Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 18th January 1845, Edition 2 of 4, Page 4, &o SSeaaew ams eomgaontrent *

Page 4
Page 4
4 of 8

On this page

  • Departments (2)
    • THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAYJANUARY 181845.
    • &o SSeaaew ams eomgaontrent *
  • Text (9)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Surface Will Not Be Satisfied Ma. Hood A...

      THE frORTHBlEK STA / R Jawary is , i ^ g >^ -v . ' " - ¦ .- ¦¦¦ ¦ - ¦ ¦ - ¦ . i I l- *» rM .. l « M »«« nil ~~ I

      Shipping News. . Fatal Shipwbeck.—Letter...

      SHIPPING NEWS . . Fatal Shipwbeck . —Letters received m town , inform , mi of the total loss , in Carnarvon Bay , ol tne shi p William Turner , commanded by Cap tain h . vans , with all hands on board . The mekneholy catMtrophe ocenrred either during the night of the iot u , , or early on the morning ofthe 11 th instant . The wuui was blowing stronglvfrom the south-west at the time . The Wilbam Turner was 43 S tons !""«** ' * £ register , and was laden with , guano at ^ P or * ° i Ichiboe for Liverpool Portions of the ^ "V ™ iiuvnifeatwerefound on the beach .-Liverpool Atom . Lo s s of Five British Ships at V ° f ^ C ^ t following is an extract of a letter received - "jwoyu s — " Taganrog , Dec . 11 , 1-344 . Since my report ofthe lossoflSoonerEfoabeth , and the ** % ™* g ^ K « nfhpf British ships , the masters and

      crews of thelatter have been ohbgedto abandon „ their vessels , and are now here , hkc the men of the Elizabeth , all destitute ; for , although the said ships have jiotyet <* one to pieces , their position is such , that no hope remains of their being saved , and Hear that by reason of their distance from the land and the dangerous state of tlie ice , very little ofthe cargoes or even of their stores can be got out of them . The Ann Meteibc is lying on her beam-ends , and is full of water , and the crew , of twelve persons , have saved nothing . The Countess of Dunmore is lying on ber side , and must upset with the first shift of wind . This vessel , notwithstanding an early application ftom myself to the acting governor , both verbally and

      -in writing , for the protection ofthe property , has , it ¦ is ^ this ^ day discovered , been p lundered by the fishermen of all her stores , < fcc , the crew , consisting of -twelve ^ persons , havin g previ o usly reached the s h ore with extreme difficulty , and without being able to bring away anything . The crews ofthe Hants and British Queen ) which ships having their sides cut throug h are mere wrecks , were more fortunate , having brought on their shoulders some effects , but most -of their clothes were lost during their passage to the shore , their lives having been in great peril while passing over the moving ice . These two crews consist of twenty persons . ( Signed by the British Vice Consul )

      Loss of the Brigs Nlxe a >* d Prixoe Albert . — The following is an extract of a letter from the British Consul at the Cape de Verds : — " Boa Vista , Cape de Verds , Nov . 14 , 1 S 44 . —lhave to report the loss of the Eng lish bri g s Nine , Captain Sinclair , on the 19 th of September last , upon the flartweli Reef , at the north end ofthe island ; and the Prince Albert , Peter Berry , master , upon the north point of the island of Fucgo , on the 16 th of September . Both vessels were bound to lehaboe , for guano , and were in ballast . 1 am happy to state no lives were lost . The crews have been sent to the River Gambia , there being no chance of their jretthig from the islands , au opportunity direct to England seldom or ever offering . Some elothin 2 was given them .

      Melancholy SiurwnECR . —Tramoke , Jan . 11 . — About half-past four o ' clock this , morning a ves- -el was driven on shore at the Burrow ; in this bay , about Iialf a mile from the town . An immediate alarm was given , and several of tlie inhabitants were on the instant in attendance . When Hearing the p lace where the vessel had struck ( within a few perches of the beach ) , the cries of their fellow-men fell upon the ear in such deep-toned agony that almost rendered the party incapable of action ; however , the spirit of humanity soon set all in motion for the rescue of a brother from the dark shapeless hulk of the ill-lated vessel . At this particular moment a scene the most agonizingpresenteditsciL The vessel broken up—the shore strewn with fragments—thehollow shriek of ths shipwrecked mariners for succour , clinging to the meek , now almostimperceptible , wound up the feeling !

      of the brave fellows , who were waitingwith breathless anxiety , some of them stripped , panting for leave to face the tempestuous billow , to rescue the distressed or die in the attempt . Two men , Kenny and Siiuiot , plunged into the foaming surge in the teeth of the floating wreck , and succeeded in reaching a portion where one man was cling ing , who was very soon safely landed . Kenny and Simiot , following up their success with awful effort , board e d the hulk , and succeeded in like manner in getting on shore the three other survivors . The party thus snatched from the jaws of death are John Travel's ( captain ) , Michael Fleming ( mate ) , and Michael Neill and Patrick Murphy ( seamen ) . "We learn that the ill-fated -vessel was the Elizabeth of Bristol . She had on board , iu addition to the crew saved , a fine cabin hoy , named James Nugent ^ aged sixteen , who literally died from extreme exhaustion . —Waterford Chronicle .

      A . Ship Destroyed by Spoxtaxeous Combustion ofGhaxo . —The steam-packet Water Witch , arriving at IIulL from London , on Wednesday , broug ht into port the master and crew of the barque Ann , Storey of Sunderland , who had been picked up b y the packet in an open boat , to which they had taken on the destruction of their vessel , near Hasborough Sand , on Tuesday evening . It appears b y the statement of the shipwrecked men that the Ann , a new barque , on the first voyage , was returning from lehaboe with a cargo of guano , and unfortunately struck on the sand while beating over , shi pped a quantity of salt

      water , which , penetrating the cargo , caused almost instantaneous combustion . A volume of smoke rising throug h the fore hatchway warned the crew of this new danger , and induced their taking immediately to the boat , without saving anything but themselves ; and scarcely had they done so , when a tremendous explosion ofthe gas , engendered by the partiall y fired guano , blew the stern out of the vessel , which then . filled and sank in deep water . It is said that three vessels , belonging to the same owners , started together on this voyage , one of which was lost on the -passage out , and the third had not arrived at lehaboe when the unfortunate Ann left the island . —Mull Xacket .

      Cje.Teral Meeikg Of The Smallware Weaver...

      Cje . teral Meeikg of the Smallware Weavers . —A tgeneral meeting of the silk , cotton , and woollen smallware weavers was held in the Hall of Science , Campfield , to take into consideration the propriety of forming a society for the mutual support of each branch . The meeting was well attended . Mr . Andrew Scholefield was unanimously called to the chair , who opened the business by stating the circumstances -which had led to the calling of this meeting , one of which was that a few of them had had a n interview with one of the masters , who took the opportunity of telling them that he was about to reduce their wages . They thought of asking for an advance , but not having an understanding amongst themselves , thev had called that meeting . Mi-. Charles Moors ,

      in a sensible speech , moved the following resolution—- * ' That this meeting sees the necessity of forming a society of the silk and cotton smallware weavers of Manchester and its vicinity , in order to adopt means to secure a proper remuneration for their labour . " The resolution was seconded by Mr . Smith in a neat speech . Mr . Jackson supported it , and when put to tie vote it was earned unanimously . Mr . Saunders moved the second resolution . During his address Mr . James Leach entered the room , and was received with rapturous applause . The resolution was—* ' That in the opinion of this meeting former endeavours to establish a permanent price for labour by means of strikes have been ineffectual , and have entailed creat loss of capital ; that instead thereof ,

      cap ital oug ht to be applied to the rental of land , -which will enable the labourer to get a comfortable living without competing with his fellow labourer , to the injury of employer and employed . " Mr . Saunders entered at length into the benefits of this plan , and in aniasterlynianner proved the injury of strikes , -showing hy facts and figures that the money spent oa strikes , if " laid out on the land , would not only make the society stronger , but tend at the same time to improve the ' nioral and social condition ofthe members . Air . Wrig ht seconded tlie resolution , which was supported by Mr . James Leach , who entered into the merits ofthe rcsolutionin his usual eloquent and con-Tincing manner . He said that statesmen had spent & ektimcmendcavouTing tofacilitateproduction , but

      never thoug ht of distribution . Why , Nature taught them how to produce ; aud it was for them to bend their minds to the proper distribution of that which their labour pi'odueed . He refuted the fallacy that England was getting poorer ; and said that some time ago the political economists said that England would become bankrupt for want of money , but the feet was , that too much money was likely to bring the country to ruin . Money is valueless to those that Lave it , vet thev who produced were starving for want of it . He then referred to the present good trade , and stated that , so sure as panics had come before , so sure they would come again . He referred to the years 1835 and 1836 , when , in Lancashire , 169 new factories were built ; the consequence of which was , a glut

      in ine market , such was their present position ; lor at this moment there were 100 new factories in course of erection in the same county . Mr . Leach retired -amid much cheering . After a friendly discussion , in which several gentlemen took part , an amendment -was proposed to the following effect : — " That , instead of takin ff land , we commence with the first week ' s contribution to keep a co-operative shop . " On the amendment being put , there were three hands held up ; the motion was , therefore , carried with an overwhelming majority . Mr . Barret moved , and Mr . Chadwiok seconded : — "That , in order to carry out the foregcin < r objects , each member pay one penny per week Ascription . " Mr . Edwards moved , and Mr . Pyatt seconded : — "That the name of this society be the Smallware Weavers' Mutual Benefit Society . ' Ihe meeting then proceeded to elect a general secretary . The tli « nfcs of the meeting were given to the chairm * " -aand the business terminated .

      , ' Lascashtke Mixers . —The . next general delegate meeting of Lancashire Miners will be held on Mondav , Jan . 27 , at the house of Mr . Thomas Horrocks , Hew Inn , Bacup ; chair to be taken at eleven o cloc k in the forenoon . A public meeting will also be held , which will be addressed by W . P . Roberts , Esq ., and other gentlemen . The levy for the fortnight is Is . 6 d . per member . Mixers' Meeting et Yorkshire . —Mr . Septimus Davis has visited the following places : —Monday , the 6 th , Origglestone ; Tuesday , Lepton ; Friday , Elland ; Saturday , Halifax . Mr . Davis will lecture at the following p laces : —Monday , the 20 th , Adwalton ; Tuesdav , 21 st , Gildersome ; Wednesday , 22 nd , Chur-\ rell ; Thursday , 23 rd , Beeston ; Friday , 24 th , Rothwell .

      Chambers' Philosophy Refuted. Just Publi...

      CHAMBERS ' PHILOSOPHY REFUTED . Just published Price rourpence ( forming a Pamphlet of 56 pages demy 9 vo ., in a stiff wrapper ) , Apr / Lb and COMPLETE REFUTATION ofthe PHILOSOPHY contained in a TRACT recently published by the MESSRS . CHAMBERS , of Edinburgh , entitled the "Employer and Employed . " This valuable little work contains the most complete defence of tlie demands of the Working Classes for their fair share of the enormous wealth created by Machinery , as well as a justification of Trades Unions . The numerous appeals that have been made to Mr . O'Connor from nearly every part of the kingdom for the publication , in pamphlet form , of those Dialogues that have recently appeared in the S tar , have determined him to gratify what appears to be tho almost unanimous wish of the Labouring Classes .

      Heywood , 53 , Oldham-street , Manchester ; Cleave , 1 , Shoe-lane , Loudon ; Guest , Bull-street , Birmingham ; at the Northern Star Office , 340 , Strand , London ; and may he had of all Booksellers and News Agents in Town and Country . All News Agents in Lancashire and Yorkshire will save carriage hy ordering of Mr . Heywood , from whom they wiU receive the Pamphlet upon tlie same terms as if supplied from the A ' ortftern Star Office .

      The Northern Star Saturdayjanuary 181845.

      THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAYJANUARY 181845 .

      O'Connell And The Pope. There Has Been F...

      O'CONNELL AND THE POPE . There has been for some time , as it now appears , a secret conspiracy existing between the See of Rome and a portion of the Catholic hierarchy of Ireland , aided and assisted by English ministerial agency , having for its object the full , complete , and entire annihilation of civil liberty in Ireland , to be made palatable by the sweetness of a blissful eternity as the people ' s share—and a more comfortable present as the portion of their spiritual advisers : that is , as in all bargains made on behalf of the poor , they are to receive the promised "inward and spiritual grace , " while their zealous " martyred" advocates are obliged to put up with the mere " outward and visible sign . " It appears that as early as the 12 th of March , 1339 , this now full-blown conspiracy was in the bud : aud

      a lthoug h not cognizant of the fact , we augured treachery from unprcpitious omens presented in the conduet of Archbishop M'umiat and a portion ' of the Catholic hierarchy with respect to the Hepeal agitation of 1340 . When wc ventured to predict au evil future from the ill omens then observable in the following terms , we were met with torrents of the most unmeasured abuse . So long ago as the period wo speak of , the Xoitkrn Star said ; " However a portion of the Catholic hierarchy nmy noiv appear to give countenance to a hcli / less infant , not yet threatening in feature , size , or form , nevertheless ivhen tlie popular breath has swelled Repeal to a monster , then the hierarchy of the Catholic Church , like the hierarchy of all other churches , will be found purchasing ttmporai advantages for tliemseliia at Vie expense of the national wff l . "

      For this expression of opinion we were denounced in most unmeasured terms . Orators inveighed against us ; pamphlets teemed with the most foulmouthed slander ; and tlie sentinels of the Catholic Church held us up as " ruffians , " who had dared to cast susp icion upon the Catholic hierarchy of Ireland . Wc think , however , that we inaynott- turn to the conductors of the Irish Repeal press , and ask , if one prediction makes a " ruffian , " how many does it take to make a " prophet ? " We predicted before the event , and were " ruffians : " Mr . O'Coxnell predicts after tho event , and ia a " prophet . "

      The present absorbing controversy , which wc limit to Mr . O'Coxjjell on the one side , and Pope Gregory XVI . on the other , has already assumed an importance compared with whicli all other considerations , even the Repeal itself , merge into utter insignificance . We pass over the amusing quantity of newspaper speculation that has been hazarded on the subj ect , and come at once to a consideration ofthe case as it reall y stands between the disputants . And to aid us in this , we shall take the conditions upon which Pope jYdbiax , an Englishman , was graciously pleased

      to bestow the Irish nation upon Harbv the Second , another Englishman and we shall contrast those terms with the duties assigned by Pope Gregory XVI . to the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland in his recent rescript . In 1841 , when defending the Repeal agitation against the assaults of the Eng lish press , we published at length the Bull of Pope Adrian , whicb constituted the earliest title of the Crown of England to the Kingdom of Ireland ; aud we reprint the following extract from that precious document , the better to serve our present purpose . Here it is : —

      We , therefore , with that grace and glad acceptance suited to your pious and laudable design , and favourably assenting to our petition , do hold it good and acceptable , that , for extending the borders of the church , restraining the progress of vice , for the correction of manners , the planting of virtue , aud tlie increase of religion , you enter tliis island , and execute therein whatever shall pertain to the honour of God , and the welfare ofthe land ; and that tlie people of the land receive you honourably , aud reverence you as then * lord ; and so forth .

      Now , if Adrian * had a rig ht to sell , and if Harry had a ri ght to buy , and the people were satisfied to be sold , all succeeding Popes became trustees for the Irish people ; and it was their duty to see that the conditions in the grant were strictly performed by the grantee and his sucessors : that is , tiiat " vice was restr a ined , " " manners were correcte d , " " virtue was planted , " and " reli gion increased . " Those were the sacred conditions under which the Eng lish Prince claimed the allegiance of the Irish

      people;and each of his royal successors , d o wn to t he pr e sent day , having violated every one of the sti pulated conditions , by encouraging the progress of vice , and having neg lected the several other injunctions , we contend that if Mr . O'Cojoitll can show that the Repeal ofthe Union would have a stronger tendency to restrain the progress of vice , to correct manners , implant virtue , and increase religion , " his title to the faithful following , if not to the allegiance , ofthe Irish people , is superior to the title of the British Crown .

      Let us now see whether or not the injunctions contained in the rescri pt of his Holiness Pope Gbsgort XVI . may be considered a faithful discharge of his duty to the Irish people , as the successor of Pope Adrian . His Holiness says : — This , moreover , is the cause why tlie Sacred Congregation hastens again to write to you about this important matter , at tlie desire of our most holy Lord , l ' ou very well know , most gracious prelate , wbatis the eeelasiastical duty and its character , aud how much it behoves , and how important it is for the safety of religion , that those who are devoted to sacred things , ministers of the King of

      Peace , and stewards of the mysteries of God , hut especially placed over the spiritual direction ofthe faithful , should in no respect involve themselves In secular concerns ; should assiduously cherish among tho people quietness , tranquillity , and peace , which is the bond of Christianity ; should constantly , hy example and word , impress that subjection is due to the temporal power in those things which relate to civil affairs , and exhibiting exemplary prudence and moderation of mind , preaching Christ and him crucified only * , should most cautiously avoid whatsoever might evCn slightly excite , rouse , and draw aside from the mildness ofthe law ofthe Gospel the flock committed to them .

      The letter of Mr . O'Connell to the Rev . Dr . Cakiweia , the Roman Catholic Bishop of Meath , is so conclusive , so complete , and so unanswerable , as to the dangerous tendency of the Pope ' s interference in temporal matters , that we should pass over the above without comment , was it not for the dangerous result that must inevitably follow an observance of the tyrannical doctrine of his Holiness . He says , " impress that subjection is due to the temporal power in those things which relate to civil affairs . " Monstrous !!! and incredible , if coming from any other portion of the globe , except that press-dark spot , held blindfold and trammelled by the Austrian despot . Was bis Holiness not aware that to the

      unequal civil power possessed by the English minister , the Irish peop le trace all their wrongs , and her priests the degradation of that reli gion which his Holiness is bound to hicrease , a nd whi c h h e can onl y effect throug h tho instrumentality of civil power ? Does the consp iracy of the British Cabinet , the intrigue of a piebald English Catholic , the apostacy of an Irish archbishop , and the subserviency of a few Irish Catholic prelates , constitute a combination of civil authority , to whose injunctions tho Catholic priesthood of Ireland arc enjoined to tender that " subjection due to the temporal power in those things which relate to civil affairs ? " for if so , Ireland has indeed become a nation of serfs , and in vain have her priesthood struggled to preserve those rights of

      O'Connell And The Pope. There Has Been F...

      which Popes , prelates , and ministers , would fain have robbed them . When we have seen Mr . O'CoxitKii engaged in any struggle in which honesty is not onl y bis best , but his only safe policy , wo have never shrunk from the task , for such indeed it is , of defending him . He is now engaged in a great and most important straggle : and great as is the importance that we attach to an independent native legislature for Ireland , yet is even thai matter of perfect insignificance when compared with the result of the present issue . Let us , firstly , consider that branch of the subject—and ,

      secondly , whether or no Mi ' . O'Cojwklii can , —not consistently but possibly , —abandon tho field of controversy until tlie battle is fairly fought . Having exhausted all the arts of seduction , intimid a ti o n , and finesse ; having attempted to manifest an Impartial bearing towards Catholic Ireland in the appointment of some of her degenerate Catho l ic sons to places of trust and emolument ; having strained the law , violated the constitution , and defrauded the nation of the sacred right of trial by jury ; having garrisoned a whole country with an armed soldiery ,

      and blocked her porta with war-ships ; having in turn coaxed and threatened , bullied and crouched ; and all appliances having failed to seduce the Catholic peop le of Ireland from their allegiance to their country , thoir priests , and their cause—the dastardly and polluting policy of the British Minister— " Divi d e and Conquer , " is now resorted to , as the means of perpetuating misrule and upholding British sway . And at length tlie spiritual arm of the Catholic Church is to be raised against the temporal power and civil rights of the Catholic people .

      Well indeed may it be said that Ireland has never been conquered but by her own sons , and never can be released from bondage but by her own exertions . Treating Mr . O'Cossell as a man and as a politician , with whose policy wc have seldom agreed , we now come to the consideration of the second question —whether or no he must fight the present battle fairly to its close . If , then , Mb . O'Connell is sincere in his demand for a Repeal of the Union , honesty is not onl y his best , but only policy ; because the triump h of the Pope ' s sp iritual power over Am temporal influence would give the death-blow to the question . If , on tho other hand , the agitation is relied on as a soui'ce of profit , tho priesthood being the agency of communication

      between him and tlie people , will , if polluted by the see of Rome , abstain from farther interference in the " fiscal" department . And , however the Liberal press of Ireland may thunder anddoelaim , denounce and exhort , Mr . O'Connell well knows that those millions upon whom he mainly depends in the south and west , in Minister and Connaught , aro not readers of newspapers , hut hearers of their priests ; that from " oral tradition , " and not from printed papers , they learn their duty , and by its influence are induced to contribute their means ; that , however powerful the press may be , there is a power behind the press more active and greater than the press itself : and that power is found on the altar of every Catholic chapel .

      Tlie address of condolence , from fifty Catholic priests , to Archbishop Murray , mi ght , were wc not aware of the devotion and patriotism of the whole bod y , stagger our confidence in this fruitful source of agitation : but cognizant as wc arc of the integrity and indomitable courage ofthe Irish priesthood generall y - , and , aware of the increasing intelligence by which the I r ish mi n d i s now g uided , even in the south and west , we rely on the united exertions of the shepherds and their nodes , as a means of resistance to the prowling wolves that would devour them .

      We may hold with the Times as to the difficulty of reconciling tlie evidence of Mr . O'Cokseu , before the Parliamentary Committees in 1827 , with his recently published objections to any alliance between the State and the Catholic Church of Ireland . The Times , however , appears to forget that the Charitable Bequests Bill is but the section of a question , while the Emanci pation Act was promised , and intended to be , a whole question ; that , although wrung from the fears of the British Minister , the princi ple of emancipation has been violated in every subsequent

      Act , and that Mr . O'Comnell was , in the first instance , stating what might then have been effected b y just policy , and is now referring to what maybe anticipated from a further strengthening of the hands ofthe deceiver . When * Mr . O'Connbh . spoke of the " golden link" b y which th e Catholi c pe o p le and their p riesthood might be bound to the Eng lish Crown , we presume that he meant a link mutually binding and mutually attaching one to the other , and not a kind of " sli p-knot , " a "NOOSE " encircling the head of the Pope , while the Minister held the other end and pulled it at pleasure .

      We have thought it necessary to deal rather at l e n g th with thi s s ubj e ct , because it is one which must vitally affect the interests of every man living under the government of the British Crown . Wc have alread y had a fearful foretaste of the influence of one State Church ; and Ood preserve us from the double infection ! The minister hears the old hen left without a brood , " clucking " ominously ; and in her disconsolate sing leness he would give her a helpmate to aid her in her pilgrimage . The press would not only tolerate , but encourage , State Church demagogues who preach orthodox temporal doctrines ,

      while it inculcates spiritual submission to the nopolitics doctrine of his Holiness the Pope . In the outset of the recent hot Repeal agitation we declared that one of three sacrifices must be the resulteither that the priests must be sacrificed , O'Conkeh must be sacrificed , or the Union must be sacrificed . Upon 3 fr . O'Cohkell ' s own conduct depends the fate of each . If he beats "the Pope , the Devil , and the Pretender , " which we sincerely trust he may , the Union must be sacrificed ; if the priests relax in the agitation of Repeal , they are fated ; and if he swerves even a hair ' s-breadth from his present position , his doom is scaled . We

      have strong reasons for believing that the mind of Ireland will be found too powerful for the conspiracy ofthe English Minister , the intrigue ofthe Austrian despot , the apostacy of the p iebald Eng lish Catholic , and the subserviency of the Irish Ministerial prelates . However , come what-may—and especially at the present ominous mom ^ t for the Church of England , when tlie crisis ^ rapidly coming upon her— -we look on the present struggle as the most portentous , important , and astounding , since the day that the adulterous Harry turned us all to Protestants , th a t ho might confer our estates on those who sanctioned his lewdness and murders .

      The Projected Trades' Conference. Ho Tim...

      THE PROJECTED TRADES' CONFERENCE . HO TIME EOB . DELAY < Whatever steps tho Trades themselves may take , or even if thoy take none at all , it is matter of certainty that the question of Trades' Combinations will come before Parliament at its next assembling ; and from the manner in which Labour questions have been dealt with by that august " collective " body , —especially since the Reform , when elective power was conferred on the middle and the tradin " classes , and tho "house , " thus made to represent the scattered worldly-wisdom of the

      Profitocrac T , —there needs not much of the spirit of divination to augur what will be tho result . There is no possibility of mistaking the " signs of the times . " Trades' Unions are to be assailed . Whatever the mode for tlie accomplishment ofthe object aimed at may be , it is as apparent as the sun at noon-day that tlie suppression of Trades ' Combinations is intended and will be tried for . There are all the indications of such intention . The press , which has always to prepare the public

      mind for the reception of measures of oppres sion and tyranny , lias had its que ; and is excr cising ito vocation most lustily . " Raw-head-andbloody-boncs" stories of the " evil '' and " pernicious " effects of Trades' Combinations are bandied about in right good will ; and the fears of the property-men and the cupidity of employers are being played on , to get them " up to the mark , " that due and convincing influence may be brought to bear on the " free and independent" members of

      The Projected Trades' Conference. Ho Tim...

      Parliament . There ia an aatabMed mode in England , by which the passing of all measures ' detrimental to , and assaults on , public liberty , is secured . The attentive observer , when he sees the ma c hin e ry ofthe press , the pulpit , and the platform put in requisition to "write" and "talk down" any question or party of the day , cannot be mistaken in inferring the intention on the part of " our rulers " to interfere with " the strong arm of the law , " if sufficient support from tlie middle and trading classes can bo evolved , or the opposition of the party att a cked paral ysed . That m achinery is at work now

      against the Trades ! It was not for nothing that Earl FrrzwiLUAu made his speech at the Cutlers ' dinner in Sheffield . He did not attack and denounce Trades' Combinations without object . It was not for nothing that the Messrs . Chambers have published their infamous farrago of cruel , hard , pinch-gut " philosophy , " as a blind to the insidious blow they were aiming . at Trades' Unions . It is not for nothing that the daily and weekly press arc pressing on the attention of their readers and supporters , the "higher and middle class , " the . distraction caused to employers and the ruin inflictod on trade through the insane

      eonduct of tlie worker * , in demanding unreasonable wages , and in attempting to resist tyrannical " regulations . " It is not for nothing that the Manc h e s ter Guardian has been for weeks " writing down" the Colliers' Union ; representing the men as a band of consp irators combined for the purpose of raising the price of coal ; and anon making it appear that the Unionists themselves arc subjected to the sway of a " tyrannical oligarchy , " because they have placed the conduct of their affairs in the hands of ah executive body chosen by themselves . It is not for nothing , all this . It is not wi thout meaning—without object—without aim—without end ! It lias an e n d and that end the Trades will speedily find , to their

      bitter cost , if they arc not alive to what is enacting around them—if they are not warned by what is passing under their eyes—and if they are not duly prepared to resist the assault when it comes , lie is a bad general who remains quietly encamped , and holds himself not in readiness for the fig ht , when he knows that he has an active and . energetic enemy in his immediate vicinity ; and if he suffers himself to be surprised , and his entire army taken captive under such circumstances , his character will not stand very high for either bravery or vigilance . The Trades aro in a similar position . Thoy have an active and implacable foe in tho field : a foe not over brave , it is

      truebut as full of finesse , and cunning , and low-trick , as an egg is fidl of meat . That foe is " circumventing " the whole position of the Trades . It is stealthily drawing around and around , in the intention of entirely surrounding tlie " combined" camp , and of thus making them surrender at discretion . And all the while this is going on , tho Trades' Army is inactive ! Tho sentinels sleep on their posts ; the " staff" are dreaming in fancied securit y , and have no plan of operations determined on—indeed , s e em as if they deemed it not needful to op erate at all ; the subalterns and the soldiers are thus necessarily at rest—their arms piled away , and the whole camp is anything but a scene of union , of discipline , or of readiness .

      Is it not time that uia alarm was sounded ? Is it not tune that the Trades awoke to a sense of tlie danger that threatens them ? Is it not time that they had scouts out , and other means taken , to see what it is that the enemy is about ? Is it not time that they endeavoured to ascertain the nature of tho movement too-unmistakeably determined on ? At all events , is it not time that tho men buckled on their armour to prevent their camp from being overrun , without even a show of resistance ?

      Metaphor apart , it is time that the Tr a des were up and doing . If they remain much longer in their present apathetic state , they will be overwhelmed . If the spirit and power of resistance which thoy possess be not soon evoked , they will find that thoir own torpidity has been their undoing . Men generally , when awaking to a sense of danger which thoy did not apprehend , confusedly exclaim , " What arc we to do ? " No doubt such a feeling will prompta similar query in the case ofthe Trades . To that query wo respond—take counsel together . Before entering on a campai gn , or before engaging

      in battle , a council of war is holden , at which the different generals attend , determine on a plan of operations , andjthen each performs his part with his section of the grand army , to make the plan successful . Just so in this case . Th e T ra d es want a cou n ci l of war . If they would be united to be successful , —AND TO BE SUCCESSFUL THEY MUST DE UNITED , — such council of war they must have . The leaders must confer together . They must have a defined plan of operations . They must know what it is they have to do , and have a settled mode of doing it . If not , all will be disunion—all confusion—all effort worse than useless , because energy thrown away .

      But it is not alone to meet the schemes and designs ofthe great enemy , Capital , that the Trades require a Conference ; though that alone woidd form ground sufficient to justify one being held . Indeed , if for that object alone , a Conference would he indispensable . But there are other , and higher grounds still . The one wo have first put , is the low one of mere existence . It is true that that their vciy existence is threatened ; that the end and aim of Capital is to compass the entire destruction of all working-men ' s combinations . It is also true that to defeat such intention and avert such danger is tlie first duty of

      the parties so jeopardised . But then comes the question—to exist for what ? What is life worth , without object ? The mere existence of Trades ' Unions is not wortli a row of pins : it would not be worth liftin g a fi nge r for , of itself . It is because Trades' Unions are of use that their existence becomes valuable and necessary . But of use for what ? To protect Labour from the unceasing , never-ending encroachments of Cap ital ; to stand the labourer in stead of that legislative protection which oug ht to be accorded , but which Capital withholds . And then comes the question of

      the best means of accomplishing such protection at the least expense and with the greatest certainty . Though . Trades' Unions have been formed for that purpose ; though they have had that end as thenconstant aim , still it is but too true that they have not fully accomplished the object—they have not fully protected the labourer . In spite of tho numerous s truggles . in which the Trades have been engaged , and to the aid of which all the machinery of combination has been directed , yet have the

      wages of labour been reduced , and still reduced ; and the utmost that has been hitherto done by " Union " has been to throw obstacles in the way of Capital , without defeating its purpose . Still the fact , that they could , on their then tack , interpose such obstacles , prolonging the fight , and in some degree putting off the evil , —proves that Labour Combinations possess a power for good , and induces the inquiry whether the cause of failure was not more in the means used , than in tho institution itself . To conduct such

      inquiry with effect and advantage , a Conference is needed To the solution of the question mooted must bo brought wisdom and experience : net the wisdom nor the experience of one man , nor one trade ; nor twenty men , nor twenty trades ; but the " combined " experience of all trades . It is a question deeply affecting all trades : not one trade more than another . Hitherto all have been on one foundation . Hitherto the means used by one and all have been the same . Tho partiaLfailure , therefore , has been as general as tho means ; and it interests all to discover

      a means that will ensure success . This can be best indeed can only , be done b y bringing united experience and observation to bear . A Conference of delegates , composed of the long-headed men of each trade—tho men who have had their eyes and their ears open during tho time they have been labouring for their order , and who have jotted down thoir observations , noting the causes that led to success and tho causes that superinduced failure : these are the sort of men that ought to conduct such an inquiry because they are the sort of men that can alone get to the bottom of the subject . Thoy can

      The Projected Trades' Conference. Ho Tim...

      dive below the surface . They will not be satisfied withmere superficialities , but will probe , and examine , and satisfy their own minds . Get a Conference together of such men as these , to tell their experience ; to utter their suggestions ; to detail their plans : and out of their " combined " , wisdom would be formed a plan for the future conduct of Trades' Unions which could not fail to accomplish the desired end . We say a plan that could not fail ; for , there are principles applicable to such combinations , which could not but ensure succces . It is only the means of application that are needed . To fight the battle that . .. m , nAf- * ha aat . infmd

      Labour has to fig ht with Capital , Labour must use the weapons of Capital . Whenever this is done , the day is Labour ' s own : for though Labour without Capital , ' is powerless when opposed to Capital , yet Labour with Capital is all-powerful : for then the two powers are combined . Labour , therefore , has to acquire Capital—capital fob itsilf . It has to app ly that Cap ital s ) that it shall not be lost . It has to learn how to make it re-productive—how to make it yield increase ; and this , too , for the benefit of Labour ' s self . This is what Labour has to do : and the moment this is done , that moment is Labour puee ! Then how to do this , is the question . That

      question can be best solved by a Conference of Trades Deputies , who can bring their minds and knowledge to cause these simple principles to bear on the somewhat complicated machinery ofthe different Trades . It is a good omen to see the manner in which Mr . Duncombe ' s letter to Mr . Drury of Sheffield , baa been received by many of the Trades . The Associated Trades' of London have " pronounced" in favour of the course there recommended . They have done wisely : and it will be well if the example they have so promptl y set be as promptly followed . If it be ^ the cause of Labour is safe : if it be not , it r e c e ives a blow when Parliament meets that will send it reeling

      and staggering to the earth . The time named by Mr . Buncombe is the best that could be fixed on for the holding of such Conference . The intentions of the Minister—the home Minister —lie who has such a care for the Iiomes of the producers as to seek to make them dens of slaves ; the intentions of this fit successor to Canning and Sidmoutu , — or rather the mode in which lie purposes to accomplish his intcntioii . thesiibjugationof'Labour , —wUlbothcnhiomr , and the Conference could the n bring to bear the whole machinery of the United Trades to defeat his measure and his purpose . With a Conference in

      London at tkti time , anything could be done . Meetings , such as were never held before , could be had ; deputations to the Prime Minister , and to every other member of the Cabinet ; deputations to the individual members of both Houses ; petitions , remonstrances , and all the artillery of popular agitation could be brought energetically and effectively to bear ; and both Minister and people read a lesson which neither will be the worse for learning . Without such machinery ; without a rallving point ; without such

      a concentration of power as a body of delegates representing the entire Trades of the country woidd be : without tliis , it . is to bc ^ eared that all efforts to defeat the settled purpose of the Minister or Cavital would be futile , because isolated—without force—without union—not directed to tlie one point , but divided in efforts . There is every reason , then , on every ground that can Ixs thought of , why the Trades—the whole Trade's—should immediately determine to have such Conference , and prepare for its due holding .

      Talk not of the expense ! More has gone in one week on a sing le Strike—which has failed after many , very many weeks , than the whole Conference from first to last would cost . The first cost to the body of workers would be a mere flea-bite ; while tlie saving that would result from the properly-directed labours of such a body would in one year amount to as much as would employ thousands of present-competitors on f arms of their own , relieving the manufacturing

      labourmarket of some of its " surplus , " and calling into existence a new and valuable market for the products of the operative manufacturers' labour . Talk not of cost then : the present system of effort is indeed most costly : and every week lost now in applying the new principles of action which experience has evolved is a dead loss to the Trades , compared to which the cost of the Conference would be but a mere bagatelle . Let no one therefore boggle at "the cost . "

      With the Trades the question must now rest . They have to say not onl y whether they will seek to improve their action in accordance with the advanced knowledge of the times , but also whether they will suffer themselves to be extinguished without effort or not . And what they do , they must do quickly . Time presses . If thoy are wise , they will at it at once : if they are resolved not to awaken out of their sleep , they sleep the sleep of death !

      &O Sseaaew Ams Eomgaontrent *

      & o SSeaaew ams eomgaontrent *

      The Beer Teade. —An Effort Is Just Now M...

      The Beer Teade . —An effort is just now making by the beer retailers to have the trade of dispensing fermented and distilled liquors thrown open , aud the restrictions under which the beer-sellers labour removed . They are petitioning Parliament to that end ; and making other efforts to secure their object . As might he expected , the " regular" publicans , on tlie oilier hand , are up in arms against such a proposition ; and have lately held a conference of delegates or deputies from all parts of England to devise schemes to protect what

      they call their " vested rights : " * . e . the exclusive pri-¦ rilege of dealing in certain articles , and the right to keep their shops opemfor a longer period for the sale of other articles than their brother tradesmen , w h ose houses are closed by law at a comparatively early period of the night . And thus there is about to he a pretty severe " battle of the barrel . " It would be well it * those who are tlie customers to both those descriptions of gentry would take a lesson from them , and "comoino , " and " agitate , " and " confer , " and " petition" for the right to obtain and keep the means of purchasing the commodities whicli those " retailers "

      are so anxious to supply them with . "Were they to do SO , they would be considered far more " respectable " than they now are , and more deference paid to them , even by those who seek for the exclusive privilege of easing them of their earnings . James Tipping and Feiends , Bbighton . Thoy reahy must excuse us . VTe cannot make the S tar into a perpetual "begging-box" for every individual act of oppression or individual grievance that may arise , more especially when such act does not at all affect or concern the Chartist bod y . Were we to do so , the paper would soon become nothing else . In the case they seek to make public , as one calling for the pecuniary aid of the Chartists , there is nothing that we can gather from their address that would at all justify us in inserting such

      appeal . In the first place , the party is not even known to us by name . Wo have no recollection of his having taken a prominent or active part in the movement : not that even Viat WOUld justify au appeal to the pockets of the Chartist body in a case which merely concerned the individual * . but when , as in this case , the party is unknown , and the grievance purely individual , what claims can there be on the pockets ofthe public ! The party in question may be known to the friends at Brighton , and they may have reason to respect and honour him , because of their knowledge of his individual worth . If so , that is a reason why they should aid him to the full

      extent of their power as individuals . Appeals , however , to the Chartist body for procuring aid can only be justified when there exist strong public grounds for such appeals . In this case we can' boo none ; and therefore must decline to insert the address . Wo had intended to have done this without an explanat-ou-for we did not wish to damp the energies of the immediate friends of the party involved ; but the sending of the address a second time , with an expression of surprise" that the former one had not been inserted , leaves no other course than to explain the principle on winch wo decline to give publicity to the appeal .

      It . B . J ., Glasgow . —His second letter on TradesVUniuns next week . We shall he glad to hear from him as often as he pleases . An Anomaly oi- ocu . Social Ststem Our Bradford Correspondent scuds the following , as tho " state of trade" in that town for tho week . It is iu itself so perfect a picture of the working of the present system as far as tho worker is concerned , that wo present it here as such . It is mvltum in parvo—much in little * " The worsted busincis iu the spinning department is improving rapidly . The whole of the mills are ruimin Ml tune . There are no stocks of worstcd yam on hand and the present desire to create a stock is attributed to an expected advance in the price of varn . The piece market , on Monday last , exhibited more brisknejs than had been experienced for along time . The waaesof thewoolm ^ ms are on Ui $ decline ; eaeh week bring ? forth afreshreductmi ; every other trade is similarl y circumstanced . " When will the Trades devise and practice the means of producing for themselves »

      W . C ., MAin-LEBONE . -We really cannot aid him to tho information he seeks . Robebt Allan , EniKBUBOH . -Some day we will use his favour .

      The Beer Teade. —An Effort Is Just Now M...

      Ma . Hood aud Miss Bbowjts PKNsroHs . —Om , « v poss ibl e i nstructors " have during the last woe k Been making no little fuse concerning tho lib !* v ° fine feeling , « bc , exhibited by Sir R . Pem , and „ ra % , Phl in bestowing pensions upon Mr . Iloon tho ' ^ of the ' Song of the Shirt" and Miss France * \\^ tho blind poetess of Ulster , whose singular \^ v > history appeared in this paper ( copied from tlit 5 j ! ' 1 nxwn ) a few weeks since . The fact of the be . toivi ] f pension on Mr . Hood we confess caused us sorr-ov * stead of joy : sorrow that so talented , so truly mu " a man , should need help ; and that needing it , tho La should come from such a quarter . The author f % , " Song of the Shirt , " and the other almost inmtmerabv MB . HOOD A ! fD MlSB BBOW . Vs PlNSlOKS n

      contributions to literature which have excited the JelHt and moved the sympathies of thousands , should be in differentpositioii to that of a recipient of a beggarly £ im a year from tho taxes of the country ; a : id wo can not behove but that he would have been , httd his ^ ri * tings been appreciated as they deserved to bo bi those classes on whose patronage the literary m * - has to depend . In objecting to the souveo from w ] , j Mr . Hood ' s pension will be drawn , we make no personal allusion to Sir R . Peel : he may have been actuated by the best of motives in selecting Mr . Hood rather than any one else ; rather than any one of that class oi political and private profligates , male and female , too

      many of whom take precedence of Mr . Hood on tlie pension list . It is against the system itself we protect —that of pensioning individuals at the expense of tlii nation , the nation itself having neither voice nor rote in the distribution of the fund . Sure we are too , that it must be galling to Mr . Hood's feelings to be placed ou a level with the crew who mainly , almost entirely compose the list of State paupers : a crow of political parasites , Parliamentary jobbers , court sycopliautg , soul-solling literati , and body-prostituting harlots vtiio receive their pensions for " services performed" iu

      " Their hot youth , when Fum the Fourtli was King . " Such a position is altogether unworthy of so excellent a mail as Mr . Hood . Nor can that gentleman be unmindful that his £ 100 is wrung from the farthings of the wretched shirt-makers . whose sufferings and sorrows his pen has made known round tho world . Their mi . serable pennyworths of bread , tea , soap , candles , A * c . are all taxed and nibbled at , to make up his pcnsioi and the pensions of those with whom he is now unli-ip . pily associated . Wc cannot suppose that his palttj stipend will make any difference in Mr . Ilooo ' s c ; , . advocacy of the cause of his suffering fehow-eriaiturcs . though such things have been before now , — . SocTiiji f for instance , persecuting his own Wat Tylir , au , { Montgomery repudiating his Church and ifiimija ,

      Pan ; but tho history of some of the ! Jrei- lr-( pcusioncd ) predecessors will provoke suspicion t »| , anxiety ; and on this ground too we deplore iir . Uood ^ annexation to tho pension list . Much as we deiust heartily as we abhor the " damnable doctrines " of Mis ; MaftiisEAu ' s "political economy , " we cannoiw ' nlihoij from that lady our warmest esteem for i-mumh ; - ti ,,. pension ottered her by the Into Whig Covcrmiu-iir , , „ , the ground that the nation not being universall y i \ pr . ; sented , the representatives of mere classes had il 0 rightful authority to disburse its funds . The j , L-u . sion to Miss Bkoivn is open to the same comlm . nation , and on the same grounds as that to ilr . Hood . The sum is contemptible , i"J 0 ; but that makes no difference in the principle involved . TIw

      letter which the Premier addressed to Miss llrotvii apprising her of the grant was as follows : — " Whitehall Dec . 21 , Madam , —There is a fund applicable , as ia . cancies may occur , to the grant of annual pensions of very limited amount ; which usage has placed at the disposal of the lady of the First Minister . Or' this fuuj there is a surplus of £ 20 per annum . Lady Pcelha * heard of your honourable and successful exertions to mitigate , by literary aciiuivcments , the eSftet of the misfortune by which you have been visited—and should traut of this pension for your life be acceptable to Lady Peel will have great satisfaction in such an apriation of it . —I am , & c . ( signed ) Piobuht I ' m . ' ' We leave to the Examiner the task of criticising the man .

      ner and style of the above . Our able contemporary say , ; "Sir Robert Peel has to learn that none but hc-milliner . and haberdashers talk of their ' ladies . ' Sir Kober ; Peel , as a gentleman and a Prime Minister , neuds not be ashamed of writing o ? his wife . He may rest ijuhc assured that the world will kuow that his wife is a lady without his studiously telling it so . Foreigners will ask what is the distinction between a gentleman's lady and his wife , whether they are convertible tcrnii , whether there are Ministers' wives * . vho are nut lariie . - , or whether there are ladies who are not wives , and wh y the equivocal word is preferred to the distinct one , awl why the wife is treated- as if it were the less honourable . Formerly men used to have wives , not ladies ; but in the announcements of births it has seemed liiiGr

      to Mr . Spruggins and Mr . Whiggius to say that his lady has been delivered than his wife , the letter sounding homely aud low . But Sir Robert Peel should not be led away by these examples . He is of importance enough in the world to aftbrd to mention his wife in plain , honest , homely old English . " Wo hare seen , with much disgust , that respectable puhHcatiou , the Athenaeum , making a fool of itself iu announcing the above facts . The Aihenxuni calls on its readers for " a hearty che » r for Lady Peel , " for h » r " considerate thoughtfulness , " " womanly sympathy , " ( fee , in—mark ; this , people of England!—making a grant of £ 20 per year to Miss Bhown ; not out of hor own fortune , but out of your money !—out of the taxes wrung from you ! Magnificent liberality ! Beautiful sympathy ! A cheer , by all means—a " hearty cheer " —for Lady Peel ! Once for all , let us disclaim , unequivocally and strongly disclaim , any othftr feeUugs towards Mr . Hood and Miss Bbowk but those of the sincerest esteem and admiration . Our

      present comments have been caused wholly by what we believed to be the duties imposed on us b patriotism , and our country's best interests . Soma persons may ask , what would we have ? W « answer—first , that the nation ' s rulers should be the nation ' s representatives ; the nation's revenue at tits disposal . of the voice of tho entire people . Then , ii the people willed pensions to tho truly noble of their countrymen and countrywomen , well and { jooii . Secondly , we would have the whole people properlT educated . Mark , we say properly ; then would the

      masses , equally with the " better orders , " know how to appreciate the beautias of literature ; and also , under a just government , enjoying the full fruits of their labour , be able to purchase the works ofthe sous and daughters of genius , and thus give that support to such men as Mr . Hood—support which tho wealthy never will give to those who dare to pen tho truth . This would prevent tho necessity of pensioning those whose talents and labours should make them tho real jiriucw of tho earth , the only rightful aristocrats , because armed with nature ' s patent .

      Mode of ' Disnsnsixg Justice . —Wo have received tlie following statement from " our own reporter , " as to tha manner in which two cases , involving ; the liberties ot four "free-born Englishmen , " were disposed of . If the statement is anything like correct , and the writer avows that it is so , the affair wants looking into . Though the parties were " shirtless and shoeless , " we apprehend that justice ought to have been satisfied that she was rig ht , before she impounded their bodies "for two months- " Besides , ought not the four " oiiirtloss and shoeless " beings to have been informed why justice evinced such a solicitude for their welfare , as togivothem shelter "lw two months ; " whether it was from commiserat ion at their forlorn condition , or in vengeance at their daring to ho destitute ? Ought they not also to

      havo had au opportunity of learning who it was that recommended them to the kind care and lieei'ing ofthe Lord Mayor , and heard the reasons or grounds on which such strong recommendations were based , : is those which led the iinacoounfaok Mayor to act in so unaccountable a manner ? Desides , ' should not the parties have been asked if they had any objection to urge jyai" 51 the sort of " asylum" to which it was determined » " commit" them , or any reason to advance why their kind friends should not have the " custody" of tlieffi for SO long a period as " two months , " it' cvtf . at all * Keally it does altogether seem to be a quec business . Our correspondent does not sat what tinu of the day it was , when justice was in this trcwoudoiB hurry , as to dispose of two eases in twe minutes ! v , i

      wonder if it was anywhere near dinner-hour ? frt ; only the " shirtless and shoeless" that go without l- * u " ner !] We have heard of strange doings " in the City " at times iu connection with dinners and courts of justice : and it may have been in this case that the symptoms of flatulency in the alderman Lord Major ' s paunch reminded him tkntbotk himself and the " l , l ) 0 r devils" before him " had not dined , " and that motive * of humanity caused him to send the " shirtless a «( shoeless" to a place where they would for a time b sure of aswt of "blow-out . " Or it may be that th " Committal" of the poor and unfriended " for tvi months" was the speediest means of ridding himself * the an n o y ance that interposed between him and " Oiim mutton ! Consider it as wc may , it is . - &

      wo said before , a queer sort of a business : that ought to be examined into : and wc hope •<•• Lord Mayor Gibbs will be able to give a better no * " * of his motives and actions in this case , than he In ot his proceedings as churchwarden of Walbrook . - V « is the letter of " our reporter" : —I ntte'ide ' * ' * Mansion House Police Court on Saturday last , v ») capacit y of reporter , and was much astonished a > mode in which the lord Mayor dispensed justice l '» ' ° cases came before the court , in which two perso ; « cl' ° concerned in each case . All the four , two youir n * cn and two lads , were shirtless and shoeless . V ' . it ** nature ofthe offences thoy were charged wittvns * ' « not transpire . If there was any charge , it as . confined to the police sheet . There was an entire ^ ence ot

      prosecutor , of evidence , and of defence . - , lie ) ' »' committed to Bridewell for two months ech . T * whole "hearing" of the two cases did not o-upy » i " rthan two minutes . I feel it my duty to la this l '» cl before you . Respectfully , your llEroaTER . T . Stabtw , Bibmingham . —Go to au attorno and causo tho party to be prosecuted iu one of ' ¦ <* courts a-Westminster . " He is not " out of tho li-its" of * ' * court . Mr . Clark shall have the portioi » f the letter relating to the subscription . J . H ., Coventby . —Yes . AU " arrears r rent" can I * - ' demanded . The Into Act relating to . ecutions on-J " prevents the body from , being seized , if tj debt be undef £ 20 . All the "worldl y goods" and p sess i ons ca n Inswept away just as before . § W . B . Jeeeold . —His favour is appr «* -t « d . w <* ^ try to use it next week .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Jan. 18, 1845, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_18011845/page/4/