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Northern Star (1837-1852), 17th June 1848, Edition 2 of 3, Page 2, f torregponBtitte*

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    • ' AN EFFECTUAL " CURE FOR FILES , FISTULAS , &c.
    • Blushing in _ IIeavek.—While Raphael waa enui/ curai
    • f torregponBtitte*
  • Adverts (5)
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      Ior The Northern Star. Jone 17, 184$. * ...

      THE NORTHERN STAR . Jone 17 , 184 $ . * / . _ , _ 1-, ^ ,, ^— - ^^ m - - n ^ ni ^ iiw ¦¦¦¦¦¦* inill J " lfllMla in ^ ' ' * *' """ ' ¦ - —— ' ¦ ¦ ¦ ' ¦ ¦ ^' ^^^ ^™ a ^ y

      ' An Effectual " Cure For Files , Fistulas , &C.

      ' AN EFFECTUAL " CURE FOR FILES , FISTULAS , & c .

      Ad00214

      AB ERNETHY'S PILE OINTMENT . . . j •«„ . < MB * nj ; e is the Piles ! and comparatively how few of fee afflicted havt been perma-WH AT & paiofal * ° * L 2 ? f £ rLotmS to Medical skill' . Thu , no doubt , ari £ M from the use of poworful aperients nently cured dj- ot ^ j -rr P ro f es ni » n : indeed , strong internal medicine should always bo avoided in all Mo frequently ad ! P ?* f xh « Proprietor of the above Ointment , after years of ac ; te suffering , placed himself under e > ee * of this compitin *• * " ° ieon , Mr Abernethj , was by him restored to perfect health , andhas enjoyed it ever tie treatment or l ° " v ^ 7 retnrn of the Disorder , over a period of fifteen years , during which time the same Abergiace without we ** ' « o nthemeinsoflieii j insa vast nnm ^ 0 {^ s ^^ t ^ csseg ( both in and oat of the Pro-Bsthjsn Pl **? " '? H % j end , " * most of which ewes had been under Medical care , and some of them fer a very considerjrietort « rci r | rl t l ! p-i 9 ointment was introduced to the Public by the desire of many who had been perfect * / ^ f ^ VitfaDDlicstion , and since its introduction , the fame of this ointment has spread far and wide ; even the S 5 £ XiPr < £ « 5 ion alwavs slow and unwilling to acknowledge the virtues of any Medicine not prepared by them-S ^ donow freelV and frankly admit that Abernetby's Pile Ointment , !* not only a valuable preparation , but a Sra ^ ng rraiedy in every stag e and variety of that appalling malady . flnffprir * from thi Pile * will not repent giving the Ointment a trial . Multituiie * of cases of itsi efficacy might -fc ^ Steeo , tf ** nature of tbe complaint did not render those who have been cared , unwilling to publish * SBldiT coverednot ! , at 4 s . 6 d , or the quantity of three 4 s . 6 d . pots in one for us ; , with fuU directions nr ^ i byC & ho ( Agent to the Prosrietor ) , So . 3 i , Napier-street , Hoiton New Town , London , where also can Bfe Mocuied every Patent iledicine of repute , direct from the original makers , with sn allowance oa taking six "V ^ e ' sare to ask for'ABERNETHY'S PILE OINTMENT . ' The puMie are requested to be on their guard against noxious com positions , sold at low prices , and to observe that none can possibly be genuine , unless the name If Kra is prated oTthe Government Stamp affixed to each pot , is . Si , which U the lowest price the proprietor ta OBStWed to sell it at , owing to the great expense of the ingredients . CORNS AND BUNIONS . PAUL'S EVERY MAN'S FRIEND , Fatronittd by the Sojfal Family , Kdbililj / , Clirgy , & S ., f . a sore and speeSy cure , for those severe annoyances , without causing the leastpain or inconvenience . Unlike linger remedies for corns , its operation is such as to render the cutting of corns altogether unnecessary ; indeed , rf m , ri'T the practice of cutting corns is at aU times dangerous , aod has been frequently attended with lamenta-St rnn-eouences besides its liability to increase their growth ; it adheres with the most gentle pressure , produces an tos iMtand delig htful relief from torture , and , with perseverance in its application , entirely eradicates the mos » ^ r ^ Saonials have been received from upwards of one hundre d Physicians and Surgeons of the greatest eminence , o « ttpII ns from inanv officers of both Army and Navy , and nearly oae thousand private letters from the gentry in SJL Vnltonntrv . - speakine in high terms of this valuable remedy . ftenaredbvJoHsTFox , in boxes at Is . l | d „ or three small boxes ia one for 2 s . 9 d „ and to be had , with full Actions for use ofC King No . 34 , Kapier-street , Hoxton New Town , London , and all wholesale and retaU Medi . . ^ vendors in town and countrv . The genuine has the name John Fox on the Stamp . A 2 s . 9 d . box cures the e 5 * t obdurate corns . A , k for' Paul ' s Every Man ' s Friend . * Abernethy ' s File Ointment , Paul's Corn Plaster , and Ahercethy ' s File Powders , are sold by the following respectable Chemists and Dealers in Patent Medicine : — Barclay and SoM . Farringdon . street ; Edwards , 67 , St Paul's Church-yard ; Butler , i , Cheapside : Newbery , St pill ' s Sutton Bow Church-yard ; Johnson , 68 , CornbiU ; Saatar , 150 , Oxford-street ; Willoughby and Co ., 61 , Biihopst :-ae . street Without ; Bade , 39 , Goswell-street ; Front , 229 , Strand ; Hannay and Co ., 63 , Oxford-street ; and Ktail-Dj-aU respectable Chemists ana Medicine Tendors in London . ConsTsr Agents . —Mejler and Son , HERALD Office , Bath ; "Winnall , Birmingham ; Noble , Boston ; Brew , ¦ Brighten ; Ferris and Score , Bristol ; Harper , F » ee Pbess 0 * Sce , Cheltenham ; Brooke and Co ., Doncaster ; Sim . Bonds Dorchester- Scawia , Durham ; Evans and Hodgson , Exeter ; Coleman , Gloucester ; Henry , Guernsey ; Berry Halifax Dujgsn . Hereford ; Brooke , Huddersfield ; Stephenson , Hull ; Fennel , Kidderminster ; Baines and -ffewsame Leeds Aspinal , Liverpool ; Drury , Lincoln ; Jewsbury , Manchester ; Blackweil . Kewcastle-apon-Tjne ; gotten , Emrw Office , Nottingham ; Fletcher , Nobiolk News Office , Norwich ; Mennie , Plymouth ; Clark , Pilot © ffice Fresten- Heckler , Putney ; Staveley , Beading : Sqaarey , Salisbury ; Ridge and Jackson , IIeicom Office , ShESeld" Watton . CSBONlCLE Office , Shrawbury ; BandaiJ , Southampton ; Mors , Stafford ; Bagley , Stamford ; Shss Stockport ; Vint and Carr . Heb * i . d OSce , Suaderland ,- Ssanders , Tiverton ; Roper , UlveMUme ; Card , well Wak-Sela / sharps , Advebtuis Office , Warwick ; Gibson , Whitehaven ; Jacob and Co ., Winchester ; "Maunder and Co ' ., Wolverhampton ; Deighton , Worcester ; Mabson , Tarmouth ; Bolton , Blanshard and Co ., York - John King , Bridgend ; Ballard , Cowbridge ; Evans , Carmarthen ; Williams , Swansea ; Kaines , Edinburgh ; Allan ' Greenock ; Marshall , Belfast ; Bradford , Cork ; Butler , Dublin ; Thompson . Armagh ; and by all reipectabl * Chemists and Medicine Feeders is ererj Market To ™ throughout the United Kingdom .

      Ad00215

      A 5 E ACEtOWLEDOED TO BE THE BEST MEDICINE IN THB WORLD . This medicine has been before the British public only a few years , and nerhaps in the annals of the world was nrrer seen success equal to their progress ; the virtues ot this Medicine were at once acknowledged wherever tried , and recommendation followed recommendation ; hundredshsdsoon toaeknowledge that Pass ' s Life Pat ? had saved them , and were loud in their praise . The startling actethatwerecontinnallv brought before tee pUDUCBt ence removed anv preju lice which some may have felt ; the continus ! sood ^ bien resulted from their use spread their ame far and wide , at this moment thare is scarcely a country on the face of ths globe which has not heard of their benefits , and have seught for supplies , whatever might be the cost of transmission . The United Statss , Canada , Indie , and even China , have had immense quantities shipped to their respective countries , and with the sima resuit as ia England—t ** Kiv £ SSi l Good .

      Ad00216

      Tha ssteruive practice ol Messrs R . and L . PEERT and Co .. the continued demand for

      Ad00218

      - . he bonds of matrimony . Disquietudes and jars between married couples are traced to depend , in the majority of instances , on causes resulting from physical imperfecdoss sndjerrors , and the means for their removal are ihown to be within roach , and effectual The operation of certain ditqualiScattonsis fully examined , and infelicitous and unproductive union * shown to ba the neces . < ary consequence . Ths causes and remedies for this it & tefsrm an important consideration in thil lection of the work .

      Ad00217

      CELEBRATED THROUGHOUT THB GLOBE . HOLLOWAY'S OINTMENT . CURE OP FISTULOUS SORES AND PLEURISY * . Srtract of a Letter from Mr Robert Calvsrt , Chemist , Slekesley , dated , September Srd , 1847 . ToProfsssor Holloway . & ib , — UrThompton , Nttiontl SchoolmaiiUr of . this town , dasires me to smd jou the particulars of his son who had been bad for tiire * year * andahalf , andhas received the greatest benefit by the use ef your pills and } intaent . He is of a scrofulous constitution ; a pleurisy had left a large ollsctlon of matter in the chest , and Hot eventually formed a pasiaje through the wale » ot the ehest , and « nded in thrse fistulous sores whish discharged large quantities of pui , when he was induced to try vour pills and ointment , at this date he was apparently in a dyiag condition ; the stomach rejected everything it took . Your pills and ointment had the effect of eovnpletely curing both the cough aud stomach affections , his strength andfltsh aro also restored , his appetite keen , and digestion good . There is every prospect that a little further continuance of yourmadicines will finish the cure ( Signed ) Robkkt Calvest .

      Blushing In _ Iieavek.—While Raphael Waa Enui/ Curai

      Blushing in _ IIeavek . —While Raphael waa enui / curai

      Gsgeu In Ua-.Iug Ma Uc; ,Eu Irescoes, Ne...

      gsgeu in ua-. iug ma uc ; , eu irescoes , ne waa visited by two cardinals , who began to criticise his work , and found fault without understanding it . ' The Apostle Paul has too red a face , ' said one . ' He blushes even in Heaven to see into what hands the Church has fallen , ' said the indignant artist .

      F Torregponbtitte*

      f torregponBtitte *

      The Cr/Rrehcr Question . Rhf9rh, Hationa...

      THE Cr / RREHCr QUESTION . RHF 9 RH , HATIONAL BaHKRUPTCY , OR REVOLUTION . [ The following pestcrlpt ws » attached to the letter signed * A . Z . , junier , ' which appeared in tho Stah ol Saturday last . ] Perhaps I ought to explain to you why , In tho face of my former' Tori' predilections , I hare adopted Chartist principle * , not because of any importance attaching to the conversion of such a humble individual as I happen to be , but because you might otherwise conceive that I am , ia some measure , insincere in addressing myself to yon —the avowed organ of the Chartist cried . The truth If , the conduct of the overwhelming majority of the present Honse of Commons has proved to be 10 utterly disappointing—not to say disgusting—as to deprive an ; man , possessed of common judgment , of the least hope

      that they ever will or can attempt to pass any measure calculated to benefit tho labouring classes and tbe country at large ; and while reading your papers I discavered principles therein advocated—nobly and warml y advocated—which I had in vain looked for elsewhere , bo that I at once o & me to the conclusion that there was no other courts left to tho well-wishers of our country—to , I will add , the philanthropists of tbe age—than ( he immediate adoption of the People's Charter . A Chartist , therefore , I am proud to avow myself , and , as snob , I earnestly bope that there may be a speedy union of all classes of Cbartlsts , animated with one spirit , and seeking one common object , in order that no government may ever be able to withstand the united demands of an united pesplo ! Let us take our stand upon high and noble grounds ; it ia a glorious mission , entered upon at a moment the most propitious , and big with grand results to England and to the world !

      The enemies of the labouring classes have , in their own estimation , achieved a great triumph , from the result of the meeting at Kenniogton Common , on the lOtb April , but they have vastly deceived themselves ! They ma ; have conquered , I freely admit , the panic , wbieh their ewn guilty imaginations , to their everlasting discredit and disgrace be it spoken , had contrived to conjure into existence ; but that the ; have in consequence extinguished the genius of Chartism , the fervent breathings of patriotism , I utterly deny I Continue then , my countrymen , to rally round the glorious banner « f Chartism , and ere long yon must have tour rights—tbe rights of labeur and the rights of man—for now you are bat ¦ laves ! slaves to Mammon—subjugated by the despotism of gold ! No wonder the' base , brutal , and bloody ' Timis played such , a desperate game . One

      pistolshot was to tura the world upside down , which means that our present system , which the sapient editor of the Quaker Economist calls ' a delicate fabric '—delicate without mistake — would have tumbled to pieces at the bidding of a trumpery pistol , and Ur Baron L . de Rothschild ' s occupation , like Othello ' s , would havo been gone ! What a lots to humanity ! The very name of Chartist'has consequently , and with a deeply sinister object , been reviled , spurned at , and scouted , hut , I thank God , it has been reviled , spu'ned at , and scouted , in vain f Tho principles remain and the cause of them is still unmitigated . Hanger—not rascality—brought the Cbartiit Convention together , and hunger took them to Kensington Common , where , instead of bread being given to them , they were told to behold tbe cannon ' s mouth !! And , gracious heavens , by whom ? The men of the Reform Bill—the men who rode into

      power in 1832 , through a revolution , upon tbe shoulders of the labouring classes i ! Oh ye hypocrite Whigs 1 and have ye , too , like Louis Philippe , become blindfold tyrants!—tyrants ot the bidding of a hireling press , spurred on by the muckworms and grubs if Capei court ntbe drones of society—tbe ruthless enemies of the labouring classes , who , in their abject shortsightedness and blinded selfishness , they forget , are the mainctay of England—the bees who produce all tbe boneyl ! The present is a critical period—a period which may prove the most important in England ' s history , and yet we find men said to represent the nation , coolly telling us that settling can be done for tbe relief of tbe starving indueirioua ; they fold their hands and tell us that things must take their course ! What a strange infatnatien !

      1 Quem Dent vult perdero prius dementatl ' And so it appears in the case before us , since they not only coatent themselves with doing no good , but , as fate would have it , proceed to pais Gagging Bills , to hurry on that destructisn ! to hasten their impending doom !! In the name of goodnei * , I demand to know if it be not enough to make one ' s blood boil , when the condition of ens class of onr countrymen , is contrasted with that of the other 1 Did that Great Being , who called this world into existence , ever intend that one set of men should wallow in the very profusfness of luxury while another , and that the more deserving class , should literally drug out a weary existence , if such you cau call it , ia misery and wretchedness 1 for let political economists , those fiends in human shape , twist the subject as they will , tbe working classes of Britain and Ireland havo for the ' paet thirty years , and especially during tbe latter part of it , been most inhumanly treated ; I belie .-e it to be a libel

      on high heaven—a libel on tbe goodness of that Qod who is all good , that such a state of society should < xlst ; and yet those trae patriots end philanthropists , who have so nobly placed themselves In the van of the people , and plead their cause with such earnest sincerity , are reviled and calumniated as firebrands , robbers , and d : stroctives . We must mark well , however , from whence these assertions emanate , and then we can judge their value ! Who represents the moneyooracy ! A corrupt and servile press , whioh immediately is hounded en to tho rescue , whenever tbe labourers demand their ownwheaevrr they demand that of which they have been , so basely plundered—I mean tbe bread bequeathed to them from on high , the sweat of their brow ! It is the vile moneyocracy , my brethren , wbo are the plunderers , the robbers of our birthright ! Union , then , my friends , and we shall yet have our own—the contest may be severe bat the issue cannot be doubtful !

      'Hereditary bonlgmen , know ye not , Who would be free , themselves must strike the blow !' A , Z . Jan . N . B . —The people ought to bear in mind that , previous to the accesalen of the House of Hanever , tb « re was no National Debt in this country : — 'Dutch finance , ' as Disraeli tel's us in bis 'Two Nations , ' ( 'Sybil or the Two Nations '—a brilliant book , with a significant title , —a title , which in Itself speaks volumes—nay , mote , wbfch is a true interpretation of and apology fer all Chartist discontent and agitation !) was imported into England by William III . My countrymen , in Scotland , especially in the Northern parts , whore the poor but noble-hearted Highlanders have been so cruelly treated ,

      are well aware of tbe fact ; often have I heard them repeat it with sighs—at the same time doing justice to the memory of the Stuarts , by whom no such debt was bequeathed to us . A noble bequest , in very truth , as tbe condition of England now tells . Mr Cobden , in a late debate , made a pointed allusion , apparently with a warning voice , to the Republic of the United States , where , he said something to this effect—that tho grand economical experiment of tbe day was going successfully on . He did prosperous and happy America no more than justice , When will oar aristocrats and money-mongers learn wisdom ? I fear tbey havs neglected , and are bent on neglecting their duty , Tbe cry may soon be raised , ' It is too late ! ' 'Let us make no mistake this time ! ' We must have a Paternal Government .

      To The Chartists Op England—Brothers In ...

      TO THE CHARTISTS OP ENGLAND—BROTHERS IN THE CAUSE OP DEMOCRACY . We embrace this eppertanity of tendering you our sympathy , battling as we know yon are against a system of misrule , injustice , and fraud , in tho land of eur nativity ; but we hope the time is not far distant when reason and justice will gain the ascendancy , and convince the proud aristocracy , not only of England , but the world , that you—the working classes—bavo a right to a voice in making the laws that you are compelled to obey , and that you will never relax your iffjrts until year righteous object Is gained .

      Friends , wefeel proud of being members of your noble land . We , like you , have suffered persecution ; but it is an eventful year—a year that has finished the political career of many a haughty despot . We love our fatherland , and we hope that you will be able to work out your political emancipation , and enjoy those privileges which are the inalienable right of man , and without which you are but serfs and slaves to the powers that rule your destinies . Great concessions have been granted , and are still being made t 3 tho industrious classes , by most European governments ; and sh ill the tolling millions of Great Britain effsci no amelioration of tbeir condition —shall the working classes of England still be kept at starvation point—shall Scotland and Ireland remain tbe soup depots of the universe—shall it be aaid that millions die annuall y of starvatiun , to the shvme ef the British govtrnuunt , and that thousands are emigrating to distant lands fer the attainment of that inherent right —the right to live—which is dented them iu the land of tkelr biitb ?

      We meet together this day not onl y to sympathise , but to fraternise , and to form ourselves in'o an association . But our objects are , first , to obtain correct Information of the movement , and other affairs of Interest—to pro . cure the Nobhebn Stab , as t he news we e t ar o m e r e extracts of Whig and Torj journals , calculated to give us anything but a true position of the st * te of the coun . try . Second , to subscribe and send our remittances as often as necessity or occasion may require , believing , as we do , that the Charter is calculated , if passed into a law , to give to the famishing millions their fair share of the bounties of a beneficent Creator , who shotvers dowii his blessings for tbe benefit of oil bis creatures , without distinction of caste , clime , or colour . We hope tho day is fast approaching when none , like us will become voluntary exiles in a strange land , sotking liberty , in order to leave their children in tbe enjoyment of freedom and happiness , without which life i » a curao , and not a blessing .

      The Irish aro holding largo meetings here , and aro subscribisg tbeir dollars freely in aid of their friends in Ireland , and we consider it our duty to bo up and doing . Wo have corresponded with Mr William Jones , of Liverpool , the Chartist lecturer ; ho is at Brooklyn , not far from Now York , and ho has kindly offered to disseminate those great principles we still cherish , and are anxious to promote . Enclosed is an order for £ l , for NoETaEBs Stabs .

      To The Chartists Op England—Brothers In ...

      Please to send eight papers everv week , and before the money is run out we hope to send a much larger turn . Ws want to see our old advocate , the Kobthesm Stai . Hurrah for the Charter t Thomas Kendall , Newark , New Jersey , United States , 7 th May , 1848 .

      Misrepresentations Op The Press. To Tbs ...

      MISREPRESENTATIONS OP THE PRESS . TO TBS BDHOB OS TBI NOBtOEBN STAB . Sia , —I am bound in vindication of ray charade ? to request yon to Insert this reply to a number of false statements made in the Leans Msacsnv , of Saturday last . I hers Inclose you the lines take * from the columns of tha t pa p er , —statements the whole of which I emp hatically deny , as I de not remember making a single allusion either to moral or physical force at our meeting held In the West ward . Proclamations were lssusd by tbe magistrates of this borough , cautioning tho people against training and drilling openly to the use of arms . Why , Mr Editor , the only advice which I gave to that assemblage , was to give « p training end drilling openly for tbe safety of our cause , as I was well aware that this epen practice could be abandoned without the least sacrifice of principle ; and I hereby publicly declare that n » y principles aro tho same , and former convictions unchanged . Yon will oblige by inserting these few lines , together with any comment you may bo disposed to maki upon them .

      I am , jours , in tbe straggle , Job * Sbaw .

      ' 0 BABTI 8 T PB 0 C 5 EDIHOB IN LBIDS . 'Several meetings of Chartists have been held in Leeds and the vicinity during tbe past week . The measures , however , adopted by the authorities in this aad tbe neighbouring towns appear to have produced a v « ry perceptible effect upon the bellicose tone of tbe Chartist leaders , and their speeches have bees tempered with a degree of moderation to which for some tima they have been strangers . On Monday evening a meeting was held on a plot of ground opposite the Britannia Inn , Wellington-road . The chair was occupied by Mr Councillor Robsou . The meeting was addressed by Messrs Firth , Lister , Barker , John Shaw , & o . Tho only feature of interest was the speech of Mr Sbaw . It will doubtless have been noticed that this individual ever since his return from the ¦ Na ' . lonsl Convention , ' which he attended as a delegate from Leeds , hae invariably advocated the employment of physical force as the only means of obtaining the Charter . Upon the present occasion ,

      howevtr , ho appeared to have forgotten all bis previous warlike sentiments , and cautioned the people against resorting to force for tho accomplishment of their object . He warned them that the Charter was not to be ob . talned at the cannon ' s mouth , by tbe edge of tbe sword , or by 15 jo employment of the pike declared he was totally unaware that tbe people were arming , and urged thorn to agitato for tbe Charter by peaceable and constitutional means . The « ff ct of this speeeh was rather startling upon his hearers , nearly allot whom entertained a very vivid recollection of bis previous sentiments , and during its delivery hs was frequently assailed by loud repressions of' you are a traitor , ' ' jou have been bribed to say that , ' ho . At the conclusion of his address a strong desire was expressed that Mr Shaw should be requested to explain tho motives which had induced him so suddenly to change his opinions , but upon the chairman looking round f < r him it was fonnd that he had taken the precaution precipitately to decamp at the termination of his observations . '—Xeedi Memiry ,

      Mr Zephaniah Williams. To Thb Kditob Of ...

      MR ZEPHANIAH WILLIAMS . TO THB KDITOB OF TBE KOBTHEBN BTAS . Sib , —The following , I trust , in justice to those whom it concerns , will be allowed to appear in srery paper in which the report In question was inserted . I am , Sir , yours respectfully , Llbwslyn Williaus , Boar ' s Head Inn , Caerphilly , June 12 th , 1818 . A report baring recently gono the round of the papers respecting Mr Zephaniah Williams , the following has been received by Mrs Zephaniah Williams , in reply to a letter addressed by her to Sir George Grey : — ' No report has been received at this office from the Lieutenant-Governor of Tan Dieman ' a Land with regard to the alleged circumstance of Zephaniah Williams having bean sentenced to labour in chains at Port Arthur for having attempted to make his escape '

      The Ten Hours' Bill . To Ml Iihldem . S«...

      THE TEN HOURS' BILL . TO Ml IIHLDEM . S « , —Oa seeing a paragraph in the newspapers that a tea party on a large scale , was to be bolden on tbe 7 th June , in the Free Trade Hall , Manchester , to celebrate the passing of tho Ten Hour » ' Factory Bill , and that you and others friendly to that righteous measure were to be t here , I thought it advisable to write to you on the opera * tion of that bill in our quarter , hoping that you would there take our case into consideration , and devise fjr us tho best method to be adopted to get rid of that oppressive system that some of our employers have adopted .

      We are sorry , elf , that we should have any cause of complaint , either against that humane measure er our employers , for we looked forward with pleasing antioipa . ttons and anxious hopes to the 1 st of May , 1848 , when the Ten Hours' BUI was to eome into operation . We considered that we would have a time for meral and religious instruction ; for heartfelt recreation , and enjoying all tbe benefits that were intended to be conferred upon us by the passing of the Ten Hours' Bill , but as yet none ns have had any cause to rejoice ; not on account of a re . duction of wages proportionate to the hours of labour , or of any evils arising to trade from such reduction , but on

      account of the bad arrangement of the hours of labour and meals that some of our employers have adopted ; that is—dividing the day into two parts , with five hours each , with only one interval for a meal—that is one hour from one till two o ' clock—commencing in the morning at eight , and leaving off in tbe evening at seven o ' clock . This system we all find , sir , to be a grievous burden Imposed upon us , opera : Ing against us physically , morally , and mentally ; it is more oppressive to us than when under the twelve hours' system—not that we wish to return to the twelve hours—although it is the principle objeet our employers bare in now , no doubt , to get us stirred up to petition for them .

      We consider ten hours long enough to be confined within the walls of a factory . The benefits intended to be conferred upon us are entirely overruled by our heart , less employers . When , I would ask them , is our time for mental cultivation or healthful recreation ! Where is tbe time that was Intended to bo devoted for the education and iustruc * tion of tho young , who comprise by far the greatest por . tion of those employed under the act , and for whose be * ncfit the measure was chiefly intended ? Our employers tell us that wa have two hours In tho morning , and that one in tho morning'Is worth twontnhjht . In some cases this may hold good , but not so in ours . The two hours la the morning are entirely taken up with preparing and taking breakfast , and getting ready to begin work at tbe

      appointed hour ; but allowing there was time in the morning fer education , where is the school that is open at five o ' clock in the morning They may be in some places , but it is not in Kirkcaldy , therefore we consider the two hours in the morning to be entirely lost . The framers oi the bill certainly never Imagined that the factory lords would ride rough shod through it in this manner , or they would have been more explicit in this clause , which they seem to take advantage of , which states that wo are to be allowed one hour and a half for meals from half past seven in tbe morning till half-past seven in the evening . They consider if we have any time , either before or after the time specified , that they are within tho act , and the factory inspector of the district

      bss denned it in the tame way , and allowed them to go on with tbeiroppreisive system ; but we are of opinion thatwe should have one hour and a half for meals , from the time we go on in the morning till we leave off in the evening ; but we will not insist on this , but leave it for yoa and those friends to our cauee to define for us , and to devise a proper plas for us to adopt to obtain redress , as we do not intend to take another step until we get advice upon the subject . Wo have petitioned our employers again and ngiin—we have detailed to them our grievances—wo have appealed to their sympathies as Christians , but tbey have still turned a deaf ear to our entreaties . The ; tall us that we petitioned for the ten hours , and that we should now petition against it .

      Now sir , you will perceive from what I havo written , that we are grievously oppressed by our employers , and witbout any hopes of redress except by compulsion ; we , therefore , trust that you will take our case into your serious consideration , and let us hear the result of your deliberations . Trusting that jou will excuse the liberty I have taken in writing to you upon this most Important subject—I have done it because I know you to be a lover of the whole human family , I am dear sir , yours respectfully , Kirkcaldy , June 6 , 1848 . A Factokt Bov .

      To The Members Op The United Order Op Fr...

      TO THE MEMBERS OP THE UNITED ORDER OP FRIENDLY BOILERMAKERS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND . Fellow- WoBKMEtf , — . As our annual delegate meeting assembles at L * . verpool next week , I hope the last year ' s experience has taught us a !• eson that we may profit by in future , and that we thall no longer be guided by any antl-progres . sionlet party , as the reason is well-known why we as a body did not join the National Trades last year , although by Mr Newton ' s last letter In the Stab , we are led to infer that we have partially joined , and may join indivb dually . I had thought a gentleman of bis talent would have answered a humble individual like myself wiih more courtesy . He states that he knew nothing of the

      case of tho shoemakers until his attention was called to It by my lelUr Ho SBks If I am so i gnorant as not to know that tho money paid to tredes societies cannot be impropriated to any other purpose than that for which it is subscribed . M y opinion of the principle of trades unions , ia a mutual co-operation to carry practically into effect , by collective means wbot a man would doindivldually if be had the means . He says he had a hope that tho money Uad betn given with a good will , as all trades were interested in that trial . I acknowledge tho latter to bo the case . I wish he would undertake the task to convince tbe bollermakers that th ^ y were inter , ested in the results of that trial , I have endeavoured to

      To The Members Op The United Order Op Fr...

      do so bat I have signally failed . H » soys he expected the money was given freely and not with a bad grace . I leave him to judge If such w » e the ca «» . The London No , 1 . lodge after much discussion , passed a resolution to levy oae shilling per member on those that were in werk , to tbe amount of 200 to raise £ 10 ; we collected upwards of three pounds b y that means , end in older to forward tho mote ; to Manchester with dispatch , we drew upwards of seven pounds * from onr tr easurer to makeup the ttn pounds ; the result was , that after the Indignity with which our delegates were treated , tbe members that had not paid the levy would not pay a farthing , and our lodge lies out of that money till this day ; let him reconcile that with his doctrine of grace . He says I have wilfully misrepresented them ; I have

      the evidence of the four London delegates , whom I think are as worthy of credence as Mr Newton . I hope this will not be taken with a bad grace b y Mr Newton or any of the body ; if there lean error it has not ems . nated with me ; but it is of the utmost importance that we should know friends from foes , in order that the trades may know the sentiments of our respective orders , and the reason the iron branches are so dogmatical iu still adhering to the sectional system , and so averse to progress . Why keep aloof from honest intelligent men ? as witness the report of the delegates at the National Hall , Holborn , On the 2 Cth April—a report that dees infinite credit to those delegates . Such a combination ol talent was displayed upon that occasion , that we ought

      to vie with each other to carry out the objects of their resolutions ; and if the other trades outstep us in political knowledge , wfey should we log behind in political movements f Is It because no political questions are allowed to be discussed in the club rooms t If that be the case the sooner such laws and rules are abolished the better for society . Is it not fs consequence ot a want of confidence in tbe present Whig Ministry that all the foreign orders in the various shops in London are stopped , although many of them In a state of forward . DCS 3 ! Is it not owing to political influences and tbe pressure from without , that even our own government orders are stopped and the men discharged ! This is well-known to us .

      Then , brothers , political rights will give us the power to control our social rights . I do not say that it would be advisable to discuss political questions and leave tbe business of the society undone ; but as our best efforts to effect social amelioration are' controverted by political IndnmoBi , I hold It 1 ol ) y on our part , if sot criminal , longer t » continue the system . Times And manners change , and so must we . We must identify ourselves with the other trades and no longer remain as fossilated relies of antlquated . notions : let us , ns men having but one aim in view , unite , and move forward , a mighty or . ganlesd mass , and attack with irresistible force that citadel of corruption—class legislation , so long the worshipped idol of onr tyrannical oppressors .

      I hope , fellow workmen , you will see the necessity of joining the National Confederation as a body ; by so doing we aboil take the first step amongst the iron branches in the right of direction ; the others will , and must follow . Our interests and tbat of thousands demand us to do so , tbe voice ef millions calls on us to arouse from our lethargy and assert our natural rights ; humanity weeps for her degeneracy ; then let us do our duty like men determined to be free . The other trades have already entered the field , let ns also share the toils and beat of tbe day , that it may not be said of us , we tntered the field after the battle waa wen , and claimed a share of tho victory . Alex . Futohir ,

      The Labour Question. To The Trades Of En...

      THE LABOUR QUESTION . TO THE TRADES OF ENGLAND . The claims of labour are a fertile subject of discussion amongst political economists , who dogmatically sfiif m that supply and demand regulate the price of labour . The axiom is correct in the present commercial state of society , which supposes man ' a labour to be a saleable , a nd ther e fore , a marketable commodity ; but I conceive that such an affirmative goes but a short way to settle the question satisfactorily . An English tailor , starving in the streets of Lendon , asks for trade at the shop of an employer , and is in . formed that he cannot be employed , To quote the

      arguments of supply and demand , will not either satisfy the cravings ef hunger , or render his frame impervious to the storm . The value of the tailor as a producer cannot be doubted , and it must be admitted that he does not receive a fair reward for his skill and industry . Such a man has claims on society that cannot be answered by the smart retort —that to buy in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest , is the only law in commerce . Tbe most subtle reasoner has never Attempted to deny that labour gives value to capital , and therefore all the labourers give value to all the capital of the capitalists , and without labour capital is of no value , and cannot exist . I will not at this time push the argument to its ultimatum , but if reason and justice , as abstract

      principles , were to decide the case , judgment would be shortly come at , and we would never again hear of death from starvation , nor the heartless doctrine of 'Jet every thing alone , ' which in a state where all the land and rivers ,, mines and quarries , factories , and accumulated property , are possessed by a few members of the Commonwealth , simply means— 'let the rich few possesBjall , the poor man produce all ; or , in other words— ' let the nation consist of slave owners and slaves / Tbe great question of the day is what can be done with the starving and unemployed labourers , who , after contributing to produce all , have nothing ; and if supp ly and demand be the cause that produce the result , the wisest step must be to ' get at tbe means that control the supply , and balance the

      demand ; for as we have to deal with facts as tbey are , rather than aa we would wiah them to be , it is , in a mixed state of society , perhaps , not so ' important to endeavour to fully emancipate labour , as to regulate the balancing power so as to secure the relative claims of classes as they exist . Tha present enormous burthen of unwilling idlers pres . es heavily upon all above the rank of labour , but is most keenly felt by you who are the first and most intimate suffcrera . and you havo endeavoured by various methods to secure to yourselves afair , or living share of the fruitsj of your industry . Your trades unions have been denounced as consp i racies against the public , and it is considered illegal to conspire against the price of labour ; these conspiracies ( so called ) exist of

      necessity , and show the honest desire of workmen to live independent ; but though supported by sick clubs , money clubs , < feo ., they have proved ineffectual for your protection ; yet despite of all the abuse heaped on them and their supporters , I think them of service to your interests , and though they have not been a solvent protection to your rights , they have been in many cases a useful check against acts of deapetiam and wanton aggression , and are at once indicative of your virtuous resolve to earn your bread by tbe sweat of your brow , and direct evidence of the oppression and wrongs jou suffer . The disorganisation of these societies would be injurious to your interests—and it is to be feared , that a general introduction of political and social

      questions would tend to break them up , Yet , it is clear that Labour required a more extensive representation and protection than the medium of these societies affordid . When bad trade overtakes you , the unemployed workmen are a burthen , requiring aid , and unable to contribute towards the funds of the society , and destitution , tramping from town to town—in many cases leaving young wives and families unprovided—with other horrors , such only as a workman knows , follow in the train . This is not an occasional circumstance , but one of every day occurrence to almost every one of yon . At this hour there are many thousands of our best workmen and staunchest unionists , wandering through our country in a state of vagabondage and mendicancy .

      The government of England , as at present constituted , legislates for and represents all interests , but the primary one , on which all others rest . The Law , Church , East and West India interests , Army , Navy , and all the remainder , are represented , and we have actually a government department named the Board of Trade , and having a ministerial representative . Now , all these interests look to the franchise as tbeir means of protection , and all make laws which affect you and your interests . A declaration of war against America would endanger tur

      trade , and affect the price of your labour , The Minister declares war on behalf of the Crown . The Parliament supports the Minister . You pay the expense . An Enclosure Bill is passed , enclosing the common lands—the property of the people . Your property is taken from you , but you are not consulted . Now , if it be right to have a Board of Trade , to legislate on that which is produced from Labour , it ia imperative to have a Board of Labour so that the primary interest , on which all others rest , shall be represented in that legislature which makes laws bearing on the interests of all .

      The elements of disorder , isolation , and oppression , are fast gathering around us , a nd t her e ia a morose doubting ^ written on the face of society tbat toretells the coming storm . Now is the time for Labour to buckle on its panopl y and prepare for the struggle . The day has arrived when you must become more comprehensive in your sphere of actionnot giving op the narrowed pow e r you poss e ss but being organised for the acquirement of greater powers . Political economy , or the source of wealth

      producing , is no longer able to control England wisely , irrespective of distributionand moral obliga . tion . England has grown so rich that hor workmen are without strength , and her merchant princes plethoric and dropsical ; whilst the scrutinising calculation and keen competition of her middle men absorbs htr generous sentiments , and give no fruit , but a sour and acid hatred to all struggling for existence , crucified between the poverty of her labourers and tha endless gold-loving ambition ofhermoney lards .

      A society of the united trades , organised for political and social purposes , as lately proposed by the London stonemasons , would havo a lofty and grand field for useful * action—gathering within itself the changing ideas and sentiments of its members ; developing new sources of national industry ; improring and emancipating Labour , amidst the breaking up of factions and the wreck of errors , and throwing out a flood of light on all social and industrial subjer & valuable to the present and future generations . ' Bui good thoughts unrealised are like good dream *} - plea

      The Labour Question. To The Trades Of En...

      saat ior the moment , but useless in the comim , time . It is the practical working that makes con . ception valuable . Political power and social im " provement are worth straggling for . A change musfi take place , where wealth reigns supreme oyer miser / or worse will follow . ' » I shall shortly be in London , and , as one of you r will endeavour to do my share . The result reals with you . I am , fellow workmen , Yours , fraternally , Samuel Ktdd , Birmingham , June 11 th , 1848 .

      The British Constitution. To The Working...

      THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION . TO THE WORKING CLASSES . Prisnds , —Our glorious Constitution has been the boast of the ruling powers , and these who shared its patronage , ever since Magna Charta was wrung by tho mail-clad Baroni from the tyrant John , at Runnymede . This I take to have been the birth of the British Constitution : since its birth , however it has often changed its garb-has sometimes enjoyed liberty but too often been kept in bondage . —wheu , it has received such cruel usage from royal despots adventurers , adulterers and assassins , and been

      physicked by state quacks , that the British Constitution has become an indefinite thing—an evanescent shadow—existing but in name , and consequently dead , and hence the difficulty in defining what tha Constitution really is , and what are its component parts . Some laud onr glorious Constitution in Church and State , and others the privileges of the sub * jeot ; such aa trial by jury—the right to meet in public , to discuss grievances—the right of going to law with the king—the right to petition parliament —liberty of the pre **** —liberty of speech , & b . & c ; from all of which I infer , that if the body of tha Constitution is dead , the spirit or ghost of the Constitution has existed up to the present time .

      Now , however , the British Constitution does not exist even in name , fer the liberty-profegsing , finality , loving , perfidious , base ; bloody , and brutal Whigs / —tired of being haunted by the spectre of tbe Con - stitution—have , and are now ( by raking up obsolete acts never before enforced , and exacting i despotia Gauging Bill , for the suppressipbof public opinion ) laying the spirit of the Constitution in the red qeg of the blood of British subjects .

      "Alas ! poor ghost . " In proof of the foregoinjf , we hare but to glance at the recent acts of the Whigs to prove the truth oi ; falsity of those assertions . Many months prior to the French revolution , tha then Chartist Executive had given public notice that a National Monster Petition should be presented to the House of Commons , sometime in May , by T , S . Doncombe . Eeq ., ( it being hoped that that gentleman would have so far recovered his health , as to be capable of performing his parliamentary duties by that time ) and a Convention consisting of forty-nine delegates , elected at public meetings , was to meet in London for the purpose of arranging tlie procession , die . on the day of its presentation .

      The political events on the Continent expedited this movement , and tbe Convention met in March . The Whig Government recognised this body by sending two of its reporters , to note the doings of tha Convention , although it refused to acknowledge ot receive deputations from that body . As before stated , however , the chief object of the Convention was to hold a large meeting , and arrange the pre * cession en the 10 th of April , the day fixed for the presentation of the petition , —due notice of which was given by large bills posted over the Metropolis . This had b e en d one bef o r e , not only by Chartists , but by other bodies , without any interference on the part of Government , and was believed to be the constitutional right o f Englishmen , paWicJy to meet and discuss tbeir grievances , and petition the Legislature for their abolition .

      One member of the Government lays some chins to literary honours , and has lately appeared in the : light of a dramatic author . Be this as it may , the rThijj were determined to prove

      THE CONSTITUTION A FARCE , and apolitical drama of strange events was' strung tonether , to show the world that the Constitutioa of England was all moonshine , or at beat but a spectre or sprite , whose gambols , for the preservation of despotism—it was high time to put an end to .

      THE FIRST ACT commenced by showing John Bull the vanity of boasting about his glorious Constitution . The state doctors thought him ill—too ill to walk abroad—he must stay at home—take their physio quietly , and continue bis low diet , —he had lived too well—was too corpulent , and not dropsical , as he asserted , from taking skilly , —and by a special act passed 100 years ago , LARGE BODIES were not allowed to walkabroad , particularly in tho neighbourhood of St . Stephen ' s where they resid e d , without loss of liberty . Well , John sent his petition , prayine for a chanw

      of diet ; but the doctors' boys who administer theic nauseous drugs , wrote some filthy stuff in hits p etition , and tbe quacks , their pupils—lickspittles and boys , from Colonel Turashem down to little Jack—laughed at him for a fool , in [ believing his Constitution strong enough to walk to his doctors ' , and scorned his petition for a change of regimenhis Constitution xuat to bad it could not be allowed . Thus closed the first act , after destroying the right of petition , amidst the applause of Whig and Tory , and a flourish of bludgeons from the Special shopocraoy , and Bine devils .

      THE SECOND ACT . Although the right of Petition , and of walking to present it , was taken away , still the right of publio meeting , liberty of the press and of speech , waa thought to be possessed by old John . A million oi his children had died of starvation , and the survivors were clamorous for bread : they spoke in plain terms , saying , tbey would not starve quietly in s land of plenty . The Whigs enacted a bill which gaeged the mouths of him and his family , making it felony , should either he , or they , ( compass , imagin g , invent , d evise er intend , express , utter or declare , by publishing any printing or writing , or by open ana advised speaking ) seek any change in their conditio *** or food , or a change of state physcians , under pain of transportation for life .

      This was tbe d e n ouemen t of the farce of tha British Constitution . Not only liberty of speech , and of the press , bnt even of thought denied . This last would be rather a curious prosecution . What then has become of the glorious Constitution which has made this country ' the envy of surrounding , nations , and the admiration of the world ? ' er rather , is there a Constitution in existence ? Alfred , who lived in the ninth century , said ' i 6 was his duty to leave his country free as the * thoughts of man . ' The Whigs of the nineteenth , century fetter theught , and punish it with transportation to penal colonies . Perhaps I am wrong with regard to the Press . The Press has perfect lir-erty to act the part oi bloodhounds to the government—to libel and caricature the people—to be silent at their privations , but to trumpet forth the ravings of their despair—to

      issue forth garbled and lying statements of their movements and intentions—to arrest and prejudge political offenders before tbey are in custody—ta give orders to soldiers and police to flesh their swords in the blood of the people , and to prostitute their great power ol ' doing good . Yes , the Press has perfect liberty to be—as it is—filthy , venal , and corrupt , But , what liberty has the Press that advocates the poor man ' s rights , and proclaims his wrongs ? The Gagging Bill fer the wecurity of tha Crown is the best answer . Thus has liberty of speech—of the press—tha right of petition and of public meeting—and last though not least—trial by jury—been destroyed . The last state trial in Irel a nd , shows the fallacy of expecting justice from trial by jury under a government possessing bath the power and will to pack the jury against its victim . Courts of law are now a mockery .

      The lawi corrupted to tht bands that make ' em , Serve but ai Instruments of soma new tyranny That every day itart up to enslave us deapor . The most rabid » f the Tory press acknowledge that the jury was packed that tried the patriot Mitchel . The Examiner , professing no sympathy lor Mitchel , says , he was convicted by jugglery , and asks * By what marvellous chance was it , that Catholics being to Protestants on the Dublin jury list as three to one , the former were to the latter off the panel as one to five , and upon the jury NONE to . twelve ? ' At the St . James ' s Theatre . Mr . Uoudin will help a dozen persons to different liqueurs out of the same bottle . In Dublin there is a magic not leas wonderful , which out of a reservoir mainly Catholic will give you a sample of pur " Protestantism . You see a field of Shamrock , andi presto ! it is changed into an Orangery . '

      Thus , then , we have not the shadow of a CsBstiW tion . Whilst continental nations have wrung constitutions and concessions from their rulers , we hafS sunk still deeper in the gulf of slavery . What Englishman can read [ the preparations o ? a weas Sovernment to slaughter a defenceless people oS Ionday last , should they assert the right of pup " meeting , without the blood tingling ia . his vein ** and the conviction that he is a slava ? Truly * fearful responsibility rests upon these who b » ^ crushed an induatrieus people be & sath a heavy pressure of taxation , for the support of a paraqorfi * aristocracy , a bloated state church , and a prosig ^ government , while they have also wested from tW « people the last remaining vestige of their libariicB . Oh ! when is it coming , the- glorious tlrno , Wh « n ths fetters of ala * e-s shall biyst ,

      Andoarth shall bo fair aa its Eden ^ prlmQ And man shall be fre » as tha & r » t . Enffis Giu London . ) . June 13 .

      Marr I A G E. — Love Brought To Trial.—G...

      Marr i a e . Love brought to trial . —Going h oal 9 W daylight after courtship ' s masquerade . ^ Pawnbroker —The poDr man ' s banker .- —A ^ t-fho holds your coat whilst you fight .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 17, 1848, page 2, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_17061848/page/2/