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Northern Star (1837-1852), 15th December 1849, Edition 2 of 3, Page 7, GLORIOUS LETTER OF DR. GHATTAK, JUSTICE ...

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      To Mr. Charles Gayax Duf Fy. Ace Of Conn...

      Decembeb 15 , 1849 , THE . NORTHERN STAR . * I T ~ T ^ ~~ ' ¦ -- ~ "" ' jgggSgSr ^ g " " .. I * mw , w * - " - ^ ¦ M »? ° " = £ ==

      To Mr. Charles Gayax Duf Fy. Sib—Your Ou...

      TO MR . CHARLES GAYAX DUf FY . Sib—Your outrageously personal attack upon me necessitates a reply- With extreme reluctance 1 proceed to give it . I will , at your desire , take your charges seriatim , and "blot them out one by one and every one , " and the only blotter I will use is tftc truth . I will endeavour to avoid the grossly abusive language in which you have indulged . I will neither distort facts nor misrepresent conversations understood to be confidential . Were I in your position , such " tricks of fence" might sugfest themselves , but iny conscience is clear , and I ave only to repeat a plain statement in plain language to carry with me the verdict of all honest men . TO MR . OHART . V . K OAVAX TYITVTY .

      Sir , you have indeed preferred an artful array of charges against mc—some of them ridiculoussome absolutely childish , as ihe offspring of a silly and fhtuleat vanity—some notoriously unfoundedothers easil y dissipated with the slig htest breath of explanation—aU most carefully elaborated , and conveyed in vehemently intemperate language ; but what is most remarkable , not one single accusation is supported by a scintilla of evidence , direct or indirect In all this your policy is obvious . You desire by a personal attack on me to withdraw public observation from your own public conduct , "which now stands impeached before tbe country . To the desperation of your perilous position I

      attribute yowr heaping calumnies on me . Yon did so to enlist sympathy—to create a diversion . But your zeal his outstripped your usual cool and calculating discretion , and so palpable is all this on the face of your angry and vituperative letter , that already public opinion his condemned you . With this reply your condemnation will be complete . Your attack opens with an assertion that " open , debauched , and shameless lying" has been employed against you in the Irishman ; and towards the close of your letter , you deliberately declare that * ' since Mr . Joseph Brenan went to America , these identical slanders have been written . " In this declaration is at once discoverable a clue to your

      hoastcd "long forbearance "—to your courageous outbreak . Mr . Brenan is gone . He is not here to give a personal reply to your charges-r-to justify every word he wrote concerning your policy and conduct ; and knowing this , you wax suddenly valiant , and fancy you will escape with , impunity . You dare not , were he here , accuse him of '" open , debauched , and shameless lying" in his Editorship of the Irishman . Even in his absence , yon dare not do so directly , but you have done so indirectly , for until he recently lcit , tosettlein America , he wrote , With one or two exceptions , every article in which reference was made to your conduct and policy . Of Ids truthfulness , fidelity , and probity , his unselfish

      nature , honorable disposition , and chivalrous devotion to the cause , I need not speak . Enough to know he was the tried and trusted friend of John Michel , and proved in every way worthy of his confidence . He was ia Xewgate with you , and thoroughly understood you . You feared him ; and while no remained in the country , you wisely remained silent , and never attempted to exclaim against any of tbe " slanders " yon now make a merit of having so long patiently endured . Hut when this day ' s Irishman reaches 2 few York , I promise you a reply from Mr . Brenan you will regret in your soul having provoked . The first tangible charge you make is , that in the

      article in the Irishman on your " Irish Alliance , " you are represented " as having done the exact re-Terse of that which you did . " This I distinctly deny . You admit all that was alleged against you . You tell the public that you proposed a resolution Of sympathy with the State Prisoners in the " Committee , " and carried it—that you urged its adoption in the " Conference , " and it was resisted , until a secession was about to ensue , when you withdrew it , on the understanding that you and Mr . M . Lcyno were at liberty to talk as much as you pleased at the Aggregate Aleeting on thc subject of your resolution . This is your own version of the affair ; and your charge against the Irishman is , that . the re--proach of the failure of that resolution was thrown upon you . To this 1 plead guilty . What is your own explanation i— That vou

      withdrew the resolution to conciliate some patties , who , in an "Irish Alliance , " appealing to Irish Nationalists for support , were ashamed or afraid to express iaa resolution of sympathy—evensosmalla thing as sympathy—with the State Prisoners ' . You claim the honour of having proposed the resolution ; admitted—the disgrace of iu withdrawal is also your own . The charge against you , sir , is—that , having proposed the resolution , you shamefully withdrew it , to conciliate parties not worth conciliating—for , what man is worthy of being ranked as a labourer in the national cause , who is ashamed or afraid ' to express , even in a guarded resolution , sympathy with the State Prisoners ? Out upou such base * ' conciliation , " that abandons friends who suffered for their patriotism , and brings scandal on the cause , by appearing to make Irishmen unmindful of those who sacrificed all for their country .

      It was agamstthis scandal the Irishman protested ; and you , Mr . Duffy , admit the grounds of protestyou , who should be the last man to desert the memories of tho illustrious exiles yon urged on to their fate , are yet foremost to found a new " Alliance , " based upon a denial to them of so poor a thing as V sympathy . " Shame , shame upon j-ou—shame ypon the policy that , within six months after their departure from our shores , would thus prove untrue to their memories—forgetful of their sufferings—and make so lisbt of their great sacrifices , as to deny them even an expression of " sympathy . " Mr . M . Leyne ' s version of this affair is similar to

      your own ; but he tells more truth . It was necessary , said he , " to avoid even thc apjiearance of connexion with Vie principles of our illustrious friends ;"— " conciliation " rendered this necessary . The conciliation of whom ? Of thc Nationalists ? Oh no . impossible . Of tho honest Confederates who were associated with O'Brien , aud his illustrious fellow-sufferers ? It would be a libel to assume such a thing . On whom , then , was "conciliation" to do its work ? On Whigs and Whiglings —on timid time-servers , and weather-cock politicians , whom you Me . Dully , have drawn around you in support of your pob ' cy ; these were thc men to be conciliated .

      To save appearances , you proposed thc resolution hindingtbem to nothing , expressing only sympathy ; they resisted—yon yielded ; and , with these facts patent to the " world , you claim the support of honest Nationalists for yonr "Irish Alliance . " Artful as were your tactics , the gross inconsistency , the shameful abandonment of principle , was too Storing to escape detection . The Irishman exposed is : hence your revengeful ire . Now , sir , are you , as the prime mover ia the course of events which terminated in the expatriation of our illustrious martyrs , not ashamed 01 your conduct in this matter ? Your policy has been de-Tiousand intensely selfish . Associated wPh men of open , and generous arid unsuspecting natures , you ' John Mitchei

      cs ° dthein foryour own purposes . earlv saw through you , and you made a parly to ex pel him from the " Confederation / ' The same test that drove the " Con'cdtratts'' from " Conciliation Hall , " vou anplied to diive John Mitch 1 ircni the " Confedrration . " Y ou succeeded . Smith O'Brien . Meagher , Dillon , dec , were your dupes on the occasion ; vet , but a brief period eiapsed when vou reverted your tactics . John Mitchei wasTOPOrted ^ nd , until that act was consum-JXedt Zi were all for " moral force " -the ' ; time had " noVcome ; " but no sooner were yon imP ™ d thin an insurrection became necessary . You urged O'Brien to take the field at a tim e when the country was unprepared ; without means , without orgnmsa-« nn without concert or design-you excited to an

      armed movement , and on its failure you now seek to trace . Nav , yon endeavour , within six months of their iiansportation , lo organise a new Association en the basis of cincUiating men who deny even their " sympathies "to those illustrious martyrs you so lareelv contributed to expatiate . Mr Duffy , do vou suppose tbe Irish people are such fools as not to see through your policy ? Do you + h £ k vou can now establish an Association of MSS base d npon a repudiation of the generouj Sacrifices of onr illustrious martyrs ? Do yon think that an Association will ever merit or receive the confidence of the Iri-h people that starts into being , avoidin" even an ap 2 > camncc of connexion w & mrta-S rendered sacred by . ufiering , and hallowed by D kFir- ? with all your cunning and all your

      dexierou « tricherv , you will fail . Ihe political euueation of tbpeop le is too far advanced to permit them *« Wme the : dopes of a reactionary policy . You ™ vSe me " of " slandering " you-of employing 5 fi ^ SKEwd" writers , and of anything eke you , fal ; -bul while the iidnan honestly exposes p lease , ^ ,. ™ , hitas adherence to truth 5 SKfefliXE ostensibly seek to ally ? £ S S the nationalcause , I havenofears Alliance" to the 1 P ™ gj , < g" ££ STled to idenrifi j d J « H £ 55 ES 3 e those principles m YT dM rf ^ foe Ss of future action then , and those deeds the » uia lansibmty endeavour indeed , you might W 1 H ; , ^ : Adrawai 0 fit under a to shie ld Jonr ^ om'nm ^ tt drawa . g base and ^^^ f ^ n ' admit , a very hornless Of tbe sort , it wa 'f J £ n f ! Apathy ; hut even resolution , «|«^^ £ E « refused to ^ "rt ^ S Se first ; and you to

      . Se the B-gHtfaSi' must desp ise such why , even wnigs ana •«•«» Jt M on j r the J ^ ^^ fgli ^ l ^ other day , at a ^ J " ^ f Whig and Tory tliat Mr . Potter , mfte pr « & ^ lords , ^ ve the memory yet frs 00 tb , -was noblyand feetagiy j ^ p ^ confidence to Sew * w ? sr 3 i w » " p ° ifc - that a new Association ana j ¦ ^^ ^ ^ en-IKS oiTcSitution , « <» * m ~

      To Mr. Charles Gayax Duf Fy. Sib—Your Ou...

      ance of connexion with bis principles—the principles oi our illustrious friends and martyrs . Sir , the more your conduct in this matter is wamiued , the more exposed will it appear to animadversion . The resolution yon abandoned was about being moved at the Aggregate Meeting , where it would have been carried bv acclamation , when you interfered to prevent it . Will you deny this ? If you do , I have mv proof at hand " . Nay , more ; when you proposed the resolution in " Conference , " I am intoimed that the majority present were in favour of it , but an adjournment was proposed , and vou voted jor it—thus practically voting against i ; our own resolution' Indeed , your whole conduct has left the impression on many minds that you were never sincere in bringing that lcsolution forward—„„ ., „ t „ nn , ?;™ " „ - ; , ! , k : > __ - „ :... _ ....

      that yon did so merely as a trick to save appearances—without any heartfelt anxiety to see it adopted . However , one thing is clear , the " Irish Alliance " stands unmasked before the country , and you , Mr . Duffywith it . 1 can now understand the , studied care with which you excluded V . r . Brenan and myself from your secret coherences in which this "Alliance " was originated ; yr . ur object was not to re-organise the Nationalists , but to set on foot a movein ent to sustain you in the reckless reactionary " policy " y < m have adopted , and which h > s already carried you within the precincts of Wbigijery . One thing , at all events , is clear : in repudiating , in your new Association , " even the appearance of connexion " with the principles of the illustrious martyrs , you have opened the eyes of the country to your own

      recreancy , and completely severed your , " connexion " with the true Nationalists of Ireland , I now come , sir , to matters more personal to myself . You have assailed me with a malignity and coarseness I would be ashamed to retaliate . Having broken your discreet silence , your excuse is , that you would have remained " silent for ever , " but for the exposure of the "Irish Alliance ' in thc Irishnan , which you affirm led you no longer to forbear " informing the people that these systematic slanders are the poor vengeance of a disappointed servant , who , foiled in his servile efforts to recover the favour of his generous master , turns in a single hour from a slavish petitioner at his feet , to a rabid cur barking at his heels , flying to bite the hand that fed him . "

      Such is your language , Mr . Duffy—such the terms which , in an unguarded moment , you permitted yourself to apply to me . Now , sir , I will deal with you briefly and explicitly . We are . both before thecountrp , and I challenge you to make good your charges . 1 st . Of what systematic slanders have I been guilty ?—name one , I defy you . True , I have publisJ se-i in the Irishman letters from Thomas Deviu Reilly and Michael Doheny , bitterly censuring your public conduct . Those gentlemen attached their names to what they wrote , and you never had the moral courage to hazard a reply . But your accusation is personal to me , and I now defy you to the proof . 2 . You call me a " disappointed servant . " " Disappointed , " in what ? 'Tis true that I was your

      cashier aud publisher for five years , and you call yourself " a generous master . " Come , sir , before the Country , speak up . Did I not serve you zealously and faithfully ? Dare you whisperer insinuate one word against my character ? One word against the integrity and fidelity of my services ? Fear no leijal proceedings on my part ; I give you full liberty to speak your mind freely . Say , then , dare you impeach my services in the slightest particular ? If you dare not , then you arc branded as evincing a willingness to wound , but yet afraid to strike . I will not follow your bad example , and obtrude on tbe public the nature and extent of my services , which , were you not all and more than you describe me to be , you sever would have so ungenerously forgotten .

      But , lam tempted by the tone of arrogance in which yon address me , to ask who you are , Mr . Duffy ? U 7 w are you ? You parade yourself as " a generous master'' — you assume an aristocratic haxtcur , and talk of your " cashier and publisher '' as your " servant . " Whence this silly vanity ? this childish impertinence ? this ridiculous assumption ? Is it that y » u wish to verify the old adage about "setting a beggar on horseback ? " Surely , the very recent events <> f your life must have escaped from your memory with the same facility as you have discarded your principles else you never would have indulged in such an unseemly exhibition of folly and of pride . It is not many years since you came to Dublin , a very poor , ill-educated , and helpless

      youth , well contented to accept even a few shillings a week , in the Morning Register office . What man of gentlemanly feeling wou ! d then h-ive called you a " servant ?* ' Who , with a properself-respect , would have looked down on your poverty , or ridiculed your uncouthuess ? _ By dint of plodding you get on—a scanty education you improved hy general , not deep re & ding—you became a surface politician—naturally slow , by painful practice you came in time to write a passable article . Then followed your connexion with the Belfast Vindicator , which has left no agreeable reminiscences behind . Again , you came to Dublin , and , in conjunction with Thomas Davis , andjidm Dillon , you established the Nation . Brought thus

      into association with gentlemen , your superiors in every respect , yon imperceptibly improved in manners and in mind . You had tact and cunning — you were a * are of yonr own deficiencies , and strove by sedulous study to supply them . The awakened intellect of the countiy was gathered round the Nation , and yon profited by the opportunity to make a character . In this you succeeded . The genius of others —of your associates—made your reputation . They have now , one by one , departed , and how do you sustain it ? Let the " new Nation" testify . Thrown on your own resources , you cut but a sorry figure . The literary excellence of the old Nation is gone . You arc now reduced to your naturally stunted proportions—a very " Triton anions ; the minnows . ' ,

      Such is briefly your personal career since you hi st engaged as a '' servant ' in Michael Staunton ' s office . Are you entitled by it to assume aristocratic arrogance , and sreer at me as a ' l servant" for havinsj , in the capacity cf " cashier and publisher , " served you faithfully for years ? Indeed , Mr . Duffy . I am sorry that your association with gentlemen did so little service in improving your taste — that your boasted Liberal opinions did not lead you to adopt juster and more rational opinions . I now address myself to the charges that you have ventured to specify .

      1 . You accuse me of having published tbe prospectus of the National newspaper , " with the ungenerous and dishonest design of attempting to pass off the paper as yours . " This I deny , and challenge you to prove . If I had such a "deshn , " it must have been manifested some way or other . I have only your base and reckless assertion to deal with , and surely you cannot think that will now pass current . With your usual dexterity , as a trickster you assert an " affirmative , " and call upon me to prove a '' negative . " My reply is , yonr assertion is a falsehood and a calumny , and as such 1 denounce it before the countiy .

      2 . My next crime was in publishing the Irishman , which you describe as " a servile and absurd imitation of the Nation from the title page to the tailpiece . " Of this charse thc country can judge . That I did publish the Irhhman is true ; but that it was or is a " servile imitation" of the old Nation is totally untrue . Thc principles were and are far a-head of those yon cherish , Mr . Duffy . God forbid there was any identity between them . Thc principles of the Mihman are Democratic ; your principles always had an Aristocratic colouring aud tendency . You also complain that when I started the Irishman vou were " untried , and competent to revive

      the Nation ; or , in case of conviction , to transfer it to some suitable person on behalf of your family . " There is a wicked ingenuity in this accusation that startles me . You wish to insinuate that I interfered with vour property ; yet , sir , what is the truth ? Months before I started the Irishman you had no propcrin : all your property was assigned over to trustees to pay vour debts ; your furniture had Ueen sold : vour printing materials had been in part disponed of " ; the office in which the Nation was published had been ffiven up to the proprietor—nothing remained but the neve prestige of your name ; and I defy you to adduce one single instance in winch i sought to use even that . , the il «/« Mi

      You wish also to insinuate that was a valuable property when it was suppressed , and thereby to strengthen your calumnious imputations on me . * This obliges me to tell you the truth , and with mv knowledge of the truth , I am astounded at thc recklessness that dictated your foul accusations . When the Nation was suppressed , it was m a sinkin" condition . The first blow it received , was on the cessation of John Mitchel-from that fatal hour its prosperity began to fade , until , with your reckless extravagance in a st yle of livmgjou had never been accustomed to , and against which I often expostulated , the establishment was becoming so exhausted , that , had not Clarendon suppressed it , you would have been driven into bankruptcy . Sir , with the knowledse of the services I rendered you in your emergency , were you not the most ungrateful of men , vou never would have calumniated me as you have done—but I will not retort , I seek only to defend myself .

      3 . You complain that ft letter from your solicitor , denvin » you had any connexion with the Irishman , was " suppressed . It was « auppre 8 sed , and simply because it was deemed offensive . But a full and explicit contradiction was given in the most prominent part of the Irishman , to the effect conveyed in your letter , that you had no connexion with the Irish-4 . ' This did not satisfy you . There was a paltry purpose to be served , by endeavouring to thrust on me such a letter as might injure « iy property ; and this I determined to resist . Your solicitor appeared again with another letter and a threat ; the threat was despised , but care was taken to do full justice to the Irishman as well as to you , and a second paragraph was inserted , stating in plain , unequivocal language , that you had no connexion whatever with the paper .

      To Mr. Charles Gayax Duf Fy. Sib—Your Ou...

      And now , sir , I challenge you to produce one scintilla of proof that I ever , by word or deed , gave any one to imagine , or understand , that you were connected with the Irishman . Your elaborate accusations are a mere tissue of moonshine—yet I must dispose of them , " one by one , and every one , " else you would say I was unable to do so . This imposes a disgusting task on me , and obliges mo to crave the good feeling and indulgence of my readers . 5 . Your next charge is that the Irishman attributed to Thomas Davis the labours on behalf of literature , , „ . :

      and education which it pleased Mr . Butt , on your first trial , to ascribe to you . I remember the circumstance well—Mr . Joseph Brenan was then in Richmond Prison , and contributed as regularly as he conveniently could to thc Inshwm . He wrote the article you allude to , and you knew he wrote it . When he was released , and ! understood you felt annoyed at the article , I gpoko to him , and he ajfirmed its truth . You met him afterwards and never renewed tho subject ; now , however , when he is gono to America , you fabricate out of this simple matter ' an accusation against me .

      0 . On your release from prison , as you say , 1 waited on you . Had I not done so , I am satisfied that the malignity of your disposition would havo made my absence an additionnl ground of accusation and misrepresentation . As it is , you have noted down , it appears , the conversation that took place between us ! and I have to thank God you can only charge me with having " proposed to give up the Irishman forthwith , if" as you allege , " you restored me to my place as publisher of tho ^ tiwi . " This is the extent of the crime with whicli you accuse me ; for the sake of making this paltry ' accusatiou you violated the confidence of a . ^ riwatc conversation . But , sir , you have misrepresented thc facts , for the truth would not serve your purpose . Two months before you revived thc iVtsfton I had with you the conversation you misrepresent . In allusion to any seeming antagonism between the Irishman and tho projected revival of the Nation , I offered , if ittmuld sertn the cause , to sink the

      Irishman . I presumed you were honest , and intended to follow out an honest policy . On mentioning what I had done to some friends , I was cautioned to be careful in my communications with you . I was warned against abandoning the Irishman , as you had even then given unmistakeable indications that you were not true at heart—that you would abandon the principles of tho illustrious , martyrs—that you abjured the principles and policy of John Mitchei ; and I was entreated not to imperil , by connexion with you , the only journal in Ireland , on tho fidelity and honesty of which the democracy could rely . I will confess that my faith in you , notwithstanding all the heavy drawbacks it had sustained , led me to receive these warnings with an unwilling ear—yet , how literally have they been verified Thus , sir , in thc manner I have stated , I plead guilty to the charge of having proposed to g ive up the Irishman . Does it redound to my discredit ? I leave the country to judge .

      But how did it come to pass , Mr . Duffy , if I had been acting tho treacherous part towards you for months before your release , which you assert I had been acting , that you renewed acquaintance , and held intercourse with me and Mr . Brenan ? Was my offer to give up the Irishman a proof of a desire to injure or serve your interests ? Your accusations cut their own throats ? 7 . A ridiculous charge is , that a paragraph appeared in the Irishman , stating that a party , in canvassing for the Nation , at the same time canvassed against the Irishman . Your " cashier and publisher , '' or , if you prefer the phrase , your " servant , " wrote to demand tho name of the canvasser and of tho person canvassed . Both wore forthwith given ; and from that day until your letter appeared , I heard no more of the matter . If you now dare deny the fact , I will publish the names , and leavcyou to justify your shameless audacity as best you can .

      8 . You revive m an accusation against me the charge made against Thomas D'Arcy " 11 ' Gee , that he took with him to America £ 200 of money subscribed for national purposes . 2 s ow , I convict you before the country of base ingratitude to " your friend" in permitting this charge to lie so long unanswered , if you-had the means of refuting it . The charge was preferred publicly by Mr . iSrenan ; and while he remained in this country you wisely remained silent . You had the Nation at your disposal , yet you did not do for M'Gee what until this hour he has failed to do for himself—deny it . The story about the profits of the- ( Yew York Nation I don ' t believe one word of ; but , Mr . Dutfv , if vou

      desire to revive the discussion of this matter , I promise you Mr . Brenan will not balk your fancy . You wrote a letter to the Irishman , denying your knowledge of the transaction , and giving M'Gce a character ; in reply you were informed that if you insisted on thc publication of that letter it would be published , but a member of your family would be involved in justifying the statement made . A paragraph was inserted , giving your denial of all knowledge of the transaction ; and you remained quiescent till Air . Brenan ' s departure , then you summon sufficient courage to make the matter a ground of attack against me . All this is very mean—very p itiful .

      0 . Your next charge is , that the " conductors of the Irishman caused either proofs of the leading article , or an early copy of the revived Nation , to be stolen out of the office , " and that the comments on that article " gave an utterly false and perverted account of its contents . " Sir , respect for myself and fur my readers will not permit me to give this foul accusation the denial it merits . I will not adopt your phraseology , and say , " you lie in your throat and in your soul . " I will state the simple truth . On the Friday evening preceding your publication a copy of thc Nation was brought into this office b y a gentleman utterly unconnected with me . Air . Brenan read it , and forthwith wrote an article , warning the country against the course of policy vou recommended ; if he gave an " utterly false

      aud perverted account of that policy , why hang back until he reached America before you had tho courage to tell him so ? But Air . Brenan gave a true and accurate account of the policy that article indicated—a policy mischievous and wily in its conception , growing bolder-and more dangerous as you proceeded , until its baseness was made manifest to all by the repudiation of " even the appearance of a connection" with the principles of our illustrious martyrs , which signalised the establishment of its offspring and tool , the " Irish Alliance . " 10 . You conclude by demanding who is the writer of the article in the Irishman on your " Irish

      Alliance ?" . Sir , your demand is simply impertinent . I might as well require to be informed who your partners in the new ifattbnnrc . I have shown that your assertion that all the articles you complain of we re written since Air . Brenan went toAmerica , is untrue— -that they were nearly all written by Mr . Brenan , and submitted to by you until you thought his absence rendered it safe for you to break silence . ITere I to uauie the gentleman who wrote that article I would gain credit by his association with me : but I will not willingly do what might Injure a scholar and a gentleman in bis prospects , to gratify your malignant curiosity , This , sir , is

      my answer . And now , Mr . Duffy , I have sono through your long , verbose , vituperative tirade , and what does it all amount to ? I have dealt with your accusations , one by one , and every one , " and into what do they all resolve themselves ? Why , sir , that you fear the Irishman ; that you find in its intrepid honesty an antidote to the poison you ave instilling into the mind of Ireland ; that the animadversions it has been my painful duty to publish on yonr " policy " have awakened the country to a knowledge of your reactionary designs , and . you know it—you feci it . This sir , has instigated your assaults on me personally , in tho vain hope of withdrawing attention from the manifold delinquencies that mark your public career . V /» .. l . / iocf thai : « ' ft » . tnn limit's atoi'V dnv Since UUtVlll —

      .. UU ' . U -V *»/* * . * .. » .. v ... w —> v . J .. J — — you left your prison you have laboured in this work . " Laboured in whit work ? To re-organise the Nationalists of Ireland on honest and sterling principles ? To teach the people that demoralisation and disappointment must be thc necessary results of any return to the old ways of agitation ? To inspire them with hope in the future , by teaching them that Jiot to English Parliaments or English '' Laws " they must look for a restoration of their right * , but rely solely on their own trained , and educated , and organised strength ? Is this tho work at which you laboured ? Would to God it were , but jar otherwise have you been engaged . Aud now , sir , I must conclude . Aly path lies straight onward—my principles ave plain—my policy is above disguise , and goes rig ht forward to the

      goal to be won . Between us tho country will judge . To mar the cause I advocate by such grossly indecent attacks as you have indulged in , is a degradation to which I will never submit . I shall repel calumnies , but never deal in them—never use them as my stock-in-trade . Your public conduct and " policy " shall be discussed in the Irishman when it is considered such discussion may serve tub cause , but personalities I will leave to you . Acting in this way , sir , with my motives pure , and my conscience clear , I will be enabled , in the language of a patriot whom I presume you now despise—Joseph Alazzini , " fearlessly to raise my eyes to meet those of other won without the dread of meeting any one who can say to me—' you have deliberately lied . I am , your obedient servant , 4 , D'Olier-street , Dublin . Bebsarp Fuliam .

      The Cotxrurkn Eweroi?.—A Money-Changer O...

      The CotxruRKn Eweroi ? . —A money-changer of Paris received recently from Port-au-Prince a complete set of all the coins struck since Souloque has been declared Emperor . They are of the sme nominal value as tbe coins of France . Each coin represents on one side the new Emperor , in the imperial costume , like that of Napoleon on tho day of his coronation , and on the other side the inscription of "Faustinl ., Emperor of Hajti . " Round the edge are the words , " God protects my people . 'GdlimiHii ! ,

      Glorious Letter Of Dr. Ghattak, Justice ...

      GLORIOUS LETTER OF DR . GHATTAK , JUSTICE OF THE PEACE , TO THE MXCOMTOOP BRADY , LORD CHANCELLOR OF IRELAND UPOX THE DISMISSAL OF AS HONEST MAGISTRATE BY A LICKSPITTLE JUDGE .

      Brumniin House , county Kiklarc . Nov . 20 th , 1840 . My Lord , — -I beg leave to address to you my repl y to tho communication of your secretary , dated the 23 rd instant . Tho communication is an important one , and as the topics to ¦ which it refers are , in the present state of Irelaud , of great moment to us all , it will wot admit of a hurried answer . I must , therefore , trespass more at length on your lordship ' s attention than , under other circumstances , mi g ht be necessary .-

      Since the anti-titho agitation , a question upon which all Ireland was unanimous , and or which the Whigs of that day availed themselves to drive their public opponents from 0 mf' * havo taken u 0 P art iH P uWic matters . t -inat question the people carried in opposition to the Tory party , who afterwards , in conjunction w ith . O'Council mid the Whigs , so managed , tbo affair , that between them all , onefourth of the church property was transferred to the landlords , thus deceiving the people , who derived no advantage from their continued exertions and sacrifices .

      Then came an agitation for "Repeal of the union" then , the innumerable " onemore experiment "—and the " instalments of justice [ ' n ? i ld" brought forward , in succession , by O Council , and connived at , or openly encouraged by the Whigs , who used O'Council as their instrument , either to harass a Tory administration , or to secure to themselves thc possession of power and patronage . . The Whigs were displaced . To embarrass their successors , Ireland , as before , was made the battle ground for English faction . O'Connell got up the monster meetings . He was encouraged by the very men who are hoio the

      Queen ' s Ministers . He gave expression to language the most defiant of England . He marshalled the peasantry . Ho passed them in review before him . They counted as many millions . The artificial / cwitne , created and continued b y English misrule — pestilence , the consequence of famine—poor law extermination , to gratify tho political hostility , or the heartless cupidity of the landlords , has not as yet thinned their ranks . Ho asked them would they he ready at his call to start up and crush the enemies of Ireland . They understood him to mean insurrection , and they answered with one voice , " wo are ready . "

      All this the Whigs witnessed—all this the Whigs encouraged — to all this the English Whigs were parties . O'Conncll was arrested . He was prosecuted and imprisonsd by thc Peel administration . Oh ! what expressions of sympathy—what addresses of condolence—what denunciations of English misrule — what visitings , when in prison , ^ of Whig aspirants for place , of magistrates and Whi g lawyers —all approved of aud sanctioned by the leaders of the Whig party , . Another change in the p hases of Ireland ' s varied sufferings presents itself .

      Peel , Ireland superficially tranquilised , pledges himself to introduce measures for the amelioration of the condition of the people , thereby consummating aud consolidating his system of free trade . Ho proposed to regulate the franchises and to remove practical grievances . But , said . he , I must be enabled to hold Ireland under control . I must havo the Arms Registration Act renewed which you Whigs , when in office , declared to be absolutely necessary to preserve tho peace of the country .

      And now comes thc most nefarious act over perpetrated by any opposition in the long and dark catalogue of political party crimes . No , reply tho "Whi gs , headed by Lord John Bussell—no , you shall not treat the people of Ireland as if they wore slaves—they shall possess arms as well as the people of England—every man und boy of thorn shall be at liberty to purcliaso and keep \\ gun . There shall be no registration of arms . The English Tory landlords , to he revenged of Peel , turn on him—join the Whigs—leave him in a minority—and shove him from office . Playing , like gamblers , with the fortunes of the people ; death

      the stake and Ireland the victim . j \ nd the supporters and the partisans of O ' Conn ' ell shout for joy ; and places are created , and appointments made , and lawyers are promoted , and judges are elevated to the bench . And hero , I may observe , that in most instances the legal appoiutmets of O'Conncll were judicious ; and that , in no case , did ho exercise a more sound judgment than in nominating you to tho place which you now fill—the duties of which you so ably discharge . This , at least , is something ; and being the truth , the enemies of O'Conncll ought not tu deny him this merit ; a great merit it was , and one for which the country owes him much .

      Meantime famine did its work—no remedial measure was introduced . Thc people died of starvation in the very ports from whence cargoes of oats were at the moment exported , to feed the carriage and dray horses of London . O'Conncll does nothing . In tho English parliament ho supports tho Whi g s—in Ireland ho abuses them . The people lose confidence in him . Smith O'Brien tho intrepid and incorruptible , denounces in his place in parliament , Whig perfidy , and protests against place-seeking , making patriotism a mockery , using the credulous and confiding Irish people as a means to power , and then flinging them aside and trampling on them . The people heard and cheered him . The young and enthusiastic hailing him as their apostle , and pledged themselves to the faith that he preached .

      The young men of tho Irish bar hoard and applauded bim . ' O'Gorman , Meagher , Leyno , Duffy , and others , identified themselves with him . Hatred of the truth—the fell spirit of malignant jealousy , where jealousy . should have found no place—for how often did O'Conncll appeal to thc ' young blood of Ireland' —this spirit of jealousy , looking askance , and devising mischief , raised an unmeaning controversy about moral and physical force . A trap was lai d , a deep pit was dug for the honest and the true , the conscientious and the brave . Like fools they played the game of their open foes and pretended friends . " Facilis descensus Avcrni . They plunged from one error to another , and finally , most unquestionably throwing aside all prudence , losing sight , in my opinion , of all discretion and common sense , they outraged the laws of the country .

      I was not acquainted with , and , in fact , had never even seen a single one of those individuals . I was a more observer of passing events—disapproving of their proceedings , which seemed to mo inexplicable , but which no voice of mine could reach . In their hour of daring , I thus expressed myself . Now , in . the time of their punishment and suffering , I grieve for them and I sympathise with them . And why ? I am not a lawyer . I know nothing of a lawyer ' s quibbles ; I despise them . But this ' I say— " That he who , with malice prepense , furnishes another with tho means of perpetrating a crime , is himself a party to the crime , and ought to be indicted and punished as an accessary before the fact . "

      I assume this to bo the law , and I thus reason upon it . Who was the party who , next to O ' Connoll , encouraged the Irish people to hope for repeal , and to agitate for it ? Who was the party who laid it do ivn in his speeches in parliament , that if the great majority of the people of Ireland demanded a Repeal , Repeal should be granted ? Who was it , that in his writings , p roclaimed the doctrine that armed resistance to authority was , in certain cases , iii accordance with the spirit of the British Constitution ? Who was it that furnished to the Irish people the excitements , and the hopes , and the appliances most likelv to lead them to break out into insurrection ?

      Was it not Lord John Russell ? and if so was ho not the great offender—the chief criminal—a wrongdoer towards Inland , and a dangerous and desperate servant of the crown ? , „ , Sympathising , then , with O'Brien and Meagher , though 1 knew them not , I should have considered it strange , and not creditable either to Mr . Leyne or to Mr . Duffy , if they had abstained from all allusion to them . Had they omitted to speak of them ,

      others would have spoken with even greater warmth , and with perhaps less discretion . I did not interrupt them . I do not think it was my business to have done so . The attempt would have created confusion . My . business was to preserve order . This I did ; and having approved of the several resolutions that were to be proposed my next duty was to _ ascertain and declare the sense of the meeting , which , yon will observe , was an aggregate meeting , and at which , of course , any person present had a right to speak , It was no easy task to manage a meeting so con-

      Glorious Letter Of Dr. Ghattak, Justice ...

      stituted . The least indiscretion on the part of the chaimian , would have been fatal to it—a resu ' t anticipated , and indeed I believe anxiously hoped for by the enemies of Ireland . So much for the meeting itself . With respect to the ultimate object of the speakers , and of tbe members generally of the " Irish Alliance . " my conviction is , that such object is fully expressed in the rules ami resolutions adopted at the meeting , and that no sane person now contemplates any other than a strictly legal and constitutional effort , through the medium of parliamcntaw legislation , to obtain

      for Ireland the restitution of ' th se rig hsj of which she has bren so foully defrauded bv England . Bv this I mean the restoration of her former nationality —that is , the right to legislate for ourselves in all matters exclusively Ir i sh , such as canals , railways , harbours , fisheries ; the employment of the people ; 'he security of properly ; the protection of the tenant occupier £ the promotion ofninniifactures ; thc improvi-mc-nt of the land ; taxing ourselves for these purposes , and demanding nothing from England . Ave these matters of no consequence to us , tho people—to you , my lord , thc Chancellor—to the judges—to our landowners—to our over-rented and

      overtaxed householders , whether they reside in fashionable squares or in the streets of business ? Are these matters of no importance to the lawyers nnd attorneys , and to the medical practitioners of Dublin , and Cork , and Limerick , and Uclfast—to our merchants and traders—to our artisans and labourers ? Is it no object worthy of tho humane and trul y pious of all sects to preach those common principles of love and duty towards each other , which our common Christianity inculcates ? Is it not praiseworthy that an effort should at last bo made to frustrate thc policy ot England , by binding together the scattered fragments of our country in the bonds of peace and good will , by substituting kindly

      tooling in the place of rancorous aad senseless enmity ; by teaching Irishmen of every class and creed that in union alone , amongst ourselves , will he found the means of renovating Ireland , and elevating her from her present prostrate condition . As a Protestant , I long for this union . As a Protestant 1 rejoice that for thc first time a right movement has been made in tho right direction . I assisted at the inauguration of the Irish Aluanck . I am proud of this . I behold in tho formation of the Alliance the dawn of a brighter day for Ireland . The time is not far distant , I predict , when the men of the north and of the south , avowing those principles , will attend the same meetings , saluting each other as friends and brothers . The time is not far distant when Irishmen , of every sect , though distinct , will struggle , not for ascendancy , but for the protection of thc risrhts of all . '

      But these are the objects of tho "Alliance . " Who is there to say he disapproves of them ? I approve of them , and will give to thorn all the aid in my power . Should you , my lord , consider that by so doing I have forfeited my claim to hold the commission of the peace , you best know what course it is your duty to pursue . I never solicited thc commission . It was , to a certain extent , forced upon me . By accepting it , I by no means considered that I was hound to support any political party , or to eschew any line of political action that miglit be displeasing or inconvenient to the party in power . I always judge for myself , and acted in accordance with what my conscience told me it was right that Ishould do ; not submitting to other men ' s dictation , and oaring little for their opinions , which experience has proved to mo are too often founded in error or preiudics .

      I do not undervalue the- commission of thc peace , as it is a useful and constitutional office , but in any other point of view I care nothing for it . Its acceptance gave me no additional rank—the deprivation of it can impart to mo no degradation . I have the honour to be , my lord , most respectfully , your lordship ' s obedient servant , " Richard Gkattax , M . D ., Senior Fellow of tho College of Physicians in Ireland . To the Lord Chancellor , & e ., & e . P . S . —On referring to tho Freeman ' s Journal I find the following passage in the speech of Mr . Leyne , which I transcribe , " as it may have escaped yonr lordship ' s notice . It appeared to mc , at the time , so to qualify _ and explain his other observations as to render it unnecessary for me to express any opinion of my own with regard to them

      !" Let no man misconceive ni'j . I came not here to propose for my country ' s adoption tho pledges that in July , ' 48 , spoke the resolve that then burned in the nation ' s heart . Prostrate as the land now is —weakened by direst want- bereft of her strength hy plague and emigration—irresolute , because of senseless division—timid , cowering , and almost cxaminatc—to speak in this assembly in language of violent menace , and invite tho country " to rally iu embattled array fcr the conquest of ' her libertics , would he braggart buffoonery to which I shall not descend . "

      To The 1eish People. '• Hereditary Bonds...

      TO THE 1 EISH PEOPLE . ' Hereditary bondsmen , knowyenot , Who would be free himself must strike the blow ?"Uriio . v . " We can't ait our own corn , though wo works night and morn—Though we digs , and we delves , and juts out tho manure , It all goes in rack-vints , and comes back in cowld ( lints . To shoot tha producers , and kill all the poor . " F . O'Conkob . FfilESDS AND COUKTKYJIEK ' , — My last letter was confined to a more introduction of the matter that I proposed to discuss in a future series , as to the means , the only practical means of raising you from serfdom to independence .

      The great value that I attach to the free publication of opinion is , that it enables men to judge for themselves , and bases knowledge upon argument and reason , instead of upon brute force and legal persecution ; and for this reason I admit the right of every man to scan and ii'he thinks proper , to repudiate the principles that I advocate ; but he must do so by sound judgment , and not hy vituperation or slimy words . Every one of my letters shall he written iu the most simple language .

      Let me tell you , then , that he who would he free must strike the blow himself , because if they rely upon the gentle blow of others , tho vigour will cease when the others arc blown into greatness . There are only two blows that can be struck—thc physical and the moral blow ; tho physical blow you cannot successfully strike—thc moral blow you can ; and that moral blow is the vote—and thc moral means of acquiring it is a thorough union of the people , which will insure a thorough and an honest union of their loaders ; aud the result that I anticipate from such an union is the Peow . k ' s Ciiautbr as the mkaxs , and social happiness as tho end .

      My countrymen , I think 1 hear the exclamations of horror with which you receive such an announcement ; but hold your wrath when I inform you that Daniel O'Conncll with his own hand , drew up the document entitled tho Pkovxu ' s CiiAiiTKn , and which original document I produced in thc Ilotise of Commons last session , when moving for its adoption , and upon which occasion Mr . John O'Conncll and Mr . Greene were the only two Irish members that voted for it . But let me go further back . In 1730 , Charles James Fox and tho Duke of Richmond advocated

      and pledged themselves to struggle lor the Charter—that is , for every point that we now advocate . They did so to secure place and power for themselves and their party ; but to show you the niiicrcncc between men seeking power , and exercising power—as soon as the advocacy of the principle had placed that Government power in the hand of Fox , he kicked down the lander that elevated him , brought in a bill to prevent Government contractors from sitting in the House of Commons , and pompously exclaimed— " Be quiet , be thankful—Tjijjkb ' s ioun Ciiahtki ! . " '

      My countrymen , let mc now separately analyse the six points of the People ' s Charter—namely , Annual Parliaments , Universal Suffrage , Vote by Jiillot , Equal Electoral Districts , No Property Qualification , and Payment of Members ; and if you are so fond of antiquity , and are still to bo governed by the musty statutes enacted in barbarous ages , to gratify thc lust , tho ambition , tho incest , and adultery of barbarous monarchs , let mc remind you that every single point of the People ' s Charter , with the exception of Vote by Ballot , formerly constituted the basis of the English constitution ; and that one of tho first acts of that parliament , which abrogated sessional parliaments , and substituted septennial parliaments , was to give to tho proclamation of the King equal force as law , or rather the power to supersede the law . With so much of an introduction , let mc now analyse the principles ; and firstly , as

      to—ANNUAL PABLIAMBNTS . If 1 had my choice as to which oi the points of the People ' s Charter I would accept , I would take Annual Parliaments . I would prefer it to Universal Suffrage with Septennial Parliaments . If you had Annual Parliaments your votes would not he caught by a naming hustings oration ; whereas , with Septennial Parliaments , a vigorous and enthusiastic speech may secure a seven years' lease of office for a juggler , who would sell you ; or may , perhaps , secure for him a renewal of his tenure , by contrite penitence for the last two years of his trust , while for the previous years ho mi g ht liave assisted in enacting laws hostile to your interests , and which would still remain upon the Statute Book . If vou had Annual Parliaments no sttchhv & rs as

      To The 1eish People. '• Hereditary Bonds...

      Coercion Bills and Gagging Bills would be passed at dead of night by small and contcmptihlc majorities , lashed to the vote bv the governmen t whipper-in . Laws to govern a great nation would not then be ennc . ' od in a House of Commons where not more than seventy or ei g hty had mustered . If tho representative of the people was thc honourable servant of the people , tho expositor of their sound mind , and tho framer of just laws to govern that mind , ho would not bo afraid to meet that mind annually , and give such an account of his stewardship as would secure its renewed support . Again , take an instance of the present flagitious system from thc present-state of Ireland . In

      seven years voters may die from starvation , or emigrate to save life ; thc property may change hands and yet for seven years , according to thc present system , the member remains the representative of dead men , of emigrants , or of property , tho occupier of which does not recognise him as a representative . The object of the House of Commons—nay , its duty , should bo critically to understand the sound opinion of the day , and to make laws in unison with that opinion , instead of , as now , spreading its patchwork legislation over the face ot the country for seven year * , and ripping , darning , and mending it in the next seven .

      If vou had Annual Parliaments even thc present COHStitucnccs would take care that thc representatives understood the mind of the day , and voted in unison with that mind , well knowing that if they acted contrary to public opinion they would receive their discharge at the close of the Session . How many decoitfiil men can now persuade an ignorant constituency that they have entirely altered their opinionsupon this or that question , having betrayed their trust for seven years , and again return to the show-box as <» roat tricksters as before . If you had

      Annual Parliaments tho quilification of a representative would then he based upon knowledge , industry , and attention , and not upon temporal , spiritual , and educational tinkering . The opponents of Annual Parliaments urge as an objection that it would load to annual confusion . It docs not do so in America ; tbe peop le never would dismiss a good and faithful servant , nor would any huxtering politician dare to oppose him , had ho faithfully discharged his duties as an honest trustee .

      My countrymen , if your representatives pledged to Repeal in ' 1832 , had " been compelled to appeal to you annually for a renewal of their trust , do yon suppose that sixteen years would have passed with only two discussions upon the question of tho greatest importance to Ireland ; upon the contrary , had Annual Parliaments been the law of the land , the forty pledged repealers would have stood like a bundle of sticks instead of like n rope of sand , and would havo smashed up every Government that dared to resist thc legitimate demand of a great nation . Ay , I call you great still , for great , with God ' s blessing , you yet will be , and I pant for that day when the united mind of Ireland will overthrow , and for ever destroy , the temple of Saxon oppression .

      But to my subject ; as , although in Saxon land I find my Irish biood too hot to discuss the question of Saxon tyranny and Irish oppression . I have now given you a brief outline of Annual Parliaments , and I have not space for a clear analysis of the principle of Universal Suffrage ; I will , however , mnko a few general observations , and in my next I will go into a critical comparison between the present suffrage and Universal Suffrage . If it is intended that thc House of Commons should fairly and honestly represent tbo mind of the day , and if a majority of the people are considered too ignorant to exercise the franchise , surely the franchise should be measured by population rather than by patronage or caprice ; for although tho majority of the population of any district may be whimsically considered too ignorant- to exercise the franchise with discretion , yet tho sound mind of the

      few representing the presumed ignorance of the many , should bo relied upon as a national guarantee . Well , then , mark how I will group them for yon . A population of less than one million one hundred and ten thousand sends two hundred and fifteen members to parliament ; while thc county of Middlesex , with a population of over a million and a half and seventy-six thousand , sends two members to parliament ; the West Riding of Yorkshire , with over a million and a half and fifty thousand , sends two members ; tho county of Cork , with nearly eight hundred thownmd of a population , and nearly the eighth part of Ireland , sends but two members . This part of the subject rather applies to Equal Electoral Districts , but in my next I will show you how critically it applies to Universal Suffrage ; and let me now call your attention to such a picture of legislation as no country can show , and no people will long submit to .

      The population of the three Universities of Cambridge , Oxford , and Dublin , does not amount to quite nine thousand , and sends six members to parliament . The population of Middlesex , the West Riding of Yorkshire , and South Lancashire , amounts to three millions five hundred and eightyseven thousand one hundred and eighty-night , and sends six members to parliament . But ' , let us como to Ireland . The comities of Cork , Galway , and Mayo , havo a population of one million five hundred aud c ghti ,-Jive thousand two hundred and eight , and send the same number of representatives as Oxford ,

      Cambridge , and Dublin ; and those throe Irish counties have a hundred thousand more of a population than boroughs that send two hundred und forty-six members to parliament . Now , Irishmen , don ' t you think that you are fairly represented ? and don't you think that idle land , idle labour , and idle money , in a genial climate , with fertile soil , an industrious , bravo , and generous people , is consequent upon tyrant landlords measuring the value of their estates by the standard of political patronage , and not hy agricultural value ?

      I was returned in ISS 2 , and again in 1 S 05 , by large majorities , for my native county . I was ri ' . Enc-Ks to a Repeal of the Union—l ' adhered to that pledge—but , even if you had n Repeal of thc Union to-morrow , you would ho helpless beggars , if you had not the vote to enable you to make laws in unison with state requirement and national advantage , instead of measuring them by class caprice , party pride , and individual profit . During each session that I have boon in parliament . I havo given notice to move for a Repeal of tho Union ; last session I abandoned it at thc earnest solicitation of thc Irish members , lest it rai < rhi

      obstruct the charitable intentions cf the Whi g government ; and to prove to you , that I honestly advocate the question that I have discussed in this letter , let me inform you that , as an Irish and an English member , ! have invariably tendered my resignation in tho market-place , toa full meeting of electors and non-electors , at the close of each session , and that I have never travelled : i mile , eaten a meal , or accepted a farthing for my services ; hut , on tho contrary , I abandoned a lucrative profession , I have estranged myself from family , from relatives and friends , and have spent thousands , yea , tens of thousands , in the advocacy of your right ' s . Your faithful friend and countryman , London , Dec . o , 1310 . Feahgus O'Coxxon .

      To The Working Men Of London Your Suffer...

      TO THE WORKING MEN OF LONDON Your sufferings and tho sufferings of your order , arc a subject of ' universal consideration ; the condition of England question is the question of the day . I have devoted some portion of my leisure hours to the study of that question : have travelled over England and Scotland , and have endeavoured to see an 1 know for myself what was tho condition of the working classes generally . The recent disclosures on the condition of the labouring poor of the metropolis , have again induced me to reconsider and re-examine , the causes that have tended to bring about those evils which we aH deplore ; and a practical remedy for which must be found out and adopted , or increased suffering , anarchy , and confusion must follow .

      1 now otter to devote trom one to three nights each week , for two ov three uiontlis ,. bcgiuning with the New Year , to a consideration of this question ; the following conditions to be binding : —That meetings of the workmen be called iu tiie various districts of thc metropolis—Admission free . Hours of meeting not earlier than seven , uor to bo continued later than ten o ' clock in the evening . All expenses incurred to be defrayed b y voluntary subscription ; I to give my labour gratuitously , and to pay my own expenses .

      Subjects for discussion : —Causes of , and Romedies for , the distressed condition of tho Working Classes , If my suggestion be generally adopted—which I hope it may—I will cndeavoia ? to induce as many of the prominent men of all parties as will co-operate for such an object , to aid us by their presence and counsel . In voluntary proffering my services for the aforc-mentioned purposes , I ' havo no ' object to serve , beyond the acquisition and diffusion of knowledge ; for I have long had a growing conviction that princip ies arc of more importance than parties ; and without a full understanding of how national prosperity can be maintained , no government can be secure and no people happy . Yours truly , Smush M . Kydd . P . S . All letters to-bo addressed toH'i , High Holboin . I shall feel favoured by tho editors of other journals copying this letter , and giving it as much publicity as possible . —S . K .

      Mr. Tiios, Duxcomnu.—We Regret To Learn ...

      Mr . Tiios , DuxcOMnu . —We regret to learn tha there ia no permanent improvement in the health of Mr . T . Duncombe , the popular representative o Fmsbury . Dbatu op the Eabi op Cabvabvos . —Henry . John George . Herbert , third Earl of Carnarvon , expired on Monday morning , at 7 o clock , at Highclere Castle , Hampshire . The disease which has thus fatally terminated is supposed to have been spa ® affection of the . spine .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 15, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_15121849/page/7/