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A*ml 20, 1850. THE NPRTBERN S^AB 5 ____ ...
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. -. LETTERS TO THE WORKINGCLASSES. Lxxx...
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GREAT CHARTIST MEETING AT GREENWICH. A c...
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MEETING AT JOHN-STREET. The Provisional ...
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THE TEN HOURS BILL.-MEETING OF THE DELEG...
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NATIONAL CHARTER LEAGUE. , The Council h...
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. Nottingham.—Strike of the Wrought Draw...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
A*Ml 20, 1850. The Nprtbern S^Ab 5 ____ ...
A * ml 20 , 1850 . THE NPRTBERN S ^ AB 5 ____ ^^ —^^^¦ S ^^^^^^^^^ r S ^ S ^^^^ STS ^^^ T- ——— .. ^— ... ¦ « "' " ' ., J ?_ L !_ L !!!^ SSS ^— -Ll ^_ ¦———— ,
. -. Letters To The Workingclasses. Lxxx...
. -. LETTERS TO THE WORKINGCLASSES . Lxxxrv . ^ « Words arethings , anda smaUdrop of ink Tiffine-like dew-Hupon a thought , produces < n , atwhicb makes thousands , perhaps millions ^ inlflk" - ***>*< IHE TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE . PABIIAMEN TARI REFORM . BBOTHEK PnoLBlAiaA > S , Rarely does the Commons' House of P arliament condescend to discuss questions , win ? for their object the well-teing of the
called " common people . " Un Tuesday ^ ht , however , "honourable gentlemen " / Bbu ips , though an assassin and usurer , -was jf' nononrable man 1 " ) so far departed from their ordinary rule as to deign to discuss a eas « oi 1 , eform » "which they -werepredc-Trrnbiei not to accord . On that evening , Mr . ItoSE 11 Gibson ' s long-deferred motion for * h repeal of the detestable Taxes on KnowtJ / ta cams under the consideration of the
<« collectiTe wisdom . ' The mover , and his seconder ( Mr . Cowas ) , ably exposed the injustice and injury to * community of the " Tera taxes they proposed to abolish . It-was Sown , past all dispute , that the paper duty rents improvements in that article which rronld otherwise have long since been effected , , the benefit of producer and consumer ; that that impost has almost put an end to the exmal trade in paper—it being impossible for
nr heavil y-taxed manutacturers to compete tith the untaxed , or li ghtly-taxed , paper maters of the Continent aud America ; aud Sat it isthe great bar tothe publication of firstclass literature , at a price within the means of the peop le . It was a & nned-b y those competent to g ive an op inion on the subject-that the repeal of the duty would be a vastbenefit to the people , both as regards their physical well-beW and intellectu al advancement ; it ^ understood that the removal merely of the paper tax would give emp loyment to forty thousand persons in London alone , and enable publishers to produce a class of publications « orely needed , to compete with the degrading productions of the existing " cheap and nasty " school .
The pennv stamp-tax was shown to be unequally inflicted , and capriciousl y enforced , there being in the Metropolis fifty-three publications registered as newspapers , permitted to publish portions of their impressions without a stamp , and the remainder with a stamp , in order to give the stamped portion the p rivilege of free transmission through the Post-office . Mr . GlBSOX claimed for acknowledged newspapers the same facility of using , or not using the stamp for postage purposes . It was shown ,
conclusively , that the stamp , as at present imposed , prevents the publication of cheap newspapers , thereby subjecting the working classes to the baneful influence of the disgusting trash provided b y speculators in literary ofial . The arguments that have been previously gone over in this paper relative to the advertisement daty , and on foreign hoots , were repeated ; and , altogether , a case perfectly unanswerable was made out , for the total and immediate repeal of these iniquitous
taxes , That the case of Mi-. Gibsox and his friends was unanswerable , was amply proved by the speeches of their opponents . Anything like a fair argument against the repeal was not given utterance to , either by the Chaxceixor of the Exchequer or Lord Joror Russell . The sole ground of their resistance to the motion was , the necessity for keeping up the existing taxation , in order to secure the preservation of
our " g lorious institutions , " and "keep faith with the public creditor / ' The plain English of this is , that the people must be kept in ignorance , —that restrictions upon commerce and trade must be continued , —and thousands of the working classes denied the opportunity of acquiring sustenance b y their labour , in order to ensure to the Chascellou of the Exchqkcek the means of glutting the rapacious appetites of heartless tax-eaters . j
It is strange that Lord JoiEf Husseii and Ms friends will persist in the suicidal course of warning thecountry against Parliamentary and Financial Beform ' lest such reform should lead to " repudiation . " The noble Lord ' s warnings are actuall y setting the people reflecting on this very ticklish question of kepcdiatiox . Many people are beginning to think , that of two evils , political slavery and grinding taxation on the one hand , and the sponge on the other , that the latter would be by far the least injurious . The opinion is also gaining ground ! that knowledge taxes , a light and
health tax , and exactions of the most shameful kind on articles of prime necessity , constitute a charge far exceeding the worth of our " glorious institutions . " In short , people begin to think that they are paying too dear for their whistle , and that they had better part with that whistle , than be at the expense of keeping it . It is true , Lord John avers that " the men of England have their hearts full of loyalty . " This may be true of
himself , and those who profit by the existing system ; but I can assure " his Lordship , " that men with stomachs only half . filled , and pockets entirely empty , have but little loyalty in their hearts—precious little regard for " public faith "—and the smallest possible amount of veneration for those institutions which have made England ( Lord ! how some men are given to lying !) "the admiration of the world , and the envy of surrounding nations . "
On the House dividing , there voted for that portion of the motion declaratory of the necessity of repealing the paper duty , 89 ; against it , 190 } being a majority of 101 for perpe ^ tuating ignorance , and preventing the employment of capital and labour . The other portions of the motion relating to the stamptax , the duty on advertisements and foreign books , were negatived without a division . It is to be regretted that our moderate reform friends never set themselves to the performance of a popular duty , but they contrive to botch their work in some way or other .
Lately Mr . Jose ph Hume , when introducing his "little Charter , " and whileengagedin firing his broad-side intothcMinistry , mustneed pour a volley of small shot into his Chartist friends . On Tuesday ni g ht Mr . Gibsox , Who otherwise delivered a very good speech , went out of his way to denounce some of the unstamped papers . The charge he brought against them , namel y , of imputing unworthiness to the Parliament and Government , my readers will consider as constituting their best claim to public sympathy and support . TVnat is to be done ? A thoroughly Free
Press must be had , no matter what the toil and cost . The Newspaper-Stamp-Abolition Committee have resolved to single out the Stamp-tax for the purpose of directing public attention to its iniquity and mischievous tendency , with the view of forcing its repeal . Three-fourths of the petitions on this question , recently sent to the House , demanded the repeal o £ the whole of the Taxes on Knowledge . The Committee now recommend the adoption of the following form of petition , having special reference to the Stamp-tax alone .
To the Honourable the House of Commons , in Parliament assembled , the Petition of the Undersigned , fflere insert their Description and locality . ) SBEKtra , THAT the Penny Stamp on Newspapers , by raising their E ^ te , ioraies their qoalitr , injures trade , limits the ™ na « i of useful knowledge , " and promotes the sale of ^ a plicenfiotisttterature . That , according to a return lately made to your Honourable House , it appears that fifty-three registered Xewspa-J *« are permitted to issue a portion of their impressions unstamped—Your Petitioners , therefore , pray that vour Honourable ¦ H 1 0 n | e HiU concede this privilege to aU Newspapers , and aoohfh the compulsory Penny Stamp . Asd Tout rErfnoKEas win , eyes Fot .
THeformof Petition mutt be copied in writing , and the j ? * sheet must be signed by the principal promoters of HS fttifipn ; every person swpipg ft should state hjg or
. -. Letters To The Workingclasses. Lxxx...
her name and address ; it may then . be directed open at the sides , to any Liberal Member of the House of Ctanmons . who" wfll receive it , post free . . . ' Tomyfxienus , who cannot be more sick ot petitioning than I am , it may be necessary to say , that the Committee ' s recommendation is needed to enlighten public opinion , and prepare the popular mind for more efficient action . We must have a Free Press , but men willing to suffer toil and persecution in pursuit of that object must have the support of public opinion , otherwise their efforts will be thrown away , and their sacrifices be unproductive of the
desired consummation . In calling upon the people to petition , I at the same time call upon the Newspaper-Stamp-Abolition Committee to come boldly before the public , and appeal to the people through the medium of public meetings . It has been well said , that " revolutions are not made with rose-water ; " and it may be as trul y asserted , that some means besides petitioning will have to be tried , before the people of this country will enjoy the inestimable blessing of a cheap , free , —an untaxed , and unfettered Press .
Undismayed by the vote of a Icnowledgehating Parliamentary majority—a majority which as much represents the people of this country , as does the knout-loving-press-hating tyrant of Russia;—let the cry be sounded , from John O'Groats to the Lands' End , — DOWN WITH THE TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE . ^ Sir Joshua Waxmsley and his friends have summoned a Conference to assemble in London on Tuesday next , to devise means for carrying out the objects of the Parliamentary Reform Association . It is to be hoped that the gentlemen attending that Conference will
see the propriety of atnendingtheirprogramme , so as in effect to transform their little Charter into the Charter of the People ' s adoption . The Parliamentary Reformers , if possessing common sense , must by this time have become convinced , that it is in Tain for them to hope to move the people unless they take up principles to which the people ' s ' . sympathies are weded . It has been the " artful dodge" of certain parties , who doubtless have their own purpose to serve , to insinuate , and indeed assert , that the Democrats desired to prevent a combina-| tion of the middle and working class . The assertion is false . Let the-middle class
reformers give proof of their sincerity , and that union may be at once effected . The proof demanded is simple enough . Let them recognise the entire of their fellow countrymen , as equal claimants with themselves to that which is the right of all—self-government . The adoption of the principles of the People ' s Charter , at the forthcoming Conference , will at once ' remove all obstacles to union . Independent of the question of princi ple , the Democrats , cannot understand the policy of
getting up a great agitation , and plunging the country into a state of excitement , perhaps revolution—for the purpose merely of extending the franchise to a portion of the people , rendering the repetition of the same process necessary at a future time , for a further extension of the ri g ht of voting . The Democrats desire to have a movement to settle the Suffrage question , and such a movement the union of the middle and working classes would at once call into existence . Further comment
on this subject is for the present unnecessary . On Sir Joshua Tvalmsly and his friends , rests the responsibility of determining the question as to the establishment of that union which would be effective for obtaining a real Radical Reform of the Commons' House of Parliament . L'AMI DTJPEUPLE . April 18 th , 1850 .
Great Chartist Meeting At Greenwich. A C...
GREAT CHARTIST MEETING AT GREENWICH . A crowded meeting , convened by the Provisional Committee of the National Charter Association , was held on Monday night , in the Lecture-hall . Mr . Floyd ( an elector of the borough ) having been called to the chair , ; commenced the business by soliciting an impartial hearing for all parties . He looked to politics as the means to solve social problems . For himself , he had held the franchise for seven years , or rather his house had —( laughter )—and his desire was , that it should be conferred on every man , instead of , as it now is , to bricks and mortar . ( Loud cheers . )
Mr . Joseph Moegan ( an elector ) moved the following : —" That , as class antagonism , grossauomaliesfandmonstrous inequalities , are the results of the present system of legislation , and being fully confident that the onl y means whereby this system can be removed , and the condition of the toiling masses politically and socially elevated is , by the enactment of the document called the ' People ' s Charter ; ' this meeting , therefore , resolves to agitate until that measure becomes the law of theland , and the whole people are made happy and prosperous . " Mr . Morgan said he was one of those who looked to social results from the adoption of that resolution . He was a -producer of wealth , and felt that he had not his share in its consumption . He believed that
more persons had been murdered within the last twenty years by an infernal anti-social system , than had been by the devastating demon of war . ( Cheers . ) Look at the wretched , miserable condition of the wealth producerspositively begging leave to go toil in foreign lands , whilst millions of fertile land lie uncultivated at home . He thought it worse than folly to expend money in the expatriation of human beings , when they mi g ht be so profitably employed in their own dear native land . ( Cheers . ) The resolution he had the honour to submit , pointed out the means to entirely free the people from the despotism of all classes ; aud it certainly was to be done through tho medium of the People ' s Charter . ( Hear , hear . ) There could be no man who did not wish to be within the ark of the
constitution . He thought the major portion of the newspaper press had acted badly b y the people in so grossly misrepresenting them . He conceived the true social position of man was , that he should enjoy the whole profit resulting from his labour . ( Cheers . ) "What cared the capitalists for the workmen ? They knew that the greater the competition for work , the larger was the amount of profit derived by them : and if their system drove the oppressed
workman to crime—why , they had the policeman , the prison , and the hulks for him . ( Applause . ) The masses were victims t » this system only because they did not discuss and weig h well their political rights and social privileges . It was not the desire of the Chartists to oppress any class , but to prevent all or any class from oppressing them for the future . ( Loud cheering . ) Sir . Bobinsojj seconded the motion .
Mr . G . W . M . HErxoms was then introduced , and received a right hearty welcome . He expressed his pleasure in standing before them the champion of principles they had the good sense so duly to appreciate . ( Loud cheers . ) He knew that when they asked for the Charter their demand was met on the threshold with " Oh , the people are too ignorant ;" but were not the asserters of this i gnorance aware , that . time had been when the representatives of the people could neither read or write , as education was then confined to the priesthood ? ( Hear hear . ] But , ignorancehad nothing to do with the questionit was the increasing intelligence of the people that was dreaded . ( Hear , hear . ) The working classes
had invariably been the pioneers of all good works and the Charter once obtained the first duty of their representatives would be , to cleanse the Augean stable of the filth which aristocratic rulers had been heap ing up for centuries , It might be asked , where are the proofs of your wrongs ? He pointed to their sea-girt isle , to their colonies , to Ireland , and asked , were they well governed ? Did not discontent , pauperism , misery , and wretchedness prevail to an awfnl extent ? Were not the workhouses , prisons , and hulks overflowing , whilst the land was fruitful , and granaries were overladen ? ( Load cheers . ) Mr . Beynolds then eloquently alluded to the patriotic and humane dealing of the people with their oppressors , during , the revolu-
Great Chartist Meeting At Greenwich. A C...
tionary , era of l & tS . -to ' show ' - ' that thefpepple ' . were not the sanguinary monsters their tyrants delighted to depict them .. Would that , he could say as much for their oppressors , who * the ^ omeat they re sumed the reins of power , resuscitated the ' political scaffold , and twirled the whi p round innocent women ' s backs , in the midst of their , public streets . ( Shame , shame . ) ' Such " were the fiends who libelled and grossly maligned a great , generous , and humane people—the brave proletarians of Europe—by designating them " a base and bloody democracy . ( Loud cheers . ) Englishmen were not behind their continental brethern in intelligence , humanity , or patriotism . The nations were looking to France most anxiously , and England was hopefully watching the advent of her liberty . They fortunatel y did not require physical . convulsions in this country ,
although determined to obtain their political rights and social priviliges , they had and would employ strictly legal means to obtain them . ( Cheers . ) What is the narrow contracted mind of an immoral aristocracy when compared with the broad expansive soul of the working classes ? From the latter spring their men of business—of great talent too- of veritable virtue—men , whose brilliant eloquence and sterling worth put the depraved perfumed aristocrat to the blush ; men who dare assert their political rights , and vindicate their social privileges . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Reynolds then most perspicuously elucidated the several . points of the People ' s Charter
, clearly demonstrating it to be one of the most perfect electoral machines ever submitted to the inspection of an intelli gent people , and was rapturously applauded . Do conceived that tho middle classes and the aristocracy were nearly on a par as regarded tyranny , and consequently that the working classes should have the opportunity of repre seating themselves . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . Reynolds then called on all to join the National Charter Association , and thereby establish their political rights—vindicate their social privileges—and having so done , then could they claim to be the noblest and freest people on the face of tho earth . ( Loud cheers . ) -
The Chairman next introduced Bronterre O'Bbies amidst rapturous applause , who commenced by asking , if the people were as ignorant as they were represented to be , what sort of institutions were they living under' that . permitted such a state of things ? The late Mr . Cobbett had said , if a net was thrown across Fleet-street , and they were to take the first 658 that were caught ,, those C 58 could not be worse than their representatives in St . Stephens . ( Hear , hear . ) lie , ( Mr . O'Brien ) undertook to say it was impossible to find a worse . He would tell them it was a l ying Parliament : —first it called itself " ihe House of Commons "—whereas the Commons of England were not represented there at all . Secondly : its
chairman was called the speaker , when he was the very man that did not speak at all —( laughter and loud cheers)—and he supposed when they passed the New Poor Law Bill , that was " short commons" for the people . ( Laughter and cheers . ) He did not know if the "Upper House" was much better—one portion of it—the bench of bishops every Sunday called themselves " miserable sinners , " ( laughter ); and as he out of respect would rather take their word in preference to anybody else , why he believed them to bo " miserable sinners , "—( laughter)—and he also quite concurred with their prayer— " Lord have mercy on us "for if he did not , he ( Mr . O'Brien ) did not know who would by-and-bye . ( Loud laughter and creat
cheering ) . These two powers— " the Lords and Commons" — or more properly speaking , the landlords and fundholders —dared to call things such as land , mines , fisheries , < fcc , & c , and which are really and truly the people ' s —the Queen ' s—meaning thereby their owr , as they have deprived the Queen of everything save and except what they please to dole out to her ; and be it known , that everything in the same way is the Queen ' s , save the National Debt , and that , of course , is the people ' s . ( Laughter and applause . ) It appeared impossible that the "honourable " house could proceed on any business without lying . One section of it called itself Conservative , whilst its whole business appeared to be to destroy those
who eared for and sought the welfare of the people . ( Loud cheers . ) Then another section was called " Liberal . " Oh ! let them prick their ears , and be alarmed immediately they heard the sound of " Liberal . " Let them remember that they never heard of the damnable Poor Law Bill until the Liberals came into power . A Poor Law Commissioner went down to Gloucester , and pretended to live for a month on the Poor Law diet , and said he never was so well in his life . If that were so , why did he not continue that way—living and doing well upon Is . Hid . per week ? Why did he come back and take £ 1 , 200 per annum ? ( Cheers . ) Their excellent friend , the late Augustus Beaumont , once told him a tale of Liberalism : — " A planter in
Jamaica had a slave called Quashee . Sometimes , Quashee would not work very well . . « Quashee , ' said the planter , 'if you don ' t work I'll sell you to a Scotchman . * ( Laughter . ) This had the desired effect for a day , and Quashee relapsed into his former habits of ease . The planter returned , and shouted , ' Quashee , if you don't mend your pace , I'll sell you to a Jew / Quashee * at this , worked well for a week , and again relapsed . The planter this time said , in harsher terms , ' Qiinshee , if you don't work as you should do , flog me if I don't sell you to . a Liberal . ' Quashee , at this , jumped up , and said , ' Oh ! pray , , massa , don ' t sell Quashee to a Liberal , and Quashee work like de bery devil , " ( Roars of laughter , and great
applause . ) Mr . O Brien here gave a heart-rending description of Wiltshire labourers , and said they had recently endeavoured to take their affairs into their own hands , but making the attempt sectionally they had ^ failed , and their leaders , for following the advice of Sir Robert Peel , were sent te prison . He knew it was said that Parliament could not control these things , but he ( Mr . O'Brien ) knew full well that Parliament could , and did make laws to regulate land and machinery . Parliamentary staticians had told them that the average duration of human life amongst workmen was seventeen years , whilst that of the non-producers was thirty-eight years , double , and four years over . There must be some foul play here , or the workman never could be
robbed of more than half his years , and that too the best half . ( Hear , hear . ) It was said that they did not want reform in Parliament , because the people had benevolent men there alread y . There were Disraeli —( laughter)—Cobden , and John Bright , who by the bye was not always Bri ght John . ( Laughter . ) Some pseudo reformers had told them that the Reform iiill would reduce taxation and relieve their difficulties ; but himself and their friend the late Henry Hunt , had told them differently ; and they were right , for he was now ready to prove that the debt called National had been doubled sinco the Battle of Waterloo—he did not mean that the number of figures were increased to twice the amount , but bj alteration of the currency , the
money then due would buy or purchase twice as many goods as it would when lent . ( Loud cheers . ) " Lord John" assigned for his reasons for not granting the Charter . First : that the people would repeal the New Poor Law ; of course they would repeal the "New Poor Law . " Second : that they would repudiate " The National Debt . " This money was borrowed to keep down Republicanism in America and France , and was got up by tho landlords and fundlords . Now the English law said , when a man died without assets , _ his son was not bound to pay his debts ; and if time would permit , he ( Mr . O'Brien ) would undertake to prove that the people never had any assets , and consequently , according to English laws , were not bound to pay
their forefathers * debts . ( Loud cheers . ) As to the two sections in the house—Peelitea and Russclitcs , he was puzzled to find any difference between them . This reminded him of a lady asking a gentleman a question , viz ., what was the % difference between a Solicitor and an Attorney ? He was bothered ; at last he replied , precisely the same as that between " a crocodile and an alligator . " ( Laughter . ) Disraeli had taunted Cobden with robbing the country of ninety-two millions of money ; whilst the Free Traders replied , that by their Free Trade they had saved the country ninety-one millions ; well , as tho Free Traders called themselves the country , it mattered very little to the people which set of thieves had it . ( Cheers . ) The great fault of the
people lay in their accepting promises from those men , instead of demanding power to do their business for themselves . Let them listen no more to their juggles , but demand the power of doing their own business . ( Tremendous cheering . ) The resolution was then put , and carried unanimously . Mr . Enticott , in a few words , proposed the second resolution , as follows : — " That this meeting , having full and implicit confidence in the Provisional Committee of the National Charter Association , hereby ' ngrees to form a locality of the said association , for this borough , and hereby appoint the following persons to act as a committee , viz . — Messrs . Morgan , Floyd , Robinson , Lever , Sweetlove . Enticott , and Paris . "
Mr . Hodge seconded the motion . Walter Cooper rose to support the resolution , and was hailed with loud cheers . He said , doubtless there were some present who had not been in the habit of attending Chartist meetings , and who might have heard Chartism identified with everything that was mean and contemptible ; but there was no argument in calling names ; and it should be remembered , that some of the best of men had been persecuted and put to death for advocating
good principles . ( Cheers . ) He knew it might » e asked , what- have the people to grumble about i He answered—the laws are class-made laws , and worked badly . ( Cheers . ) He thought it wrong that the people should be the source of the wealth and power of . the country , and yet be without a voice in making its laws . ( Loud cheers . ) Theirs was a fertile soil ; they possessed great mechanical power , and . abundance of wealth in the bowels of the earth—they had everything that should con- ^ stitutea rich , and powerful people , and yet , with
Great Chartist Meeting At Greenwich. A C...
less than a . population 6 f forty millions of souls they were perishing of hunger ;; and unless they ; did their business for themselves , that awful state of things would never be altered . ( Great app l ause Last year they , wasted nihb . millions of money in keeping idle paupers ; but . if they had a wise government , those people would have been beneficially employed on the wagto lands , building up happiness and prosperity for all . ( Great cfeering . f Again , they spent huge sums in punishing crime , instead of about half a million in education . Yet ¦ with all theselaultshe loved the " Sea-girt Isle ; " it was the land of Shakespeare ,. of Milton , and of Newton . I Ulcere . ) But , oh , how must he feel , when he renectea they were rapidly deffeneratin ? to the
stanuaraot the ape-when he reflected on the state of prostitution , crime , and miserv ? Yet was he told this was the result of civilisation ; but Fraser ' s-a T or ?' ' maS ? z > ne said , ' « Well , if this be the work of civilisation , 'tis the work of the devil , and to hell with it . ( fremendous cheering . ) He reiterated i cry i ! . i n tho name of God and humanity he said , whilst such things last their should be no peace . He thought he heard some one say , what then do you want ? He replied better food , better clothing , and better laws to bring them back when they go w rong . Let . no ono suppose that Chartism meant robbery or spoliation , or that any one becomes a Chartist for the mere fun of tho thing . Wei , then , come brothers—for they were all
brothers—come , help to gain your rights and liberties , and whilst the aristocracy are blamed , let them not forget themselves-begin reform at home . He trusted they would form a locality of the National Charter Association there , and prosper . He gloried in being a working man ; and if there was one of the aristocracy or middle class there , he would tell such men that his order of b ygone days was prolific ° [ S roat and good men and that at the present day they had a modern Milton in Thomas Cooper . ( Loud cheers . ) Then , he said , get understanding , get knowledge be prepared for the coming struggle , for a struggle there undoubtedl y would be—not that the working classes wished by physical force to raze to the ground the altar and the throne ; nor because
they would prefer by the spread of knowledge to remove its basis ; and when they fell , depend on it they never would be built again . ' ( Loud cheers . ) The aristocracy had found out the respectability of the " lower orders " of the people—they had commenced toasting working men ; this caused him to laugh , and in his joy , to sing with Burns , * * A prince can mak a belted kni ght , A Marquis , Duke , and a' that ; But an honest man ' s aboon his might , Guid faith , he mauna fa' that ! For a ' that , and a ' that , Their dignities , and a' that , ¦ The pith o' sense and pride o' . worth ,
Are higher ranks than a' that He would rather be the despised Chartist than a despicable lordling—rather toil on to make the world a better one . Good men had gone before and paved the way for them ; thanks to their fathers who fought at Marston-moor—thanks to the men who have stood the block and the gibbet for them ; England of that day raised for them tho block and the gibbet , while England of the present day spares them a nicho in the Temple of Fame , and erects monuments to their memories . ( Tremendous cheering . ) The resolution was put , and carried unanimously . A rote of thanks was given tothe Chairman , and the meeting separated , evidently delighted with the evening ' s proceedings :
Meeting At John-Street. The Provisional ...
MEETING AT JOHN-STREET . The Provisional Committee of the National Charter Association continue their series of Tuesday evening meetings , with undeviating success at the Literary and Scientific Institution , John-street , Fitzroy-square . At the meeting on Tuesday evening , April the 16 th , Mr . Thomas Bbown was called to the chair and said , they had met at a most important time ; the Whig ministry had been beaten oh several occasions —( hear , hear)—and now was the time to take advantage of the disunion in Parliament to upset the Whigs , cause a dissolution of Parliament , and an appeal to { he country , and thus furnish a legitimate opportunit y to the working classes to g ive vent to their opinions , ( Loud applause ) .
Mr . G- . W . M . Reynolds came forward , amidst rapturous applause , to move the following resolution : —" That as the Whig ministry has latel y been subjected to several defeats , and as it does not appear to be inclined to retire from office according to the so called constitutional forms of the legislature , this meeting is ef opinion that no worse set of men could possibl y be in power , and therefore calls upon the ministry to appeal to the country , with a . view of testing public opinion . " Air . Reynolds said , it was important to observe , that ministers invariabl y met " with two or three minor defeats before the grand
clash came . The Whigs were tenacious of office . When the Tories were in power , if left in a minority on a division , they invariably resigned ; but the Wliigs , in pecuniary circumstances , appeared to be poorer , and consequently clung to place and power . ( Hear , hear . ) The concoctors of the resolution did not wish or intend any insult to the meeting , knowing , as they did , that the working classes had no power to elect a new Parliament ; but they felt that a dissolution would g ive them the opportunity of holding grand demonstrations , of putting forth their sentiments , and letting the candidates know what they wanted ,
and by this means even reaching the ear of Majesty , with their grievances . An old adage says , "When rogues fall out , honest men come by their own . " When Sir Robert Peel went out of office at the time of the passing of the act for repealing the Corn Laws , he had a party of about one hundred and twenty supporters ; this would have formed a nice little nucleus in which to have based an official party , but these , tired of waiting for the ministerial table , had dwindled down to about fifty , and consequently it would be impossible for him to hold power as a minister , hence there appeared no alternative but Lord Stanley ; and if he came into power he would put the
most odious rampant Toryism into practice—would put down the meetings of the working classes—gag the Press , and send the leaders of the people to prison . He did not believe that tho Tories would dare raise the political scaffold—not because of any humanity which existed in the breasts " of the aristocracy , but simply because public opinion was too enlightened for it . ( Hear , hear . ) He thought the English constitution tho worst of all to live under , and that it would be better to be under the Autocrat of Russia ; for there they would have but one tyrant , and hero they had ten thousand , with just sufficient liberty to blind the eyes of those who were unwilling to look far enough , He Knew the
aristocracy were nothing without tho people , that the people produced all tho necessary elegancies and luxuries they enjoyed , and for which the producers scarce received ordinary thanks , and are arrogantly told that they have no rights , that they areserfs and slaves , made expressly to furnish forth their comforts and enjoyments . ( Cheers . ) He should like to see a general election at the present time , even if it did not let in the Protectionists . Better have a reactionary than a stand still min ; istry ; and sure he was , if they had Stanley and Disraeli , they would have such tyranny as was not known since the days of Castlcrcagh . This would bind tho neonlo together , and draw them into t , hn
ranks of the National Charter Association . It was not possible for the toiling millions to be much worse off . Then let tho days of tyranny come ; this would cause the people to reflect on the days of P limit i ! freedoin » and cause them to declare that they would suspend all labour until they were as free as when God gave them the earth for an inheritance . ( Loud cheers . ) He knew that all present were Chartists at heart , but times required that they should be active Chartists . He did not ask them to resort to insurrectien , but ,. to adopt all the peaceable , legal , and constitution ^ means in their power . The nations of tho continent had never risen until goaded by their oppressors , and
then they possessed all tho capitals in Europe , and he believed , that before six months more had elapsed , they would again be in possession of them . ( Cheering . ) Witness the signs of the times as showed in France ; whole regiments had left their arms in the barracks , and marched through the towns , shouting Vive la Republique Democratique et Sociale—( Cheers)—and the same thing would soon happen in Paris . Then would the insurrection commence and bo carried on triumphantly to victory . When he was not at his post there on Tuesday evening , he wished it to be understood that he was encaircu elsewhere in tho cause . He had
been unable to attend there either last Tuesday or the Tuesday previous , and Mr . O'Connor , for whom he held the highest respect—as he believed no man had ever moved such a mass of mind as he had—had deprecated Socialism and Communism . ( Hear . ) With all deference to Mr . O'Connor , he differed with him on this matter ; and he did not wish to deceive himself or that meeting , and hence he told them he would not stir a pin ' s point for the Charter , unless it was looked at as a means to a great social end . He now possessed two votes , but did not know that he should use either in the event of an election , unless it so happened that a thoroughgoing Chartist stood for either place . Hence , he
Meeting At John-Street. The Provisional ...
would not give a fi g for mere abstract rights . What they wanted was , that labour should be fairly remunerated-that A . B . C , and so on , should all contribute , by the labour of their hands or their head , and enjoy in equitable proportion . He had been denounced by certain portions of the press —by Gavan Duffy , of the Mtion— by the John Midi—and by the Times , simply because ho advocated the doctrine called " Socialism ; " but he said if thus cordially desiring to better the social condition ef his fellow-men brought on revilings—b y heavens ! he delig hted to be so reviled . ( Hear , hear . ) He declared himself emphatically in favour of Socialism ; and what ho now possessed—or whatever henceforth he might glean—the moment
Socialism was established , he should bo delighted to say , " Here , take this property , and divide it amongst the human family . " ( Cheers . ) These were his own conscientious feelings and convictions ; but ho was not for spoliation , or from taking by violence from those who already possessed wealth . He was for passing laws by means of the Charter , that should gradually effect the change , until the present anti-social system was entirel y eradicated , and a new and a happier one established . His friend , Mr . O'Connor , had also deprecated the interfering with foreign politics ; but , he asked , why should they not point to the deeds of heroism , exhibited on the continent , as memorable examples ? Would it not bo well for
them to point to noble Kossuth , and say , see what he has done for Hungary , and shall he not do it again ? ShouW they not point to Mazzini , and bid their children admire his virtues and heroism ? Dill they not point to Hampden , to Wallace , to Mitchel , and Meagher ? And if they might laud the patriots of England , Scotland and Ireland , why not reverence the noble heroes and martyrs of Prance—the Lcdru Rollins , the Louis Blancs , and Barbes ? He trusted they should hear no more of not interfering with foreign politics , as most assuredly the ball of democracy would again roll over Europe , and then the thrones and rulo of Kings would be broken , never again to be restored . The Chairman said after the eloquent and
excelenfc speech of Mr . Reynolds , he trusted they would hear no move of the matter as regards the difference between the leaders relative to Socialism and foreign politics ; let each express their separate opinions , hear all , and judge for themselves . Mr . J . Guassby said , he had great pleasure in seconding the motion ; a more imbecile set of ministers never existed than the present—they wanted a ministry with some pluck in them , who , if they did not please the people might rise the ire of the democracy , and cause it to act . ( Loud cheers . ) He wished to say a few words as to what had fallen froni the last speaker , regarding Mr . O'Connor . Of course every man had a' right to speak and publish his'own sentiments —( hear , hear)—but Mr .
O'Connor had , in his letter in last week s Star , talked or a set of " rapscallions . " Now , why did Mr . O'Connor leave it in such mystery ? Who did he mean ? And why did he not tell them ? He was resolved to know . If Mr . O'Connor meant James Grassby , he ought to at once have had the manliness to say so . And as regarded Republicanism , why Mr . O'Connor had frequently said if so and so took place—which by the by had taken place—he would declare himself li Red Republican . However he was determined to know who Mr . O'Connor meant by . rapscallions , " and' poor gentlemen . " He did not think it any disgrace to be poor , neither did he conceive gentleness to be a crime . He really , at the present moment could not think of any who would answer Mr .
O Connor ' s description , except the " poor gentlemen" with whom he was immediately surrounded . He had-, in times past , frequently heard Mr . O'Connor conclude his speeches with , " Peaceably if we can , forcibly if we must ; " and yet they were called to account because their advocates said , " The Charter and something more ; " which meant , " The Charter and their social rights . " ( Loud cheers . ) He knew there were men who could make fine speeches—that meant anything or nothing—by the acre ; and these men , who were jealous of their peaceable , practical , and successful agitation , endeavoured to impede their progress , by denouncing them as physical force men ; but their jealousy and malice would re-act upon themselves , whilst the National Charter Association would march forward
to victory . ( Loud cheers . ) Mr . Fuzzos said , he thought Mr . O'Connor had been misrepresented , as , surely , his good sense must point out to him the Charter as the means of ameliorating their social condition . For himself he was a Republican , and in favour of Social Rights , to their fullest extent . ( Loud cheers . ) Julian Harney—who on coming forward was received with great applause—said , that he heartily agreed with Mr . Reynolds as regarded the turning out of the Whigs : It would be recollected that when , on a former evening , discussing Mr . Butt's motion , Mr . O'Brien—whom they all heard with delight , and from whom they invariably received invaluable instruction , ( applause)—had taken
exception to his ( Mr . Harney ' s ) view , on the ground that the " scorpion" Stanley , and the Tories , would come into power , and put down public meetings , and subject the working classes to a reign of terror . —[ At this moment Bronterre O'Brien entered the hall , and was greeted with loud cheers . ] —Mr . Harney reiterated what he had just stated . lie thought that Mr . O'Brien ' s reasons for regarding a Tory ministry with horror , were just the reasons why such a ministry should be hailed with joy . The Tories in power , and hounded on by such men asFerrand , would wage a war against the Free Traders and middle-class Reformers , as well as against the working men , and so would compel the middle classes to unite with the working men for
self-protection . ( Cheers . ) He , therefore , said , out with the Whigs and welcome a Tory administration , which would compel the bourgeoisie to unite with the proletarians . ( Loud cheers . ) It would be the fault of the people if they allowed themselves to be humbugged , as they were in the time of the Reform Bill agitation . Mr . Harney then proceeded to comment on the debate on Public Salaries , which had occupied the House of Commons a few evenings previously . A stranger might imagine that all sections of the House of Commons had become most patriotic economists . There was Lord John Russell demanding a committee to inquire into official , judicial and diplomatic salaries , with a view to reduction , and Mr . Disraeli meeting that motion with an
amendment " That the house was already m possession of sufficient information , and that reductions be at once proceeded with . " He believed they were both veritable humbugs . ( Cheers . ) As regarded Lord John Russell ' s committee , Mr . Disraeli had truly said that after sitting a year or two the committee would produce such a " blue book" which could defy the world's competition at the Industrial Exhibition of 1851 . ( Loud laughter , and cheering . ) They might as well have expected Grcenacre to have hanged himself , as to expect Lord John Russell to cut down his own salary . ( Loud cheers . ) The so-called Radical section of the house also played the game of humbug in pretending to agitate for financial reform , while leaving untouched that
huge swindle , the " National Debt . " ( Great applause . ) Mr . Harney entered into the history of tne contracting of the debt , and showed that it was not at all binding on tho people . Commenting on the speech of Mr , Page Wood in the House of Commons , Mr . Harney said that the subject of social reform brought him to a subject which had been commented on by previous speakers—he alluded to what had been said respecting Mr . O'Connor . He ( Mr . Harney ) differed from much that had been said by that gentleman on a previous occasion in that hall , and also from some things published by him in last Saturday ' s Star . ( Hear , hear . ) He did not condemn Mr . O ' Connor , believing that he was deceived and misinformed . That gentleman had complained of
a conspiracy , but he ( Mr . Harney ) said that the members of the National Charter Association , and other parties , meeting in that hall , had something bettor to do , than to conspire against any individual . ( Cheers . ) If there was any conspiracy against individuals , the conspirators were at the Land Office in High Holborn . ( Loud cheers ) . For himself and his friends , and those whom ho addressed , their conspiracy was against an unjust political and social system , and to change that system , all their efforts were directed . ( Renewed cheering ) . With regard to Republicanism , they were all—with few exceptions—Republicans —( great cheering)—but it was not true that they desired to supersede the Chartist agitation by an
agitation for a Republic . It was not necessary , inasmuch as Republican institutions were , sure to come in the due order of events . ( Loud cheers . ) As regarded foreign politics , he ( Mr . Harney ) maintained it was the duty of all true democrats' to sympathise with their Republican brethren on the continent . ( Cheers . ) He was sorry that they could give only the sympathy of words , but it was their dut y to give that , failing their ability to give more efficient aid . In different countries the people ' s party differed in name , but they were all intent on one olject , the triumph of the princi ples of the Democratic and Social Republic , ( Loud cheering . ) Mr . Ward stated that he had intended to have addressed the meeting in opposition to the
sentiments continually promulgated from that platform , but seeing a large attendance of theirleaders , and knowing , by past experience , the opposition he would encounter from some sections of tho meeting , he should decline then to occupy their time . He wished , however , publicly to announce , that he was ready , in full reliance upon the truth and justice of the principles and policy he had advocated , to meet either Mr . Reynolds , Mr . Harney , or any other leader of their party , whose views he had occasion to oppose , in fair , equal , and candid discussion . Such a course would offer the best test of truth , and show whether or not those gentlemen were sincere in their admiration of freedom ot discussion . ,. ,, , „ , ., . The CnAinuAN , interrupting Mr . Ward , said , m order to cut the matter short they would now have Mr . O'Brien .
Meeting At John-Street. The Provisional ...
Mr . Bbontbrre O'Bbibn rose , 'loudly applauded , and said he regretted he had « not been able to be at the meeting half an . hour earlier , as be had wished -to have met ^ Messrs . -Reynolds , 0 ' Connor , Harney ; Cooper , and others . However , he was happyto see some of them there . He wasabcutto test them ; He knew he should be thrusting hv » hand ihtaa hornet ' s nest , however , ho was -used to it , and'did not mind it . - They had association * as plentiful as bilberrys now ,- ' but what he wanted to know was whether they could not do sometiiir ; ^ in which all could agree ? ( Hear , hear . ) He perooived that Sir Joshua Walmsley called his association National , " but ho believed that it had no more right totho title than a member of parliament had to bo called " Honourable . " or a minister " llishb
Honourable . " He believed the financial * to be thorough humbugs , and ho would not give the clipping of a lawyer ' s conscience for all the reforms they would produce . There was a scheme to unite all the rich against all tho poor , - and they Lad no right to give all the votes to the rich and exclude the poor , for surely the poor stood most in need of the votes . He wished originally the qualification had been that every man should have done something for his daily bread . He had seen Mr . Reynolds , and asked him . to insert in his Political Instructor a . letter from him . ( Mr . O'Brien ) to the President and Council of "the National Parliamentary Reform Association , " embracing the following proposition ;— ' . ' That deputations or the National Charter Association , National Reform
League , and all other organised bodies advocating a full measure of political and social ri . ff ' nt ? for all classes , should wait upon the . Conference of the Parliamentary Reform Association , about to meet in London , and require of them , as a proof of their sincerity , to give a public pledgo to tho working classes to secure the return to parliament , at the next general election , of some thirty or forty gentlemen , who should be publicly chosen in as many populous boroughs , as the fittest persons to represent the new electors in parliament . The middle class electors should publicly pledge themselves to give their votes in favour of , such gentlemen after they shall have been previously duly elected as their delegates , by a clear niiijovity of the non-electors "—( loud cheers)—and unless Sir
Joshua and his middle class friends should give this public pledge in favour of a real working aian ' s representation , the : working people would consider them unworthy of their confidence , and their " little Charter" scheme as nothing better than a base , unchristian p lan , to unite all the rich against poor by giving the votes to the former , and withholding the like right from those who are not rich enough to be able to contribute to the support of the poor , as well as to keep themselves . ( Cheers . ) Of course , the object of the deputation would be to impress this reasonable view upon the Conference ; and in case tlie middle classes should give their sanction to it , a clear and irrefragable evidence would be furnished of the competence of the working classes to vote . wisely and honestly . ( Loud
cheers . ) Tho persons who should nominate at the hustings he would like the middle classes to select . ( Hear , hear . ) If the Parliamentary Reform Association really did represent the middle classes , they had the command of something like three hundred seats ; and surely out of those they micht spare * for a temporary purpose , the small number ho had nsked ? And mind , he only wanted it for a temporary purpose as he , for one , would never be content with a less measure of political justice than that given in the People ' s Charter . ( Loud cheers . ) If this proposition was not conceded , would they not be justified in voting the middle class a band of conspiring profit-mongers , who fleeced the people out of three hundred millions a year ? ( Cheers . ) Mr , Gerald Massby delivered an . excellent and soul-stirring speech .
Mr . J . Rogers also addressed the meeting . Mr . O'Brien , in moving a vote of thanks to the chairman , took the sense of tho meeting on the proposition ho had suggested in his speech , which was unanimously in favour of a deputation to the ensuing Conference . The vote of thanks to the chairman was then passed by acclamation , and the meeting adjourned until Tuesday evening next .
The Ten Hours Bill.-Meeting Of The Deleg...
THE TEN HOURS BILL .-MEETING OF THE DELEGATES IN LONDON . On Wednesday night a meeting of the delegates from the manufacturing districts of Lancashire and Yorkshire was held at their meeting-room in Northumberland-court , Mr . Thomas Pitt , of Ashton , in the chair . The main object of the meeting was to arrange their course of proceeding ; After the transaction of somo matters of business ; tho following letter was read from Lord Ashley : — House of Commons , April 17 , 1850 . — To the Delegates from the Short Time Committee of Lancashire and Yorkshire . — Gentlemen , —The Fgctory Bill which was fixed for Thursday next , April 18 , must he postponed until the 2 nd of May , the first day on which there is any . likelihood of obtaining an opportunity of discussion . The business for Thursday would occupy the house until a very late hour , 30 that I could cn : crtain no hope of being able to move the bill into committee , I am , your obedient servant , Asulet .
On tho motion of the delegte from Oldham , seconded by the delegate from Bolton , " the letter was ordered to be " entered on the minutes and published . '' ¦ ¦ - The delegate from Todmorden then moved the following address , which was seconded by the delegate from Bradford , and carried unanimously : — To the Factory Operatives 6 f Great Britain and Ireland . Fellow Workmen , —At your call we have again assembled in London , for the purpose of promoting the passing of a bill to explain the intention of the act of 1847 , namely to effect a uniform and continuous working often hours a day in factories , mealtimes only excepted . That bill , as you nre aware , was to have been brought before the House of Commons to-morrow ( Thursday ) , April 18 th , but by a a combination of circumstances over which our noble leader had no control , lord Ashley has been compelled to postpone it till the 2 nd of ifay . We therefore coni ' ure vou ,
astyou love the cause in which you are engaged , to make the best possible use of the time thus afforded . Our enemies are in the field , and are active . We must therefore persevere . A few millowners in some of the secluded valleys of Lancashire and Yorkshire , where neither the light of public opfnion nor the freedom of the factory workers have yet appeared , are coercing their workpeople to sign petitions infavovv of the odious system of working by relays . In some of the glens of Scotland the same oppressive course is being adopted , and the masters ofllawicls have sent up to London a few of their time-serving managers and overlookers in support of these petitions . These , friends , are symptoms of opposition which you must meet , and meet with energy and promptitude . Go on , then , petitioning , and let your watchwords ' be , 'TenHours , ' ' Ho relays , ' and ' No surrender . ' Signed , on bfhalf of the delegates , Thomas Pitt , Chairman . Northumberland-court , April I 7 th , 1850 .
National Charter League. , The Council H...
NATIONAL CHARTER LEAGUE . , The Council hold its third meeting on Monday evening last , at which wore present P . M'Grath , W , Bixon , J . Hobden , W ; Allnutt , A . Fairchild , E , Nobbs , R . Side , W . Tapp , and the secretarv , T . Clark . The Secretary reported that the National Hall was taken for the first public meeting of the League , on Wednesday , May 1 st . Letters approving of the League , and its proposed modus operandi , were read from W . Lovett , London ; Dr . Bowkett , Limehouse ; and J . Barker , of Leeds . The letters were ordered to be inserted upon the
minutes . - Tho Socrotary was instructed to eommimicatfl with several gentlemen , who from their conduct for many years past , have manifested their zeal for the cause of the people , and requesting the attendance of those gentlemen at the impending public meeting , The Treasurer announced that , as instructed by the Council , he had engaged a commodious room for the meetings of the Council , at No . 5 , Snow Hill , and to which address all communications for the League , in future , arc to be sent . The receipts for the week , were announced to ba £ 10 9 s . lOd .
. Nottingham.—Strike Of The Wrought Draw...
. Nottingham . —Strike of the Wrought Drawer Pantaloon' and Shirt Brace of Framework Knit « ters . —The strike in this branch is not yet ter « initiated , there being two manufacturers who have not agreed to give the advance , consequently their hands remain out—but we trust the two firms alluded to , will be induced to employ very soon , as tha leading houses in the trade have agreed to give the advance , and their hands have returned to work . We wish to state that we have been liberally supported by the cut-up and selvage weel branch of Nottingham in this struggle . Their kindness hag been duly appreciated , and is now gratefully acknowledged . Newspaper Stamps . —On Wednesday a return to
p arliament ( obtained by Mr . ISChOleiield ) was printed , showing the annual expense of collecting the stamp duty on newspapers . The number o £ persons employed is fifty-three , of which forty-ona are at Somerset House , six at Edinburgh , and sis ; at Manchester . The wages of the persons so employed amount to £ 5 , 010 , of which £ 3 , 991 is paid at Somerset House , £ 399 at Edinburgh , and £ 620 at Manchester . The other expenses are stated afi £ 1 , 159 2 s . 3 d ., making the total yearly expenses of collection £ 6 , 1 G 9 2 s . 3 d . It appears from a note on the return that machinery is not employed in the stamping of newspapers , nor are any persons exclusively employed to receive the money for tha stamps .
Some op the paper slips dropped by the telegraph * ing balloons , sent up exjupmentally bv the Adm ' ralty at Whitehall , have beej ^ returned b " y post from Hamburg and Altona , a distance of 450 miles direct . ' " Bosworth Field , " on which a crown was losfi and won , is now the arena of a conflict between landlord and tenant , the farmers being up in arms for their "rights . " .. .. ¦ It is proposed to convert the old gaol at Chelmsford into a new cattle and corri'market . Cost estw mated at £ 10 , 000 .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), April 20, 1850, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_20041850/page/5/
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