condition is concerned ; and we find also that such a complication of evils has been suffered to accumulate , that even the powers of this House will scarcel y be able to extricate the population from them ., { Hear , hear . ) I am at a loss to consider on what ground opposition can be offered to the motion with which I shall conclude . It cannot be said that I have selected one interest onl y to legislate on . This is the third in the series of reformations which I have introduced to the notice of the House . I have , I hope , been careful—for such was my intention—in my language respecting the character and conduct of individual masters . I have endeavoured to " expose a pernicious system , without imputing to them either the authorshin or the

      encouragement of the mischief which afflicts the present generation . It has come down to them by inheritance . ( Hear , hear . ) In all debates on subjects analogous to this , it has invariabl y been conceded that protection should be conceded to very young children . Their helplessness , the deep interest which the state has in their moral and physical welfare , were urged as grounds why protection should be afforded . There may be some , though very few , who thought differently , believing that the children might be safely left to the affectionate solicitude of their parents and guardians . But these objections were overruled , and the legislature affirmed by various enactments the principle which I now contend for . I now ask no more than that principle ; for I must

      again observe , that this bill will affect children of tender -years—children whom the Government of 1833 protected to the extent of eight hours of labour a-day , and to whom they gave the advantage of a regular system of education . In the various discussions to wliieh I have alluded , perpetual endeavours were made to drive us , who sought the aid of legislation , from our peint , and to taunt us with taking narrow and one-sided views . I have been told that there were far worse things than those I exposed—that I left untouched much . It has been in vain for me to reply that I could not travel through the whole . On the first introduction of the . Factory Bill , ray opponents directed me to go tothe collieries , and when I went

      to them I was then told to go to the printworks . Now , I have got to the printworks , 1 know not where I may be sent next ; out from all that I have observed passing , I think it may be concluded that it will be tothe Corn Lawsthat I shall be sent . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , let me ask the most zealous friend of the abolition of the Corn Laws what that abolition could do more in his opinion for the manufacturing population than perpetuate the present state of commercial prosperity ? Yet , in favourable circumstances , what is the actual condition of these children ? The repeal of the Corn Laws would leave the children just as it found them , neither better nor worse . They would be precisely in the condition in which the children are hi those countries where there

      are no Corn Laws—Belgium , for instance . But I will most solemnly declare , if I believed that the repeal o f the Corn Laws would place these many thousand children in a condition of comfort , and keep them there , that in spiteof every difficulty , and in the face of every apprehension , I would vote at once for their entire abolition . ( Hear , hear . ) It has been said to me more than once ^— " Where will you stop ? " I reply without hesitation , that wherever , and so long as any portion of this great abuse remains to be remedied ! will not stop . I do confess that it is my desire and ambition to bring the labouring children of this empire within reach of education , and within a sphere where they may acquire the habits and usefulness of citizens ( hear , hear ); and if I had a hope

      of your confidence and support , I would devote the remainder of my life- to the accomplishment of this work . Will any man deny that this object is well worthy the attention of this legislative assembly ? Do , look to the Increasing , number of your children—I , speak not of one class or of another —manufacturing or agricultural . The principle is alike as regards both , though the danger may he less in one case than in the other . The march of intellect ; as it is called , brings forth fruits either for good or for evil , according as it is directed . Ho what you will , it will be of little use if you will not , as a nation , undertake the task of applying a remedy to a system under which the population is brought up in a state of neglect as regards their moral welfare , and which almost renders fruitless all private exertions for their improvement . Does this

      state of things afford us any security ? The time was when many believed , or maintained , that utter ignorance and excessive labour were the best guarantees for the tranquillity of the people . Awful delusion to suppose that men brutally ignorant could not find time and intellect for mischief ? I have endeavoured to impress on this House the dangers of the present system . I may be thought somewhat dogmatical , but I cannot disguise the truth , that we are standing on a very rotten foundation . You may increase your fleet , and extend your commerce—these are excellent things in their way , but all you may do will be unavailing unless it rests on the ' moral and physical prosperity of the great mass of your people . ( Hear . ) It may flourish for a while , and we may

      exchange congratulations , hut an hour of difficulty will soon discover that we have done nothing . But while there is life there is hope ; and while the facilities for mischief are rife , let us not neglect the facilities for good . The powers of science are now stimulating the energies of mind and body ; and the very condensation of the people into masses and large towns may be converted into influences of a mighty nature , if the state only performs her duty . Let her show herself to be the great and pious parent of the population . Her efforts , be assured , will not be lost in the sight of God ; and " her children will r ise up and call her blessed . " ( Hear , hear . ) The Noble Lord concluded by moving for leave te bring in " a Bill to regulate the labour of children m the

      calico printworks oi Great Britain and ireiana . Sir James Graham said , that though it had been frequently his lot to oppose the Noble Lord on measures of this nature , he -had always acknowledged the purity of his motives , the singleness of his heart , theanpovtanceof his objects , and the touching eloquence of his statements . Lord Ashley said that 25 , 000 children were employed in this branch of manufacture . Now , not wdmaluuvg what he had stated respecting the moral condition and the education of these young children , he still thought that , considering the great increase of our population and the great competition for labour , it behoved Government to be cautious how it interfered with any measure which would affect their _ l !„ 1 ^ . JMnn on A an ntfiwt . tllPll' mfiMlS Of klphysical conditionand so affect then-means ot

      la-, bour If we were to proceed at all with the regulation of the labour of young persons , nothing could be more moderate than the Noble Lord ' s proposition He "then proceeded to point out the distinction ' between this labour and factory labour . Ihe first was a healthy , and the latter an unhealthy , occupation . In calico printing , when the process was once begun , it must be carried on till it was completed , otherwise it ran very great « , and might suffer an irreparable injury , in tactorv work the labour was earned en by niaclunerv : vou might calculate your time , and then stop vour machinery without any injury to the work you ' were conducting . Again , . factory work was enual , uiunterrupted , and continuous . In pwatworks there were three months in the year in whicli work slackwhilst in springwhen there was a ltll iiituu i i ^ f .

      was : , Will it i ? j * 3 O .. ' ** ' v x »» w ^* A * ,, _„__ , demand for new patterns , there was a great demand for labour , and the work must be continuous . Ihe mixture of the work of young children with that 01 vounf persons and adults was indispensably necessary to carry it on . If , by the force of your legislation , vou compelled the labour of children to be suspended , you compelled the suspension of the wlioie operation , or else the substitution of adult labour at higher wages , which would cause a great diminution in the profits of the trade . Again , factory labour was concentrated , inspection was easy , and evasion 01 the law difficult . It operated , therefore , equally on all manufacturers . In calico printing there was no machinery , or atleast no machinery worked by steam power ; and the labour was , in consequence , not contherefore

      centrated , but dispersed . Inspection was difficult , and evasion easy ; it would therefore take place , and the effect of your legislation would te , that honest men would obey it , and wouldso bep laeed under the most cruel disadvantage , when compared with the dishonest men , who would disobey it . 1 he Noble Lord had said , that night-work was not necessarv , and not advantageous . If it was not advantageous , it would not be necessary , and the persons engaged in carrying it on would not have recourse to it .- He ( Sir James Graham ) contended that night-work was necessary , and therefore the House should be cautious how it interfered with it . He had great hesitation in consenting to the introduction of this bill ,

      ; Iiousf, Of Commons, Mondat, Feb. 17. ....

      • He saw the impossibility of advancing further , and even of stopping here , If the Noble Lord would not £ v ^ vi re ' had se"ous apprehensions of the effects jwhich he would produce on the interests of trade . He could net refuse his consent to the introduction of the lull , on account of the moderation of the Noble Lords proposal ; but , in consenting to its introduction , ho reserved to himself the utmost latitude of dis-? ™ w t 0 Ws mode of dealing with it hereafter . Mr . llAttACJE expressed his satisfaction that the Government had consented to the introduction of the Noble Lord ' s M ) , and said that he should endeavour on a future occasion to prevail upon the House to include within its provisions the bleaching and thc dyeing trade of Scotland . : - : Mr . Hume was glad to hear Sir Jamea Graham

      express his reluctance to interfere by legal regulation with the management of our manufacturers . The working classes were at this moment too much tram melled cy . ttre fetters of our legislation on their means of employment . Mr . Cobde . v denied that there was anything demoralising in the employment of children in calico printworks . They obtained 3 s . a week for their labour wnereas in the agricultural districts children did not obtain more than Is . Od . a week . Mr . Waki / ev said , that as an act of political civility to the Noble Lord , the Eight Hon . Gentleman had determined that the Noble Lord should bring in his bill ; but he ( Mr . Wakley ) thought it was quite clear that it was the intention of the Right Hon . Gentleman strenuously to oppose the second reading ef the

      bDL ° - ~ v Sir J . Graham . —I studiously avoided making any such declaration . ( A laugh . ) ° Mr . Waklev continued—The Right Hon . Gentleman did so , but he ( Mr . W . ) as studiously inferred , from the manner of the Right Flon . Gentleman , and he thought he was not mistaken , and he believed thc result would prove that his anticipations were correct —that the Right Hon . Gentleman would most strenuously oppose , upon the part of the Government , the second reading of this bill . It was right that people out of doors should know the state of things in that House ; and lie anticipated for the Noble Lord , if the friends of humanity would move in the matter , a splendid victory . He called upon the Noble Lord

      not to be dismayed when he obtained it . ( Hear . ) He entreated the Noble Lord to push forward to the final goal , when lie did obtain the second reading of this bill , because he ( Mr . Wakley ) did not forget what happened in that House last session , when the Noble Lord did not anticipate success , and was dismayed when he obtained it . The facts of the Noble Lord were true , and the subject was one of the most painful character ; and was it possible for that House to entertain such acute sympathv with reference to foreign slaves , and not to protect our infant slaves m : this country ? ( Hear , hear . ) The Noble Lord said that 25 , 000 were so employed , and the Hon . Member for Montrose said that the parents in this country were at liberty to make such engagements

      as they pleased , and then the Hon . Gentleman went on to say that children could do the same . That was a novel doctrine to him . He was not aware that children had any such liberty . In fact , it was notorious that they had not , and , from the statements of the Noble Lord , it was certain that theirs was a state of Infant slavery . Could that House , then , act in a more praiseworthy manner than in removing those infants from such a species of thraldom as was described by the Noble Lord ? It would be disgraceful if the House allowed such a state of things to continue without making ah effort to remedy it . The Noble Lord said he would not allow anything of this sort to last without endeavouring to bring it under legislative regulation . He thanked

      the Noble Lord tor that pledge , bufc he constantly found that when the Noble Lord made any of these efforts in the manufacturing districts , ho always referred to the agricultural districts . But it was not because greater evils existed that you must not deal with lesser ones , and he strongly recommended the Noble Lord to take the evils of the agricultural districts in hand . ( Hear . ) If he did not , his motives would be misrepresented and thwarted by some person or other in that House . ( Hear , hear . ) Let the Noble Lord go into the agricultural districts , and see what was the state of the people there . His belief was that they were as badly off in their labourers ' cottages as they could be in any of the manufacturing towns in this country . ( Hear , hear . ) Thc Noble

      Lord would find there every evil , with which he must grapple in some way or other ; and he advised him not to postpone doing it , but at once , in the present session , to move for a committee , or take some other means with reference to the labouring classes of this country in the agricultural districts . The Right Hon . Gentleman , in the remarks he made , stated , with that peculiarly imposing and solemn manner wliieh he could alwaj ^ exhibit when appealing to the commercial interests in that House , that it was a question of profit ; it would interfere with profit . Granted . But were we to love our children' or—profit ? : ( Hear , hear . ) Were we to sacrifice thousands of children in this country , to make a few pounds of profit ? ( Hear , hear . ) What they were doinE they

      were neglecting education . An Hon . Friend of his said ; educate the men ; but he said , educate the boys —they might make a boy a good man , but they never could make a man a good hoy . ( Laughter . ) Educate the child , and we should then have a good and respectable member of society . -The Noble Lord had opened the case with reference to another branch , of the community . They had proofs of the awful condition in which part of the population were placed ; andlhe therefore entreated the Noble Lord to pursue his labour , and he would live to see the happiest results from his exertions ; but he must not be again dismayed—he must marshal his forces , and go on to a completion of the object he had in view . ( Hear ,

      near . ; After a few remarks from Mr . M . Philips , Lord Ashley observed , that he was willing to make any alterations in his bill which would meet the views of Mr . Cobden , as a practical man , provided that those alterations did not affect its principle . - Mi * . Labouchere hoped that the Noble Lord would fix as early a day as possible for the second reading of his bill . At the same time he must express his regret that , on a question of this importance , which must have undergone tlie consideration of her Majestyte Government , Sir James Graham had not thought fit to express a more decided opinion aa to its merits than that with which he had favoured the House that evening . Leave was then given to bring in the bill .

      POST-OFFICE . —LETtER-OrESlWi . Mr , T . Doncombe rose to redeem the pledge he had given of calling the attention of the House to the unsatisfactory and evasive character of the report of the secret committee appointed to inquire into the opening and detaining of letters . The report had not been presented till such a late period of the session that it was impossible to call the attention of Parliament to it 1 and he regretted that it had not been so full , and so satisfactory and straightforward , as the committee had the power of making it . He had last session presented a petition from Mr . Mazzini , and other Italian gentlemen , complaining that their letters had been detained and opened . This complaint had then been treated with positive indifference l > v

      the Home Secretary , who declined giving any'information , beyond stating that he had certainly opened letters of one of the parties who had joined in petitioning , refusing to tell whose or whether he had issued any warrant . A short time afterwards he had presented a similar petition from a Captain Stolzman , a Polish gentleman , and had moved that the petitions be . referred to a select committee , in which he was defeated , thc Government using all their influence to stifle inquiry . His motion had been for a committee on the secret or inner office of the Post-office and the conduct of the parties engaged therein , and to report their opinion thereon ; and . whether any alterations ! n the law were advisable , as to the opening of letters . He had

      been met by an amendment on the part of thc Right Hon . Baronet , who had persuaded the House that the object all had in view would be met by the appointment of the committee lie proposed . I objected ( continued the Hon . Member ) tothe constitution of that committee , and to the course the Government had taken in appointing , without a single exception , everymemberuponit . I , who had brought forward the question , was not allowed to be upon that committee , and I shall be able to explain to the House and the public the reason . There was not one single gentleman on tlie committee with whom I could communicate in respect to the conduct of the inquiry . I objected , further , to the secrecy of the inquiry , knowing well that secret inquiries never proved satisfactory . But

      when the committee had performed its part , as I had hoped fairly and impartially , it was to he expected that a report would have been presented which should have set this question at once at rest , and that the House would not have allowed the statute authorizing such proceedings as I had revealed to remain a single moment longer on tlie statute-book . The Right Hon . Baronet took care to appoint his own jurv , pr ofessing to refer to them the whole question along with " his own honour , " yet reserving for himself an appeal to the House , supposing the report proved not quite satisfactory to him . And I , who was" excluded from the committee , had the right to reserve to myself , in the same manner , the power of reopening the whole subject if the report appeared unsatisfactory . I now appeal to the House for another and a searchino

      inquiry , which cannot be refused me when I have made out that the committee even disobeyed their instructions ; that there are gross inaccuracies in their statements ; that they have mystified where there were the clearest proofs ; that they have omitted most important points ; that they have been evasive where they , might have told simple , straightforward truth . What were my charges ? As I stated tllOlll before tho House , I repeated them ( and from my own notes ) before the committee . I charged , ' that there existed a secret department in the Postoffice , where fraud and forgery were practised , and private correspondence violated ; that ill that department letters were resealed ( hear , hear ) , and forwarded to their destination , the ^ recipients not having any idea of what had occurred , or that their correspondence had been violated by the Home Secretary—( hear , hear ); that the Right Hon . Baronet

      ; Iiousf, Of Commons, Mondat, Feb. 17. ....

      had exceeded his powers , and had made a most nn * scrupulous use of them ' ; more letters having been opened in his time than under any former Secretary of State ; that the letters of certain exiles in this country , while claiming the hospitality strangers ever found in England , had been opened at the instigation of foreign powers , to whom the contents had been communicated ; England having thus become the spy of continental states , where tho result had been imprisonment , ' banishment , and death —( hear , hear ); nay , further , that the correspondence of foreign ambassadors had been inspected b y the Minister ; that a roving commission of inspection had in 1842 been sent into the manufacturing districts , seeing who had written , and to whom ; and that , among others , my letters had . been opened and detained . ( Hear , hear . )

      That was the bill of indictment I was called on to prefer before the committee , and which they took down on their notes , and I maintain it was their duty fully , frankly , and freely to tell us how far those charges were proved true or false . ( Hear , hear . ) But how have they met those charges ? Not one of the allegations I ' thus made has been contradicted ; and the committee have not fulfilled then- duty . . Their instructions were to "inquire into the state of the law as to the detaining and opening of letters , " & c . I declared at the time tlie terms were not comprehensive enough , but the Right Hon . Baronet declared that they would be found so . I declared that we should know the circumstances under which each warrant was issued . The Right Hon . Baronet

      affirmed the truth , and the whole truth , would come out . But how have the committee begun their report ? As to the state of the law , they simply tell us , that they presume it is the same as it was in the year It'll , under the Act of Queen Anne ; and that is all they say as to the law—in " preference to discussing which , " they proceed to "the history of the practice . " And then they go back as far actually as Edward II . —( a laugh ) , andthey accumulate much valuable antiquarian research— -two-thirds of their report , indeed , being full of such matter ^—and warrants being supplied , of the Duke of Newcastle , the Eavl of Carmarthen , < fec . ; when what we wanted was the warrants of Sir James Graham . ( A laugh , and Hear , hear . ) In 1742 , the report says , "The secrets of Sir

      It . Walpole s Government were somewhat rudely pried into by a committee . " ( A laugh . ) Now , I suppose that is the modern phrase for describing a committee which performs its duty ablyand faithfully —a compliment , by the by , which cannot be paid to this committee . ( Hear , hear , and laughter . ) But perhaps it is one wliieh I shall be considered as being deserving of before I sit down . ( Renewed laughter . ) Nevertheless I shall discharge my duty . ( Cheers . ) We did not want to know that the committee of 1742 had somewhat rudely pried into the proceedings of Sir R . Walpole ' s Government . But what was this extreme rudeness ? . The committee tell you that there was this very secret office , of which I complain , then established . They tell you everything that

      happened 200 or 300 years ago . In short , the report is one of the greatest "takes-in" possible . ( A laugh . ) You would say , on perusing the first portion of it , that it was a most valuable report , and how interesting it would grow in proportion as it came nearer to our own times . ( Laughter . ) Why , it would be natural ftp you to do so , the committee having displayed so much research , and told the House so much of past days . It would be quite natural to expect that , if the information was within then- reach , they would tell the House much more of present times ; but as they approached nearer the nineteenth century , instead of exhibiting greater research and completeness , they suddenly increased in reserve and concealment . ( Hear , hear . ) They have

      divided the warrants of tho last century under the dates of the years and classified them , and also the warrants of the present century . And now I think I I have satisfied the House that they have not obeyed our instructions as to their inquiry into the state of the law ; they have made no report on it . They state in _ another page of their report , the 16 th , I think , with respect to the mode in which they were to examine the warrants , that they declined to follow the warrant from the time of its reception in the Post-office to its execution . They have , therefore , evaded explaining the law , and then they tell you that with regard to thc mode of operation they do not think proper to follow the warrant from the time of its 16 * ooption at the Post-office io Its execution . Why , that is

      one of the specific points of the complaint that I made before this House , and one on which thc public require information , and without that information they will not be satisfied . ( Hear , hear . ) They have not followed tlie wan-ant from the time of its reception at the Post-office till its execution . Why ? Because it would have carried them into this secret office . ( Hear , hear . ) They have not said one word of that ; but if they had gone on they must have laid bare the whole of the iniquities of that office . ( Hear , hear . ) But they have escaped that by not following the warrants ; and , therefore ,. ! think they have not obeyed the instructions of the House ., Then , secondly , I say , the Right Hon . Baronet has exceeded his powers , and made an unnecessary use of them . More letters have been opened by him than by any former Secretary of State . ( Hear . ) Without

      intending it , the committee , it appears to me , have rather " let the cat out of thc bag " in respect to this circumstance . ( Hear , hear , and a laugh . ) A good deal of my charge is proved by their report . In the three years from the summer of 1841 , when the present Government came into office , to the summer of 1844 , when this . committee made their report , three years of the Right Hon . Gentleman ' s administration , the following is the number of warrants issued :-In 1841 there were eighteen warrants issued , but I give half of those to his predecessors and to him ; the case , therefore , will stand thus : — In 1841 were issued ... ... 9 warrants . In 1842 — 20 — In 1843 — 8 — In 1844 and a half i —

      Making in all ... 44 — Forty-four warrants in the short space of three years I ( Hear , hear . ) _ Now , on looking over the whole of the list preceding will yon find during three years of any adnunistration forty-four warrants issued ? Singular enough it is , but the greatest number was in the time of Lord Sidmouth , whose entrance into office was marked by flagrant opening of letters . It appeara that the warrants issued by hjm were , in 1812 28 1813 8 1814 3

      Total 39 Why , the Right Hon . Baronet beats Lord Sidmouth by five in the number of wan-ants issued . ( Hear , hear . ) _ That , then , is part of my ease against him as originally stated by me in this House , namely , that he had opened more letters and abused and exceeded his power more than any preceding Secretary . ( Cheers . ) With regard to the case of Mr . Mazzini , which comes first , I stated my grounds of complaint to the Government , which were that the Government had opened the letters of Mr . Mazzini at the instigation of a foreign power , and had communicated the information they received through those letters to some foreign power , The committee acknowledged that a warrant was issued on the 1 st of March , and cancelled on the 3 rd of June , last year , for opening the letters of Mr . Mazzini throughout that period . "The facts of tho case , " say they , " so far as your

      committee teel themselves at liberty to disclose them , appear to be as follows . " Now , mark this . There is an error in this report , and n gross en-or , which is fatal to its validity . The committee say that thc warrant was issued on thc 1 st of March , and cancelled on the 3 rd of June . Now , the House will recollect , that when I moved for thc appointment of that committee , thc Right Hon . Baronet said that Mr . Mazzini had no grievance to complain of , because the wan-ant had been withdrawn . My Hon . Friend behind me asked the Right Hon . Baronet when he had withdrawn it ? and I undertake to say that Mr . Mazzini ' s letters were opened the day before I presented his petition , afterwards , and that from Christmas , 1843 , to the 13 th of June following , in 1844 , the system " was going on , and it is in my power to prove it . ( Hear , hear . ) An Hon . Member ( on tlie Opposition side ) . —Was there any wan-ant ?

      Mr . Duncombe . —Why , no ; I believe the warrant was fabricated for the occasion . ( Hear , hear . ) I do not believe that a legitimate wan-ant ever existed . ( Hear , hear . ) I believe the whole system was conauctedmsucKaloosemanner that the Noble Secretary for B ' oreign Affairs or the Right Hon . Baronet sent down their messages to open those letters . ( Hear , hear . ) The committee limit the existence-of the warrant to three months , from the 1 st pf' March to the 3 rd of June ; but , unfortunately ' for them , the Lords ' committee contradict their statement . The Lords' committee say— " It is true that Mr . Mazzini ' s letters were for about four months stopped and opened . " ( Hear , hear . ) There is a material differv ence then between the committee of the Lords and

      the committee of the Commons . ( Hear . ) There is a difference of a whole month . ( Hear . ) Does not that call for further inquiry and investigation ? ( Hear . ) But I carry it further , and say that the practice was continued for between 'five and six months . ( Hear . ) I do not care what was laid before this committee ; I will undertake to prove that these letters were opened by the Post-office authorities , by men high in office in that department , for the purpose of inspection , prior to the time at which this report says the warrant was issued , and subsequently to the time when it says that warrant was cancelled . ( Hear , hear . ) There is , therefore , gross ,

      misrepresentation in this report . ( Hear . ) Then I say also that the contents of Mr . Mazzini ' s letters were , cofhraunicated to foreign powers , and that his lettors wore opened at the dictation of foreign powers , A portion of that charge is admitted by the ^ committee . It issaid by them , " Reprcsentationshadbeen made to the British Government from high sources . " Who were the high sources ? One would suppose sUch a phrase would be used with regard to the monarch of ^ country , or his immediate representative at least . ^ But the committee could ' not speak plain English , and say that thej [ meant the Austrian Ambassador , or Sardinian Minister , or some other person of authority in connection with some foreign court . They

      ; Iiousf, Of Commons, Mondat, Feb. 17. ....

      say— " Representations had been made to the British Government from high sources that plots , of which Mr . Mazzini was the centre , were carrying on , upon British territory , to excite anlnsun-ection in Italy . ! ' Now , nothing can be more false than such a charge a » ainst Mr . Mazzini . ( Hear . ) Had the committee gfvenhim an opportunity of bei «» examined , —as he had aright to expect , and as he petitioned to have ,--before that committee , he would have shown Ins ability to disproye that charge , and have produced a very different impression on the minds of the committee . ( Hear , hear . ) But thc report proceeds— " And that such insurrection , should it assume a formidable aspect , would , from peculiar political circumstances , disturb the ncacc of Eurooe . The British

      Government , considering the extent to which British interests were involved in the maintenance of that peace , issued on their own judgment , but not on the suggestion of any foreign power , a warrant to open and detain Mr . Mazzini ' s letters . " Not on the suggestion o f any foreign power 1 Well then , what will become of the high sources ? ( Ilear , hear . ) I suppose there will be some quibble about the word " suggestion , " and it will be urged , perhaps , that it was not positively said — " Open his letters , and perhaps you will find something , " though no doubt the Right Hon . Bart , has found out a great number of things . ;( Alaugb . ) " Such information deduced from those letters as appeared to the British Government calculated to frustrate this attempt was communicated to a foreign power ;

      but the information so communicated was not of a nature to compromise , and did not compromise , the safety of any individual within the reach of that foreign power ; nor was it made known to that power by what means , or from what source , that infonnation had been obtained . " The report says tliat the information given was only such as was calculated to frustrate the attempted insurrection . What a way to frustrate any such attempt was this ! Was this worthy of England ? ( Hear , hear . ) Was this the course that a great nation like you ought to have adopted to frustrate this attempt ? ( Hear , hear . ) Are you proud of taking this course , which has caused the lives of men not only to be endangered but to be forfeited ? You

      have asserted that Mr . Mazzini was tlie centre of this insurrection , Ha « yonaWovJed him to come before the committee you would have found by his correspondence , as 1 can prove , that there were certain statements made hi letters to him proceeding from those misguided arid unhappy men in Italy , then residing at Covin , to tho effect that they wished to make a descent upon the states and dominion of his Holiness the Pope , and also upon a portion of the Neapolitan territory . Mr . Mazzini , in his letters to these individuals , said and did all he could to dissuade them from it . He told them it was a rash attempt , and must fail ; he implored them to desist , and they in reply wrote , saying , " We will desist ; we will follow your advice . " But unfortunately the poison had gone forth to the Neapolitan Government ; the British Government had informed them of the intelligence of the purport of the

      first letters , and it was too late to recall it . The Austrian Government sent their spies among those unfortunate people ; they resided at Corfu , and they told those people that in Calabria the peasantry were ripe for the enterprise , and waiting tor them . ( Hear . ) These men were thus induced , notwithstanding their assurances to Mr . Mazzini , to leave Corfu . They went into Cala « bria , where , instead of finding the peasantry ready for them , they were conducted into the mountains , where they became easily mastered by organised troopt which had been sent there by the Neapolitan Government . Seventeen of those persons were tried by a military , commission , and condemned to death , and nine ot them were executed the following day . They were persons of noble family ; two of them , the Bandieras , were the sons of an Austrian admiral of that name . The Bandieras and their seven

      companions with a calm and happy bearing bore good witness to their faith , and died like martyrs , having slept peacefully on the night before their execution . " If wc fall , " they said to a friend , " tell our countrymen te imitate our example , for life has been given to us to enjoy nobly and usefully ; and the cause we die in is the purest , the holiest , and the best that ever warmed the breast of man . It is the cause of the independence of mm country . " Such arc the men whom you were thus leagued with Austria to crush . Those men were executed , arid this is the way you adopted , and the end for wliieh you gained infonnation , with a view of ( as you call it ) " frustrating that attempt . " Why did not you send nobly and generously to these individuals and

      state to them , — " You are plotting on British ground ; you are running into danger ; this must inevitably be your ruin ; let us persuade you to desist from such a course V They would have listened to you , and you need not have supplied another Government with the means of entrapping men and putting them to death . I say that they are the victims of this system , and their blood is upon the heads of her Majesty's present Ministers , as much—aye ; much more , than it is upon those whose duty it was to pull the trigger that launched them into eternity ; and if a monument be . erected to their memory at Coaenza , where they fell , as I hope it will , it ought to be inscribed upon their tombstone , that they fell in the cause of their country , and of liberty , through the *

      treachery ot a British Minister . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Duncombe then stated , that though Captain Stolzman had discovered that fa ' s letters had been opened by the Secretary of State , and had demanded redress and inquiry , he had never been called before nor examined by this committee . If the House would grant htm another inquiry , he would undertake to prove that at thc period of the arrival of the Emperor of Russia in this country a set of spies fabricated , at the cost of honourable men , conspiracies against him for the purpose of ingratiating themselves with the Russian Embassy , He said ;—Sir , if this matter goes before another committee , I know that what I now state would be proved—that there were spies here at the time the Emperor of Russia was paying that visit .

      which we have been told he paid at very great personal inconvenience ( hear , hear )—spies who , being exiles themselves , and wishing to ingratiate themselves with the Russian Embassy , at the cost of honourable men , and to return to their native country , told of foul calumny , about a projected -assassination to the Embassy , upon which a communication was made to the Secretary of state for the Home or the Foreign Department , and that suspicion is what the committee say would justify the imputation of the crime o f murder . ( Hear , hear . ) The Emperor Nicholas came here—our Government partly believed the information and opened the letters ; but "thecommittee have not learned that there appeared anything to criminate those gentlemen . " The spies have returned to their

      native land , having got an amnesty immediately after the visit of the Emperor ; and these gentlemen are to remain here , I suppose , with this foul stain attempted to be thrown upon them by a committee of the British House of Commons . ( Cheers . ) I say that this is a most unpardonable portion of this report , and what the committee was not justified in reporting . ( Hear , hear . ) I do not believe that the British Government are aware of what they are doing sometimes , when they are imparting the correspondence that passes between individuals in Poland and the % x \ lea here . Suppose they are requested to get some information respecting one of these Poles who is here ; they open his letters ; they state to the Government at whose instigation they have done it that there is

      nothing Improper whatever in those letters , or in the correspondence of Mr . So-and-so ; that the communi " cations relate entirely to f amily matters , and have no reference at all to that Government . Now , are her Majesty ' s Ministers aware what they are doing in giving even that information to Russia ? ( Hear , hear . ) Why , there are in Poland these decrees , — ukases have been issued ' prohibiting any person in Poland from corresponding with an exilo ; and if he do so , it matters not upon what subject , he is visited with iuiprisonment and flogging . ( Hear , hear . ) By one of those decrees it is high treason to correspond with certain exiles named in it who are resident in England . ( Hear , hear . ) Now listen . under tins decree the wife of General Slobinski has been

      imprisoned on suspicion—only on suspicion—of corresponding _ with other Polish ladies iu exile . Another Polish lady has also been imprisoned for writing to her husband in exile . Another lias been imprisoned , and r eceived fifty severe lashes for corresponding with an exile . And this has all'been done under , the orders of that sovereign upon whose visit here , at great personal inconvenience , " at a great sacrifice of private convenience , " the British House of Commons nas recently eongratulated her Majesty ! ( Cheers . ) Sir , I am satisfied that the Government ave not aware — no man , no Government would suspect it—that they are doing these individuals in Poland so serious an injury , when they are even telling a foreign power that there is nothing criminal in

      the correspondence ; for the very fact of the wife corresponding with her husband , if he is an exile , subjects that . unhappyand unfortunate woman to punishment by imprisonment , and that- most brutal of all corporal punishment also—bv the knout . ( Hear , hear . ) Besides which , their children , if they have any ,, are taken from them ; and these also have themselves on some occasions been sentenced to the lash . ( Hear , hear . ) I say that it becomes this Government to be very cautious ( cheers ) how they communicate any information whatever to the foreign power which may be receiving what is called our hospitality . ( Renewed cheers . ) Another chargewhich-I made is , that the correspondence of foreign ambassadors was subjected to inspection here . 1 know perfectly well , when I stated that the bags of the foreign ambassadors were opened

      nere , previously oemg received by them , or sent out of the country , people doubted it ; they thought it must beperieetlyimagiiiaryonmypart , and totally impossible to be a practice existing here . ( Hear , hear . ) But what do we find in this report ? On the subject of the foreign department at the Ireneral 1 ost-ohhee , the secrecy of private comspondence your committee are , assured , is kept inviolate . Urtam warrants bearing respectivelythe signatures ? Jw ttW' ? ^ fea tary of State for successor , the M before your j ( Continuid

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  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 22, 1845, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_22021845/page/7/