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Northern Star (1837-1852), 15th August 1846, Edition 2 of 3, Page 1

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    • TO THE WORKING CLASSES
    • The Explosion op a Steam-excise Boiler at
    • imperial - Sarlfemem*
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      To The Working Classes

      TO THE WORKING CLASSES

      }|Y Frifcare^-I Find That Fifteen Hours ...

      }| y FRifcare ^ -I find that fifteen hours a day IS too much work for an infant , or even for a full grown jjian , and for the strongest man . This week , to he ready for the exhibition on Monday , we work from jjre in the morning till ei ght ai night—it is now half-past four on Thursday , and , although my secretary has been vritb . me since Tuesday morning , as 1

      hoped to steal an hour or two to write to yon , yet it was all in vain , and , as my work is not over till nine at night , and as I cannot' dictate in my sleep , I must gwe up my intention of saying any more for the present , than to renew my pledge that I will astonish thousands on Monday , and that you shall have a foil and true account of the whole proceedings on Saturday next , together with a correct engraving of the People ' s Erst Estates-till then

      I remain , Tour faithful friend and bailiff , Feargos O'Connor .

      The National Convention To The Chartists...

      THE NATIONAL CONVENTION TO THE CHARTISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN . Friends , —The important mission upon which you haye sent us having heen fulfilled to the hest of our ability , we now feel it our duty to lay before you in this brief address the future policy of the National Charter Association . "We have with deep attention considered the subject of a national petition to Parliament in favour of thePeople's Charter , and

      have unanimously resolved upon the presentation of one early in next session . We think that the present House of Commons should not be allowed to dissolve without again testing it upon the great question of the franchise , so that at the general election ( an went rapidly approaching ); instead of assuming the mask of hypocrisy , the candidates will ascend the hustings cheered as the friends , or execrated as the foes , of the people .

      TFe are aware that there are to he found Democrats who are averse to petitioning , as futile and fruitless . From this view , we must respectfully dissent . We are not so sanguine as to expect the Charter as the result of a national petition , hut wl do regard that course as a most efficient means of imbuing the public mind with the truth of our course . Our hopes of success are founded upon the righteousness of our object ; but ere these hopes can he realized , an intense , determined , and fervent public opinion must be created in favour of freedom

      and its blessings ; and such mind having heen created , must he brought to hear in all its forcefulne : s , upon those classes who have usurped the rights which the millions shonld exercise . Every means should be taken to bring our objects and principles prominently before the world , for there is a majesty in truth that commands respect ; there is in it a native vigor , if allowed fair play , which will ultimately render it triumphant over every obstacle . A national petition we conceive to be one means of giving free action to the influence of our cause upon the public mind .

      Our cause has struggled , and still struggles , against an ocean of difficulties . The venal , factious press , day after day and week after week , pours out its calumnies upon our conduct , and its misrepresentation of our objects . Even the pulpit , whence charity and truth should flow in commingled streams , sot unfrequently resounds with bitter tirades against a party whose only object is man's ameliorationwhose only motive is the love of freedom . The presentation of a national petition will enable us to command a hostile press ; for , although reporters

      hesitate not to misrepresent and distort the proceedings of a Chartist meeting , they dare not garble a debate in Parliament . The presentation of a national petition gives rise io agitation , dispels prejudice , strengthens faith , and creates mind , fay placing before the civilised world the cause of democracy in all its sublimity of conception and grandeur of purpose . Then , brother Chartists , up to the work of the national petition ! There is no time to be lost ; it must he presented early in April next ; and this time , as heretofore , we must make it a thing unprecedented in the annals of the British Parliament .

      we must have five millions of horn fide signatures Surely it is not too much to expect , that out of the millions who now writhe tinder the lash of class misrule , five millions may be foond to denounce the ruthless career of the oppressor , and to demand justice as the right which man owes to man . Fr iends , the case of Frost , "Williams , and Jones , has not been forgotten by your delegates . We have resolved to seek the restoration of the Patriots , through the medium of a Memorial to the Home Office . We were told , lately , in the House of Commons , that this was the proper course to pursue ;

      ht us do so now , with all the energy and zeal which st > philanthropic an object must insp ire in the minds of a generous People . ThePatrioticExfles expect the performance of this duty at your hands , and justly so—they have been enduring captivity , in all its aggravated horrors , for demanding the rights of which reckless despotism has deprived you . Let ns cheer them with a knowledge of our gratitude . To memorialize for their return is hut a poor duty , which , however , we owe , and which , we trust , will ere long he blessed with the return of these nobleminded men to their native land .

      We have likewise resolved upon carrying into operation the plan laid down in the Hand-Book of the Association , for seeming the return to Parliament of a few Members pledged to the support of the Charter . The Central Election Committee will speedily he formed , with Mr . Duncorahe as President , when its plan of proceedare will he laid before yon . We have resolved upon several other matters connected with the movement , of which you are cognizant , which we hope will conduce to the furtherance of the People ' s cause .

      In conclusion , friends , we call on you once more to rally round the old standard . It is fruitless for us to deliberate and resolve unless you act . A nation ' s freedom cannot he gained by talking—it is by action well directed , and vigorous action , that the invaluable blessing can be secured . Ton have now an excellent organization , exert yourselves to extend it . Many , during the calm of Chartism , have sunk into apathy ! to such we appeal , at once to assume their former proud position in the movement . The present is not the time for indolence ; your

      treacherous foes , the Whigs , are in power ; you should at the same time be at your posts . The sworn foes of Chartism are in the field , let not then the stigma of desertion attach to a single friend of the cause . In returning from our labours , we are resolved to do . each a man ' s share in freedom's vineyard ; and trusting that our humble efforts will receive that powerful aid which your union , energy and perseverance can afford , We remain , Yours , ever faithfully , On behalf of the Convention ,

      PHILIP M'GRATH , Chairman , THOMAS MARTIN WHEELER , Secrelarv .

      The Explosion Op A Steam-Excise Boiler At

      The Explosion op a Steam-excise Boiler at

      Dabkhit.T. Ibonwoukb, Near Coleford, Lat...

      Dabkhit . t . Ibonwoukb , near Coleford , lately has occasioned the death of three persons . It appeared tfcat , in consequence of some repairs , the blast had been taken off the furnace , and the engine stopped ; but that the safety valve had not been opened , when suddenly the toiler exploded with a terrible crash . The engineer was frightfully scalded , and a little girl who was standing by shared the same fate . Both Tverctafcenup aiive , bat died soon after . Two of the workmen , near the place , were also dreadfully scalded : one of them died on Thursday last . Executjok at Yobk . —On Saturday John Roddy suffered the extreme penalty of the law at York Castle , for the murder of his infant at Skiptou , in Craven .

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      Vol. X . No. 457- London, Saturday, Aug0...

      VOL . X . NO . 457- LONDON , SATURDAY , AUG 0 § T' % , ^ iS 4 ' 6 : ' ^' - T ^ TT ^^^ — * ¦ -.. /;>¦ ¦ ,-a .-- . -. ¦¦ .. . Vlr * f * hmiuf (* mid Sixpence per . ; Quarter _

      Imperial - Sarlfemem*

      imperial - Sarlfemem *

      House Of Lords.-Frtdat. Auo. 7. The Roya...

      HOUSE OF LORDS .-FRTDAT . Auo . 7 . The Royal Assent was given by commission to some official and several Railway Bills . The Citations' ( Ireland ) Bill and the Books and Engraviigs' BUI were read a second time . _ The Joint-stock Banks ( Scotland and Ireland Bill passed through committee . The Baths and Wash-houses BM-ftnd the Art Unions' Bill were read * third time and passed . Their Lordships adjourned to Monday . HOUSE OP COMMONS—Pamir , August 7 . The report on the Sugar Duties Bill was received , and the third reading fixed for this day .

      MILITARY FLOGGING . Upon moving the order of the day , Lord John Russell , in anticipation of Dr . Bowring ' s motion for the abolition of flogging in the army , said that he was prepared to make known the result of the deliberations of the Cabinet with the Duke of Wellington upon a subject respecting which public opinion was so much agitated . His Lordship said he had no wish to claim the credit of the ameliorations in the military code which had been determined upon ; neither did he desire , on the other band , to shrink from the responsibility . The Duke of Wellington had not thought it right to abolish corporal punishment in the army ; and the

      Government concurred with him in deeming it right to stop at thelimit proposed by his Grace . By the present regulations ho offender , convicted by a general or garrison court-martial , could suffer a greater punishment than 200 lashes ; a district court-martial I could inflict 150 lashes ; and a regimental courtmartial . 100 . The Duke of Wellington , having considered the subject , had determined to issue regulations by which no court-martial would . have the power to inflict more than " fifty" lashes , with special directions , that" the condition of health of the ' offender shall be ascertained to Insufficiently robust to bear the punishment inflicted without its being dangerous to life ; and taking such other precautions about the weather and other accidentalcircumstances

      so as to guard against danger . His Lordship then appealed to Dr . Bowring whether , as the government bad thus mitigated the punishment down to the lowest point which they deemed safe and necessary to maintain the discipline of the army , the hon . member-would not withdraw his motion . Dr . Bowring having expressed dissent , the noble lord then expatiated on the paramount necessity of preserving discipline in the army , citing the various authorities in support of corporal punishment , which have been so repeatedly appealed to , especially the report of the Commission appointed in 1835 . His lordship added that his own views were in favour of elevating the condition of the soldier , and he instanced with great satisfaction his own

      efforts , whilst at the head of Chelsea Hospital . He said that flogging in the army had greatly declined of late years , corporal punishment being only 1 in 190 men . He trusted that by the system of military prisons now coming into operation , of rewards , increased pay , and the commissions given to private soldiers , that the condition of the soldier would be raised so as to render corporal punishment unnecessary . The house ought not , at this late period of the session , to step in to abolish a system , which had endured so long , merely in consequence of the excitement created by the-late unfortunate case . His Lordship concluded by passing a high eulogiuni upon the Duke of Wellington , and entreated tbe house to rely upon his judgment in a matter upon which his

      experience so eminently qualified him to form a correct judgment . Dr . Bowbtso then rose for the purpose of moving the total abolition , of corporal punishment in the army . The hon . member with great good taste and judgment alluded to the late distressing case at Hounslow , and said that Government ought not to delay the total abolition a single day . Necessity was their sole plea , by which plea Torquemada had justified the Inquisition , and Charles IX . the massacre of St . Bartholomew . The hon . member cited Dr . Ferijusson , to prove that even 12 lashes might affect life ; . read , with prodigious effect , a number of authentic statements of various excessive floggings which had terminated fatally , and in . which the severity of the punishment had in its ' consequences been disproportionate to the offence . One man had , at different times , received 15 , 000 lashes . The evidence of Colonel Slade , who boasted that

      50 lashes such as were administered under his superintendence , were equal to 1 , 000 lashes of whips and cats , particularly excited the indignation of the house . The lash ought not to be placed in the hands of an executioner who had , at his discretion , the power to increase or diminish the punishment . The honourable -member stated that which was repeated by several members during the debate , that the result of torture is a matter of calculation , and depends on the constitution , which differs in every individual , and is in proportion to his strength and sensibility . " The force of the muscles and the sensibility of the nerves being given , it is required to find tbe degree of pain necessary to inflict torture without depriving him of life . " Men , by the lash , have been put to death , who were not condemned to death . The demoralising effect of flogging a lump of dead flesh was only equal to its cruelty .

      Mr . H . Berkeley supported the motion , ana was followed by ColonelPEEi ., who insisted that until the army was elevated in s moral point of view , it was impossible to abolish coporal punishment . He entered into a long defence of Colonel Why te , who , he eontended , had been unjustly attacked . Mr . Williams made a long and able speech in favour of the immediate abolition of flogging . Captain Latard spoke at great length in favour of the motion , contending the proper remedy was an improvement in the mode of enlistment . Mr . NKViixE and Colonel Reid , the members for Windsor , spoke at considerable length on the great advantage of improving the condition of the soldier . Captain Berxal Osborne thought the experiment

      might be made on the household troops to abolish flogging . The hon . member plunged into a long historical argument respecting flogging in the army , exhibiting considerable research ; although his own amendment , of which he had given notice , was to the effect of preserving the power of inflicting fifty lashes on a march , or in case of mutiny or theft , he shonld support Dr . Bowring's motion . Mr . Fex Maule- expressed Jiis surprise that Mr . Osborne , after an argumentative speech in favour of retaining the power of inflicting fifty lashes , should vote for the motion . The right hon . Gentleman then went over the same ground as Lord John Russell , suggesting the propriety of giving , higher rewards to the soldier , and that while yon retain the power of inflicting corporal punishment , it may remain dormant , so that at no distant period flogging may be unknown in the British army .

      Sir Charles Napier said that it was impossible to maintain dsscipline in the army and navy without flogging , and quoted a case wherein the soldiers in the Peninsula , having deserted their officers , where recalled to their duty by the Duke of Wellington ordering two men to be hanged by the Provost Marshal on the spot . Mr . Wakley then rose , and in a very effective speech vindicated his conduct at the late inquiry at Hounslow . He cited several cases to show that accidents to the skin , often slight , produced diseases of the pleura , and death , and that no medical science could pronounce upon the degree of punishment which human life could sustain under the lash .

      Mr . Craves Berkeley having impeached Mr . Wakley ' s conduct on the inquest , that gentleman defended himself for having excluded the medical gentlemen , inasmuch as they had previoulsy given their evidence upon an insufficient post mortem examination . ' Mr . Charles Bulled defended the regulations of the Horse Guards , and repudiated the imputation that they would not be carried out in the spirit in which they were conceived . Mr . Gour-Bnns was anxions to see the morale of the army improved . _ . , Mr . Bright spoke in favour of Dr . Bowring s motion , and Mr . Hume expressed his satisfaction at the improved tone of the debate on this subject . Colonel Sibtuorp and Colonel Wood defended the system of Hogging , and Mr . Curteis spoke strongly in its condemnation . The House then

      divided—For Dr . Bowmxc ' s motion 37 Against it 90 Majority against the abolition of flogging—_ 53 Mr . Osborne then moved his amendment , linuttny corporal punishment in the army to fifty lashes for offences committed on the line of march , mutiny , or theft , upon which the house divided ,. when there appeared— 4 . For Mr . Osborne ' s motion 25 Against it 81 Majority 50 Mr . Escort having postponed hla raotion ou the subject till Monday , the house then adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS-Saturday , August 8 . A variety of bills were advanced a stage , after which

      House Of Lords.-Frtdat. Auo. 7. The Roya...

      Lord Morpeth stated that it was the intention of the Government , next session , to'bring in a general and extensive measure on the sUbfeet of sites for dwellings . . \ Captain Osborne considered the Government had not given any satisfactory answer as to what they intended with respect to the Bills relating to'Ireland . It appeared to him as if they only proposed proceed ing with the Arms Bill . ...- ¦ ; _ Lord J . Russell said that the attention of the Government , regarding the Irish Bills beforethe house , had been principally directed to the means of providing employment for the " people in that country during , the winter months . With respect to the Arms Bill , it could be discussed in committee . . Captain Osborne said the noble lord admitted that the Arms Bill of the late Government was a failure , yet it appeared the present Government intended to proceed with a similar measure .

      THE SUGAR DUTIES BILL was read a third time , and in reply to Sir J : R . Reid , who advised the Government to encourage free labour in the colonies io its fullest extent , in order to enable them to compete with the products of slavegrown sugar . - ... The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that in committee on the Customs Bill , this day , he should propose a reduction of the duty on rum ; and next session several measures would be introduced in order to carry out . the principle of , free - trade . Mr . PARKEEObtained leave to bring in a Bill io empower the Commissioners for the issue of Loans for Public Works and Fisheries to make loans to the Commissioners of her Majesty's Woods , in lieu of loans heretofore authorised to be made in Exchequer Bills . The House adjourned at one o ' clock . ¦ ¦ " HOUSE OF LORDS , Monday , August 10 .

      SUGAR DUTIES . The Earl of Clarendon , in moving , the first reading of the bill , stated , that it had been considered thatit wouid suit the convenience of their Lordships and it would be likewise convenient to the public , that the discussion of this measure should take place upon its earliest stage . He observed that Parliament had already recorded its deliberate judgment , that tbe"protective system was an erroneous one , and that legislation should not be for the benefit of particular classes . Protection had been withdrawn from British Agriculture , and this measure was a corollary of that which had been adopted a few weeks ago . The people of this country understood that when the Corn Laws were settled , the principle of free trade should abolish the distinction between

      colonial and foreign sugar ; and the colonists could expect no more protection than was enjoyed by the British agriculturist . The people of this country had been an annual tax of three millions for the purpose of a short allowance of one of the necessaries of life . He was convinced that the protective duties were prejudicial to-the producers of sugar themselves , who , under that system , relied almost entirely upon manuel labour . The object and intention of the Government were to remove all the restrictions which retarded the progress of the colonies and checked their improvements ; to encourage the immigration of free labourers thither ! and if the colonists were thrown more upon their own resources they would better compete with their rivals . With respect to the slave trade , if he thought that the existing system of differential duties would put a stop to that inhuman traffic , he would be no party to

      this measure : but , notwithstanding the sacrifices we had made , and the international dangers we had exposed ourselves to , our efforts for thirty years had accomplished little or nothing : and he now called on their Lordships to deal with that traffic as they dealt withany contraband article—endeavour to make it unprofitable . We professed to abstain from all slave-grown articles , but we did not reject slavegrown maize , and slave-grown tobacco , and we imported Cuba copper without repugnance . Nay , wo traded with Cuba and Brazil , and with their returns of slave-grown sugar purchased the products of other countries . Ail our morality on this question stood upon a mere fraction , the narrow edge of a principle ; whilst the great rule of commerce , our relations with foreign states , the claims of our revenue , and the demands of the people for a necessary of life , called for an abandonment of the present sy « tem .

      Lord Stanley expressed his concurrence in the observations of the Earl of Clarendon as to the convenience of discussing this measure at the first reading of the bill , and said he should have felt himself justified in entering his protest at the earliest period against this change in our legislation . Hestated his deep and insuperable objections , first , to tbe details of the bill ; secondly , to the principlesof the measure ; and , above all , to the circumstances under which , and the period of the session at which , this bill had been

      introduced . After exposing the inconsistency of those who had adhered to the principle of protecting the colonial sugar trade against the competition with slave-grown sugar so late as 1814 , and who now took an active part in undoing their own work , the noble lord met the argument founded upon the principle of free trade . Free trade , lie observed , was how all in all ; cheap sugar must be had , and , compared with the benefit of free trade , slavery and the slave trade were as nothing . But anything less like free trade it had never been his fortune to see . The noble lord

      then proceeded to show that this principle of free trade had not been applied to tbe tea trade , and that in the present position ot the East and West Indies a competition between them and slave colonies could not be carried on upon equal terms . When our colonies had not the command of labour , to talk of their competing with slave colonies was a mere mockery , and a cruel one . He objected to the billon the grounds of expediency , policy , and humanity . With respect to its expediency and policy , he showed that the prices of sugar had decreased , under a system of protection , from 43 b ., a ewt . in 1810 to 32 s . lid . in 1845 , whilst the supply had augmented from 103 , 000 tons to 245 , 000 tons ^ This was his answer to the argument founded upon the plea of a sugar famine

      and there was the prospect of an increased supply in future years . Lord Stanley then contended that this measure would tend to encourage the slave trade , and give 46 per ton to the profit of the slave proprietors and slave importers of Cuba and Brazils . If so , could it be expected that the West Indies could contend against an additional premium of £ 5 per ton to the producer of slave grown sugar ? Her Majesty's Government should say whether they intend to keep up the establishment on the coast ot Africa to put down the slave trade . If they did , they would be doing with one hand and undoing with ^ tae other ; and did they believe they would not become the laughing-stock of the world if , for the sake of an abatement of one halfpenny a pound upon our sugar , and of a temporary augmentation of our revenue , we undid all the work we had been doing for years past ?

      Lie asserted that the West India colonies might compete with foreign sugar-growing countries if they hail a dense . He was assured that the country would hesitate long before it would accept a diminution ol the price of sugar at such an expense as that of rendering nugatory all-its efforts for the last 12 year * at such a sacrifice of money and of blood . He should move that this bill be read a first time this , day three months ; but in the present state of the house , and at this period of the session , he should not trouble their Lordships to divide upon- the question . Lord Dbnman considered it to be his imperative duty to himself , and to all whom he had been connected with in political life , and to the people ot England , to declare his direct and invincible hostility to the principle upon which this bill was founded , which was that which the noble lord at the head o

      the Government had in 1841 declared would be the consequence of such a measure , namely , an encouragement of and a stimulus to a trade in human beings . If there was not to bean immense increase in the number of slaves , lie was at a loss to understand how the vast supply of sugar expected from this measure was to be produced . The great argument for the measure was derived from the inconsistency of dealing with different slave-grown commodities in a different manner . But if there was such inconsistency —if our policy was in one part good and in another

      bad—we were not , for the sake of consistency , to sacrifice the good and take the bad . Before this measure was introduced , the resources of the East Indies and Mauritius should have been considered . When it was said that the principles of free trade was allpowerful and irresistible , was that principle to be applied to a traffic of bloodshed , piracy , and murder . If we must submit to the domineering principle of fret trade , he wanted to know why our own subject * should not be permitted to engage in the slave traffic .

      'lhe Marquis of Lansdowne applied himself to the objections of Lord Stanley , with reference to the principles of free trade , observing , that under the existing system wc did not diminish the growth oi slave sugar , but , on the contrary , we fed and maintained slave-cultivation . We supplied the slave colonies with articles they needed , and took their sugar , not honestly and openly , but dishonestly and casnistieally , supplying Russia , Austria , and other countries with it , not merely in foreign , but in British ships . The noble Marquis concluded by suggesting to Lord Lord Stanley to withdraw his motion , and , as more respectful to the House of Commons , to make it upon the second reading of the bill . Lord AsnnumoN said , this new doctrine of free trade

      House Of Lords.-Frtdat. Auo. 7. The Roya...

      which had made : such progress during the present year , went io . the , root' of . the whole ' colonial system , and involved the , question whether we should have colonies atall . / Some system of protection was absot lutely ^ necessary to them , and he protested against this mode of treating the colonies . He ' enumerated measures which' had been adopted by ihe Imperial Par ) iament to' the disadvantage of the coloriists . ' ahd insisted upon theiujiistiee of exposing them to acompetition which it was notorious that they could not maintain . v :.,: ^ . : . ., ; . ; .

      Lord Montkaoxb vindicated this measure from the charges of its being , a violation of a pledge to the West India . interest upon a question which had never yet been settled . Those duties were intended a ' sa protection . to our colonies ; and it was unfair , after defending these duties upon one ground , to attempt to maintain them upon another . He admitted ; that the colonial question mooted , by . Lord Ashburton was an important one—too ^ important to be discussed pareRthetically ; but he contended that the colonies , . no more than the mother country , could not be permanently benefited , by introducing what was a wrong upon both . In a financial point of view the measure was important , for , if their Lordships rejected this bill , the revenue would be

      greatly dehcient . ; He considered that this was a most legitimate mode of recruiting the resources of the country "; that it was commercially a | good measure , and morally not a bad one . LordBaouGHAM said that ; after having ' recentlyaddressed their Lordships upon this subject , in pre * sentingMr . Clarksan's petition , and his arguments having up to this hour remained unanswered , he had but little to say . He still thought that this was a most unprecedented mode of dealing with so large a measure , and that it was a most unprecedented time to deal with it . The more he was of opinion that this question ought to be perraantly settled , the more he felt that this bill should have been brought forward at an earlier period of the session . The

      noble and learned Lord proceeded to urge the injustice of passing this bill without affording the _ West-Indians an opportunity of being heard against it ; how did their Lordships know , il they were heard , that the colonists could not make out a very satisfactory case against this measure ? The West Indians could not have been prepared for such extraordinary changes of opinion as had been lately exhibited upon this question . His Lordship' then passed some lively strictures upon Sir J . W . Hogg , who had seconded Lord Sandon ' s motion in 1841 , and then addressed himself to what he contended was the whole argument in favour of this measure , which resolved itself into this , that the sugar would be reduced in price thereby , and brought within the capacity of the bulk of the people of this country by a large increase of the sup ply . As a plain man , he would ask how this

      reduction of price by the augmentation of the supply could happen , unless a large quantity , some 30 , 000 hogsheads of sugar , slave-grown and free-grown , were immediately , or within a year or two , brought into the market of England ; How was this increase of supply to be got ? By one way only—the admission of toreign sugar . But this bill went to open the market to slave-grown sugar , and there was no limit to the supply , which could be increased ad libitum by the African slave trade ; and he warned those noble Lords who held up their hands for suddenly supplying the British market with 30 . 000 tons of sugar , that , though they might not intend it , they held them up not for slavery only , but for encouraging , stimulating , extending , and exacerbating the curse of the African slave trade . The argument that sugar should not be excluded from our market if other slave-grown products were not excluded admitted of various answers .

      Sugar stood upon different grounds from coffee , cotton , and tobacco ; but they were now dealing with sugar , and sugar only . The noble and learned Lord drew a powerful picture of the sufferings of the slave and the horrors of the slave-trade , and he cited a recent declaration of Dr . Lushington , that this bill would render nugatory our treaties for the suppression of the slave-trade . After showing that free labour , though it could successfully contend with slave labour upon fair and equal terms , was unable to compete with it unless the market of Africa was closed , he said that he little thought , after the victories which had been achieved , lie should , in 1840 , have to rise in his place to denounce the slave-trade , and complain that a liberal Government should for

      the first time have introduced a bill for the purpose of actively encouraging and extending . the African slave-trade . .:-... Earl Grey appealed to their Lordships whether tbe noble and learned Lord had made any attempt io answer the arguments , which had been offered in favour of the bill ; he had uttered some amusing jokes but nothing in the way of regular or connected rea . soning . The noble Earl reiterated the arguments in support of the bill derived from financial reasons , and from the inconsistency of proscribing one particular kind of slave produce , Ail sound rules of conduct , he contended , must be of universal application , and if the opponents of this bill pleaded national morality , they should be prepared to act upon that rule universally , and exclude coffee , cotton , and , in

      fact , all foreign sugar . It was the rankest delusion that had ever been attempted to be palmed upon the country . In reply to the question of Lord Stanley , as to the restrictions to betaken off immigration , the noble Earlsaid , as the allowing of indiscriminate immigration of negroes from Africa would be liable to abuse , it was not intended to sanction that . If any safe mode could be pointed out , it would be desirable chat the Kroomen should be encouraged to migrate to our colonies during the cane harvest , and return to their native country , All that was proposed was to allow voluntary emigration from our own settlements in Africa and India . The noble Earl concluded by expressing his belief that this bill would eventually lead to the extinction not only of slavery , but of the slave-trade .

      A conversation took place between Lord Ashburton , Stanley , and Grey , as to the power proposed to be loft to the colonies to impose differential duties upon British and foreign goods—but no satisfactory answer was given to the question . Lord Stanley then , agreeably io the Marquis of Lansdowne suggestion , withdrew his motion . The bill was then read a first time . The Earl of . CLAREsnos moved that it be read a second time on Thursday next . ' Lord Stanley proposed , as an amendment , that it be read a second time that day three months , but it was negatived without a division . The House then adjourned , after setting from five to a quarter-past oneo ' clock . HOUSE OF COMMONS—Monday , Ana . 10 . The Speaker took the chair at twelve o ' clock .

      STANDING ORDERS PRIVATE BILLS . On the motion of Mr . Hume , a series of resolutions regulatory to the private business of the house were agreedto . POOR LAW COMMISSIONERS . Mr . Uuaib gave notice that ' on Tuesday ne . \ :. , he would submit to the house certain resolutions , u .. »> d found upon ttiemuan address to her Majesty , respecting the Poor Law Commissions , with the prayer that her Majesty ' would direct inquiry to be made into the present state o £ that board .

      MILLBANK PRISON . On the motion for the order of the day for a Committee of supply being read , Mr . T . S . Dua'combb rose to move for a Select Committee to inquire into the treatment of prisoners confined since October , 1813 , in the Millbank prison , as well as into the conduct of the governor and officers thereof , such Committee to report their opinion with the evidence to the house . The hon . member in support to his motion went on to state that he regretted to haye again to refer to the groat abuses which existed in that prison , as had government , the last time he brought the matter before the house ,, consented to the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the matter , he would have been saved the trouble of

      again bringing thosnbjcet before the house . lie must , however , protest against the doctrine laid down when the matter was last under discussion , that they wove to wait until November next before the institution of an inquiry could be decided on . He contended that when the subject was last laid before the house , he made out a case tor inquiry . He presented a petition from an officer in too establishment pointing out the abuses that existed in it , and who was prepared with evidence to prove the statements therein detailed ., , But how had the government met Ids proposition for inquiry on that occasion ?—why they cut the report of the speech he made in the house , in moving for a committee of inquiry , out ot

      the Times newspaper—they send it to the prison authorities—and they called for fresh information in regard to the statements it contained . The report of his speech was in the main correct , but he thought that before it was made an official document it ought to have been submi' . tcd to him for rcvisal . 'lucre were several errors in it , so far as details were concerned , and the prison authorities taking , advantage of these , had given in a report denying his statements , and chat had given rise to a second petition , on the part of Mr . Barker , who stated that the report so given in was altogether incorrect . That was not the proper way to have gone to work . In the report first given in ho . understood that cases were mentioned which the Home Secretary did not think right to lay before the house . There were

      House Of Lords.-Frtdat. Auo. 7. The Roya...

      some matters in . regard to flogging and some othei things , which could not well-bear the light , and therefore they were repressed , but no , sooner was the report : of his . ( Mr .., Duncombe' ) speech sent , to . the inspectors , then they set to work and got up a report in order te disprove it . What made the ease look still worse , these parties , after they had got his speech , wrote to Mr , Barker , wishing to know if he was prepared to support the statements in his original petition , after they had reported upoiv that petition to . Government . Why did they not ask him that before ? Why did they not ask him that when he presented his petition ? After they bad prejudged the man ' s case ; they asked him to come and establish the statements he' Originally made . He asked , therefore , could the matter remain as it was

      at present ? . Cases of cruelty and flogging of the severest description had been alleged against the officers of the prison , and as yet no attempt has been made on the part of the Government to meet the charges preferred . Any attempt on the part of the officers to inflict corporal punishment for the offence for which ' the - two " men , Bunyon and Cotterell , to whom he referred when he-previously . addressed the house on the subject , had been flogged , . was . illegal . By referring to ' 'the . ; Act of Parliament on which the institution was founded , / they ' , would and ' that if a man attempted ; to assault the governor , he was to . be prosecuted in . the usual' way ; for that offence ,. and might be punished with two years' imprisonment , " pr with flogging , as the Court might direct . It was not , therefore , in the hands of the officers of the prison that the punishment was placed , but in the Court before whom the prisoner was tried . Besides , the Cat with which Bunyon and the other man were flogged , was illegal . He did not wish at present to

      discuss the question of flogging in the army , but this much he would say , that flogging in the army was but a joke to the system of it which was in existence in the Millbank prison . [ The hon . member here produced a few of the cords which constitute what is called " the cat , " and compared them with that of a specimenof the same instrument as used at tbe Horse Guards . The prison cat ' s-paw seemed by far the most touchy of the two . It was kneaded up in knots , while its neighbour of the' Horse Guards was free of these , and composed ; too , of a much softer material . ] To show the effect which this instrument , as used in the prison , produced , he was informed by those who witnessed the flogging of the man Bunyon , that a more brutal scene they never witnessed . Sueh was tlw effect the ^ instrument had that the blood was flowing in streams over the man ' s waistband . The other man , Cotterell , ' only received sixty lashes from the same cat , but having previously been n the army , lie declared that the sixty lashes he then received were far more severe than 120 he had

      received when in the army , and that the flogging in the army was a mere joke to that in Millbank Prison . But what happened after the man was thus severely flogged ? Why , instead of being taken to the Infirmary he was put into his cell . He lay there in a most deplorable condition ; he could not move his arms , and yet Dr . Bailie said that he did not require Infirmary treatment . Mr . Baker in his second petition referred to this . The chaplain himself admitted that the sentence was a very severe one . Then , as to the three boys put upon bread and water for seven days ; tbe governor admits that he did so , but denies that by doing so he exceeded his duty . To show the manner in which the establishment was conducted , it was only necessary to refer to the amount of suicides and attempts at

      suicides which had taken place . During the _ last three years there had been sixteen attemps at suicide in the prison , and four had succeeded in putting an end to their existence , making twenty - altogether . All this , no doubt , resulted from the cruel treatment of the governor . The prisoners at Millbank amounted to 1 , 000 , and it was said that four suicides out of such a number was not extraordinary ; but he contended that , considering that the inmates of the prison had no facilities lor self-murder afforded to them , the number was most extraordinary . The system of the treatment of criminals , then , was most vicious and cruel , when it compelled them to seek for death as a refuge . Then , again , in consequence of the unhealthiness of the prison , and the bad food on which the inmates were fed , the cases of death were

      innumerable . The medical gentlemen admitted that fact , Within the last three years 300 of the inmates of Millbank had to be removed to a more healthy situation , and forty-eight of them had died . The inquests that were held on these persons he asserted were not full and fair enquiries into the causes of these deaths . Both coroners and jurors failed to do their duty ; they had not recorded it as their opinion that the parties on whose bodies they sat had been actually murdered by . the inhuman treatment of the governor at the prison in question . In conclusion , he would merely remark that if lie had not on a former occasion , when he brought this subject under the consideration of the House , made out a good case he had at least done so now . What the Government intended to do on this question he knew not ; but he could say , in answer to the objection that the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department had made on a [ previous occasion ,

      that that gentleman had a complete power of controlling the conduct of the governors of prisons , the llousc of Commons , he felt confident , would demand a reform of the present abuses in our prisons . —( Hear , hear . ) They had at length penetrated the walls of Somerset House , and found out the black doings perpetrated there by the Poor-Law Commissioners , and so it would be with regard to-the . governors of our prisons . He hoped that the Right Honourable Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department would not object to the appointment of the Committee , which should not hold its sittings , as had been previously done within the precints of the pris « n , because the inmates would , whilst in the presence of the governor , be too much influenced from fear to state the whole truth . The hon . Member concluded by moving the appointment of a Select Committee of the house to inquire into the abuses he had stated .

      Mr . Williams gladly seconded the resolution . He felt confident that a committee of the house would be a much better tribunal than any commission which they could appoint in the prison . Notwithstanding the unhealthiness of tbe prison at Millbank , and the coarse and meagre fare allowed to the inmates , that prison cost this country no less a sum than a million pounds sterling per annum . He hoped that the Government and the House would agree to the motion . SirG- Grey said , that the inquiries which had been made into the conduct of the governor of the prison in question , since the matter was last mooted in the house , had not been completed , and that was the reason whj a complete report bad not been pre sented by him to the house . He admitted , with the

      hon . member for Finsbury , that it was most painful to see the unseemly disputes that were at present taking place between the governor of Millbank prison and the gentlemen who had been appointed to investigate into the alleged abuses . . He . rcquested the house , on-the last occasion when this question was before them , to suspend their judgment until a full report of the whole case was before them , and he had now to make tho same request . He mustcertainly admit that after the assertion of the hon . member , to the effect that 'he could prove his charges , a further inquiry had become indispensible . —( Hear , hear . ) Under the general powers vested in the

      Crown with regard to the " inspection of prisons he should consider it necessary to advise the Crown to issue a commission for the purpose of making inquiry into the charges . This would be a better course than appointing a committee of that house . This being the case , he would abstain from referring to the charges made in the petition . Ho did not , however , think that the charges against the governor were borne out , and he thought that the investigation , if the commission was granted , would fully prove the falsehood of the imputations . He hoped that the result of the commission would be equally satisfactory to all parties .

      Mr . Duncombe would , upon chat intimation , withdraw his motion , and in doing so , he hoped that the commission would be conducted in such a manner as to give fair play to all parties If not , lie would feel it to be his duty to bring the matter again before the house . _

      BOARD OF ORDNANCE . On the order of the day being read , for going into a committee on the Ordnance estimates , Mr . liuMB moved the appointment of a select committee to inquire into the refusal of the Board of Ordnance , to inquire into alleged malversations oftho public stores by officers ot that department , and into the cause of dismissal of Daniel Toner , a pensioner for good service in the artillery , from her Majesty ' s service , without allowing Toner to be heard in his own defence . The only charge againt Toner

      was , that on coming into the pay-olliee he was de-? ircd by one of the clerks to take oiF his hat . lie refused , however , to do so , as not being in accordance with the usage . This individual was afterwards dismissed on this trumpery charge , which ought never to have been made , as it is even now not customary to take off their lints in that office . It appeared also that 23 pieces of ordnance were stolen from the arsenal at Woolwich , and that Board afterwords refused to inquire into the malversation , although Daniel Toner offered such information as would tend to the detention of the culprits . The man had become marked from his having written to the Board

      •St'l ( T I -*&. -Cv^Xk M Cw**T*- *Jj»*»...

      • St'l ( t i - *& . -CV ^ XK m CW ** t * - * JJ »*» ti-y ' r ~ ' •'" tJ'H '" " " - " ' 'W ° f Ordnance that he could give them information a » to the pieces of artillery that'had been stolen , and | ms trumpery charge . was got up against him in con--equenee . It was somewhat singular that the very uay alter this information was-tendered , bills should nave been posted up offering £ 100 as a reward to any one who could . give information on the subject . J ^ rt . ? % the theft of tne 23 pieces of ordna ' nce :- « M ¦ i t ? . eo ] , cnar e , e , two . ' lettm wera" 8 ent l ) fi . tlft # i . S ^ W < f . «» ¦ te . % ¦« iTa ¦ bttw ¦ : oo ^ pltfni ^ g . ot incivilities on the partof Toner ; and that he alow

      , notwithstanding an order having been issued that all the labourers on coming into the office should take off their hats , refussd to do so . The cage was re * ferred to the ; Board at Woolwich , and Lord Bloomfield , on hearing it , ordered that Toner should be immediately suspended ; and , as he ( Colonel- Peel ) thought , properly so , when insubordination was manifested in the service . He said he had stated the facts of the case , and would certainly not " object to the appointment of a Committee of Inquiry . After some further explanations , the motion was withdrawn , mainly in consequence of the lateness of the session .

      The Ordnance Estimates were then proceeded with , giving rise to incidental discussions on several " topics connected \ fith the discipline and comfort of the army , but without leading to any result , the motions 0 U m ° * w' » ich they originated being withdrawn . ; i The House then went iKto Committee on the Customs Act , for the purpose of supplying certain omissions and amendments required by the last new tariff . On the motion that rum be admitted at 8 s . lOd . insteadua . 4 d „

      ; Mr . MiCKlSNON moved the equalization of tbe duties on Colonial and British spirits . The duty on colonial spirits bad previously been 9 s . 4 d . a gallon ; the duties on British spirits being respectively , jn England , Is . ] 0 u \; Scotland , 3 s . 8 d . ; and Ireland , 2 s . 8 a . It was now proposed to reduce the duty on colonial spirits to 8 s . lOd . etill retaining a differential duty between it and British spirits . He thought that as they had sanctioned the equalization ol the duties on sugar , that they ought also to apply the same principle to spirits , especially when it gave a relief to the suffering West Indian colonies . The CnANCKiiLoit of the Exchequer could not afford the reduction , and after a long discussion the motion was then negatived without a division , and the other clauses went through committee .

      THE ARMS , IRELAND BILL . On the motion of Mr . Ljboochere the order of the day was read for the second reading of the Arms , Ireland Bill . . . Mr . Labouchere said he rose with sincere reluct * ance to move the second reading of this bill . He admitted that it contained many objectionable principles , and that he would not have been a party to its introduction ; but he trusted that he should be able to demonstrate to the house that it was the duty of the government to recommend it to pass this bill for such a limited period as would give time to consider the future policy which ought to be adopted upon it , with all the deliberation which its importance required . In his opinion , a government ,

      which , without full deliberation , should propose to let this bill drop , would grossly neglect its duty . He asked whether there was any man who would venture to declare that it would be conducive to the peace of Ireland , if the government , for the mere sake of temporary popularity , should drop all legislation on the subject of arms in that country ? For one , he publicly declared that he would not undertake so grevious a responsibility . He allowed Jhat any man who was satisfied that all legislation on the suhjectof arms and gunpowder in Ireland should at once be abandoned , was consistent in oppesing the present proposition of government , but from such an opinion he totally dissented . It was said that the government ought to amend this bill , but in case the government were inconsiderately to adopt that

      course , it would appear to sanction every part of the bill which it did not amend . That course then , he would not take . He proposed , instead , to continue this bill , not for a year , but till the 1 st of May—a period of the next session which would compel the government to bring in a proper measure on this subject immediately atcer the meeting of Parliament He confessed that he liked neither the registration clause , nor the branding clause . He considered both to be an affront to the people of Ireland ; but the inconvenience which they had occasioned was now past and over , He did not wish to have-this measureconsideredasa sample of the policy which the government intended to adopt towards Ireland ; but the fact was that the government had no other course to pursue , and if there were any such course , he hoped that it would be pointed out to those who objected to this measure .

      Mr . Home said , that he recollected that almost every member on that ( the Ministerial ) side had formerrj voted against this bill . As the right hon . gentleman had asked hon . members to suggest what course the government ought to take , he ! would simply recommend them to drop the bill altogether . ( Hear , hear . ) Let them not dirty tbeir lingers with it . ( Hear , hear . ) The right hon . gentleman had admitted , that the evils predicted as likely to result from the passing of the bill had arisen , and that instead of preventing evil disposed persons from obtaining arms , it had only facilitated them in obtaining them . The right hon . gentleman , the late Home Secretary , had likewise twice admitted that the object of the bill had failed . The right hon .

      gentleman ( Mr . Labouchere ) had not pointed out any good as resulting from the measure , and its continuance only served to perpetuate the evil —( hear , hear )—but he made one appeal to the house , and only ono , and that was— - "Will you not place so much confidence in Ministers as to believe that they will not , if trusted with these powers for nine months , abuse them ? " Now he ( Mr . Hume ) should like to know why they should trust unconstitutional powers to any set of men who declared that they disapproved of them—who said , " We object to the bill ; but only let as have it for nine months V Had any application been made from Ireland , or from any of the Irish members , in favour of this bill ? If so , let it be produced . He thought that any man concurring to give

      the Ministers these powers would be doing them incalculable mischief ; and the greatest possible benefit that could be done them would be to deprive them of the bill altogether . ( Hear , hear . ) When this bill was first introduced , it was based on allegations that Ireland was in a state of discontent , and that crime had enormously increased . Was that the case now ? ( Hear , hear . ) If they placed no confidence in Ireland , but were continually trying coercion , lamentable results must ensue , and with this conviction they , when on the Opposition side , did their best ; and even the present Prime Minister did his best to strike out the branding clauses . ( Hear , hear . ) By some strange infatuation , the moment men reached the Treasury bench they seemed to forget all tbeir old arguments . ( "Hear , " and a laugh . ) Two modes of governing Ireland had been tried ' : — the first was by coercion instead of conciliation , and

      the second was by depriving the Irish of the same privileges as . Englishmen and Scothmen enjoyed . Now he would turn the tables and try a different system , instead of bringing forward this odious measure , against which at a former period there had been fifty-one divisions and the discussion on which occupied fifteen days . He repeated his advice to Ministers to drop this bill , and instead of continuing coercion let them try conciliation . ( Hoar , hear . ) He conceived that the speech of the right hon . gentleman damned the bill . ( "Hear , " and laughter . ) He was anxious to give the Ministers a fair trial ; but lie could not understand how men , who had separately condemned the bill , could collectively support it . lie concluded by moving that the bill be read a second time that day six months—or that day month , for he thought that would be sufficient ( " Hear" and laughter . ) ¦ -:

      , Mr . Shaw said , that when this bill was originally proposed he was no advocate of it , but he did not think it deserved the character given it by the hon . member ( Mr . Hume ) . It was not a coercion bill ,, and every one who pleased could have arms registered . . i ii Mr . Escoir said he never was more astonished in his life than when he heard the hon . gentlleman the Secretary for Ireland advocate that measure in the way he did . No one , he owned , would administer a tyrannical law more mildly than the hon . gentleman would ; but he did not conceive that that was a sufficient reason for entrusting the peace of Ireland to tho hon . Member and tho Lord Lieutenant for the next nine months . ( Hear . ) When that measure

      was first brought forward , three years ago , by the late government , the lion , gentleman opposed it on the ground of tho great mischiefs that would ensue , and of the attempt thereby made to destroy the ' eonstitutional rights of the people of Ireland ; and yet he was now doing the very thing he then reprehended , lie would read to him the very words he then used in speaking of that Bill ; he said , " The Bill is a whole volume of coercion , in which tyranny is elaborated in every variety of form . " ( Hear . ) So , ho was now going to vote for tyranny elaborated in every variety ol ' lovm merely because he had changed from one side of the house to the other —( hear . ) But the . hon . gentleman-stated no reason for entertaining that measure ; the hon . gentlemanwho first brought forward the measure did cive them a reason , such as

      it was . He said that they had so long persevered m a course of coercion towards the people' of Ireland , that it would be dangerous to abandon that policy—( hear , hear , ) When , he ment to cease ? He had the noble Lord came into eoivod-Oiear , hear . ) Unless valid reason for that Bill house must vote against it , his character for honesty « n Mr . Munis thought * e two or three of the KEM ^ f Continued or ^ -

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  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Aug. 15, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_15081846/page/1/