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THE NORTHERN STAR. July 15, 1848.
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UNITED STATES. IHE IRISH MOVEMENT. Phila...
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Oldham.—On Sunday, (to-morrow ,) July 16...
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THE CHARTIST TRIALS. {Concludedfrom the ...
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St Pawchab,—Mr Merriman will deliver a l...
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DEATH. On Tuesday last , at her residenc...
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lriuted by DOUGAL M'GOWAN, of 16, Gre»» Win.UhUi" street, JJayniarket. in the City of WeRtml *t.r .n-.ii«
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"Sl 'ijli! same Street aud Parish, forth...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
The Northern Star. July 15, 1848.
THE NORTHERN STAR . July 15 , 1848 .
United States. Ihe Irish Movement. Phila...
UNITED STATES . IHE IRISH MOVEMENT . Philadelphia , June 21 , lSiS . -Popularex o . tement has all at .. nce-in a moment , aa it * ere- b 3 eD *" . ;„„ into a new channel-that is . so far asi a large , portion ef the Ir > h population aud a few leading po i «*» and their presses are concerned . I refer to » rt > ' « ° 8 nnd exciting subject which has occu ^ ed h coin Of several tbe journals since the arrival !«• " « -namelr . the r < ject of rescuing Mr » ££ * ^ taimpri— ^^ project will end m the mere ir v ^^^ be attempted it w '" " -
orreally , , „ ,,. „ . „_ - to nredicr , but it is certainly threatened , and Estrone bJv is stated by the newspapers to be now m progSsot organisation for an '« i * aition to Bermuda , lor the rescue of Mitchel . ' Tae iWork Herald ofThur ^ dav last inquires : — Could they uot ht out an expedition beyond the limit ? of the United States , make a descent ou the Bermudean coast , and conduct their aallant countryman , ''&¦; . ? But the whole matter takes shape and form from a aeeting of the Irhh republicans , which io . iV ; place at the Sh * ik > ptare , in New York , on Wednesday evening last fthe hall beina crowded to excerS . and thousands assembling outside . Tne following resolutions v ^ e .-e adopted : —
That this organisation was entered into with no other parpo'e tlian that of aijing Ireland to establish her independence , by sending her men , arm ? , aud mra ? y , and that we ssili still continue our organisation for thus purpose on i y . That , in order tha better to carry out this purpose , we shall devote all funds , nnw or hereafter to c-nne into our treasury , to the fortvardini ; aid sustaining while in Ireland , deputations of einigr . nts wh ^ , being ekilled in the n « 9 of arras , ara willing to join the people cf Ireland In effecting their deUvtr * ne . That we hereby direct our executive committee to meke the necessary contracts tor the passage of tbe returning emigrants , and that they bo ( orwarded to FUCD . parts of Ireland as , in tbe opinion of the erc-outire committee , will be most available in ths ciuse of liberty—the first deputation to be forwarded within ten days .
That we cill upon such bodies of the friends of Ireland throughout the country as can conveniently give a military edacauua to enr-erants to Ireland to do so , QUU * to Bend them at once to Ireland . That we call upon the friends of Ireland who cannot attend to the instruction of emigrants , to forward the funds * o the nearest city is which such instructions may be proceeded with . Tne New Tohk Express says : — ' This summary declaration of war agsinat hneland , be it
remembered , was fulminated before the arrival of the America , announcing the fate of Mitchel . No sooner had this news transpired , than a demonstration was called in the evening at the Shakspeare , at winch Mr John Mooney , the Irish ' historian , ' was called to pn side . But the four walls ot the Shakspeare Hotel could not enclose the enthusiasm and indignation which sought to give vent oa the occasion , and , accordingly , a second meeting was organised out of doors , which was addressed by several eloquent declaimera .
' But what we wish nr-re particularly to call public attention to , is a resolution passed at both meltings , aud unanimously adopted , authorising the appointment of a committee who will use all and every means to rescue Mitchel frora the British authorities at Bermuda . ' Mr Bergen , we are told , addressed the meeting , and described the locality of Bermuda , and told how easily the esile could bs rescued . Colonel Ming , too , made a speech , and offered his services on the expedition . The colonel was frequently interrupted in his address by the cheers of the meeting . He stated that he only asked 2 , 090 men , which 5 , 009 dollars would be able to raise , in order to carry their purposes into effect . Mr O'Berne read the account of the last scene of Mitshel before Baron Lefroy , when he branded the judge as a partisan and the sheriff as ajuggler .
' The reading of the article raised the meeting to a pitch of fnry . A genuine Irish pike was conveyed through the streets yesterday by a detachment of the Irish brigade , accompanied with fife and dram . The pike i < a savage-looking death-dealing instrument , a sort of nnionofthe meat 3 X 3 and reaping-hook , npon a twelve-fcot pole !' The Herald of the same date says that the ' Irish provisional eammittee held a sscret session on the following evening , in which business of an important character in regard to Ireland and Irish affairs , was
transacted ; and th . s secret business is presumed by isany , t 3 refer to a descent on Bermuda . ' The Sew York Sun . of Friday , says : — ' Tha trip of thedeputation , whioh is to be called a turtle hunt , promises rare sport , as the party intend taking all kind of hooks , spears , and fowling pieces , & s ., ' an ^ , in the same article , the fo'low , ng occurs : — ' A deputation of the patient ' s frieods in tbisand other cities of the United States , numbering abjut t * o thousand , is organising , we learn , with tiie intention of chartering three or four long , low , black , rakish looking vessels , provided afcd munitioned in case of accident , and pay ing him a visit . '
A second great msetin ? was held on Saturday night at the Shakspeare , Michael T . O'Connor it the chair . A subscription was taken up , and the following resolutions passed . They are significant : — That the ei £ e < ltiv « Cfttnmitlee select the first delegation to proceed to Irelsnd . That the fands now in the hands of the treasurers be drawn ou - of tha bsafc and placed in the hands of tbe present treasurer aad secretary , to defray the necessary expenses wa . ck may be Incurred in sending on delega . tions to Ireland . Now it is impossible that the United States government can allow war to be thus made on the dominions rf a country with which she is at peace , if openly done—but it is very possible and even probable , that vessels with men and arms , will clear out privately on this projected Bermuda expedition , at any rate in such a way as to avoid the restraints of the United States laws .
STHPATHT WITH MITCHEL . The Mitchel meetings of sympathy still continue . In fact , they are all the rage . The great Philadelphia gathering took place os Wednesday evening last , and although no such pledge was entered into as at New York . ' not to use or wear British manufactures until Mitchel shall be released , ' yet tha language used by the speakers implied the bitterest hatred against England and her government . John Bines was in the chair ; Robart Tyler , Judge Kelly , Ihe Rtv . John Chambers , and the Rev . C . Burr , the orators . The following resolutions were unanimously adopted : — ' Whereas t-ie great orime recently committed by the British government against John Mitchel , and , in his person , against the caramon himanity of the present age , deserves the severe and universal condemnation of mankind ; and 'Whereas the conduct of John Mitchel when he
proaouneed' God s truth faithfully and fearlessly , Doth in his speeches and writings to the people of Ireland—when he proclaimed that the lifo and happiness of the peasant was equal to the life and happiness of a peer—when he proaouneed his conviction that a- Republican government alone could cure the evils under which Ireland has so long suffered—and ¦ when , true to his cause and his country , from first to | ast , he has preferred to sacrifice his owa property and liberty ratter than forego an expression of his opinions and principles—has in the fullest sense , and deserves to have , our wariness admiration , sympathy , and respect : Therefore be it resolved : —
• That while this meeting admits the right as a general rule , of the government of every country to make such laws as it may consider wise and expedient for its welfare , or necessary for its protection , vet in file making of its laws , and in the administration of its system of public justice , no government has a right to transcend tbose acknowledged principles of zmrversal morality npon whieh the structure of all civilised and Christian society must necessarily rest , cr to insult , by a wicked and despotic eenduct , the ordinary intelligence and snund maternal feelin ^ of all mankind , without subjecting iUelf , in public opinion , everywhere to the criticism of the severest cisapproval and censure . '
* That the recent act of the British government , in fee trial , conviction as a felon , and fourteen yearn ' fBntenceoftranspertaiionof John Mitchel , the Irish patriot , whose only offence was that of George Washington and his fellow patriots , is a crime against the recognised principles of universal right , morality , and religion ; and , in our opinion , recorded and expressed , we do hereby condemn , and do call on others to efo the like , sues conduct as subversive of the original compact of all society . ' 4 That all thosemembers of the British Parliament , particulsrly from England , bnt without any exception , whs voted for the infamous gag-law , under the provisions of which John Mitchel has been c-mvicted and banished as a felon , are individually and collectively liable to , and ought to receive , the same degree of indignant censure which everywhere is visited upon opDression . '
'That this meetin * entertains the profoandest tespeet fer the heroic wife ef John Mitchel , and we ender her at the same time our respectful sympathy on account of her forced and cruel separation from far husband , and our cardial congratulations beforehand upon his triumphant return to Irelaid to grace the first place ia the hearts of his country BSD . ' ? . -l ^ ? ° ? tk S for £ g ° 5 preamble and resolutons be sent to toe Senators and Representatives in gragress from the State of Pennsylvania , and to the Secretary of State of tha United States , and to Tnraws F . Meagher , with a request that he would gnrethem such publication in England as he may deem advisable and proper . '
Oldham.—On Sunday, (To-Morrow ,) July 16...
Oldham . —On Sunday , ( to-morrow , ) July 16 th , two lectures will be delivered in the Working Man ' s Hall , by Dr M'Douall . First lecture : sublet , ' The cause and effect of th e French Revolu tian / Second lecture : ' The new plan of Orga-Bsation . ' Chair to be taken at two o ' clock in the tfenioon , and six in the evening .
The Chartist Trials. {Concludedfrom The ...
THE CHARTIST TRIALS . { Concludedfrom the Seventh Page , ) I think would be the result . The people did organise and they got the Reform Bill : the people did organise , and they abolished the Slave Trade ; the people did organise , and they obtained Catholic Emancipation ; the people did organise , and they did away with the Corn Laws . Daniel O'Connell , who , above all other men , was cherished by the Whigs—who was above all other men coaxed and petted by her Majesty ' s ministers—perhaps I should say no man was dreaded more by them—lam not sure if all their affection was sincere—owed all his power to organisation . What is it tbat has compelled you to honour so many men aa you have done ? Some you hav <* raised to the peerage . Some you have applauded till
the echoes applauded again . To some you have given place and power—to others honours and distinctions . The ^ e men organised and they got what they wanted . Look to the first organisation that we read of in the history of our country . What made the base , the servile , the tyrannical kins yield to the demands of hia indignant people the first Charter ? What , but organisation . Instead of being here to-day under the glorious privileges which we held , we might have been abject slaves , cringing to some arbitrary despotism . What has secured us this liberty ? Organisation ! See what organisation has produced . See what privileges it has secured for us . The privileges we b > ast of so loudly . privileges of the first importance , not the least
ameng them being theundoubted rightof public meeting for the purpose of discussing political and social grievances—for the purpose of criticising the conduct ot public men , and exercising a jealous vigilance over public measures . But again , saidjny learned friend , if tim organisation were allowed to be carried into effect , it would end in a grinding tyranny . I at once concede that revolutions may , in some cases , result in a worse despotism than before—tbat tbe cure may be worse than the original disease . But there was always this distinction between France and Emjlsnd , that while their revolutions resulted in confusion and anarchy , all our revolutions have extended our liberties and introduced into the constitution new elements of peace and order . I said
before , and I repeat agaia , that I have no fault to find with the government , for the anxiety exhibited by them to preserve the public peace . I think they exercised a prudent care when they called oat the force to curb the intentions of such persons as might be disposed to riot , but still I thiak their fears were over great . The events of the past month or two oui ; ht to have shown them that these men , whom they were taught to believe , bloody-minded and rapacious and cruel , when they had the streets of the metropolis in their power for several nightswhen their thousands , we are told , were parading the streets—did not even break one pane of glass , but contented with this exhibition of numbers , retired peaceably to their homes . They did not
interfere with the property or privileges of one single human being . Now let me , it you please , call your attention to the case itself , and endeavour to justify my assertion , when I stated that not one word of sedition would be found in the defendant ' s speech from the beginning to the end . Now , first of all , let me read the speech delivered by Sharp in the beginning ot the meeting , and I am sure , gentlemen , you will not consider any apology necessary on my part if , in justice to my client , I take you somewhat in detail over the circumstances attending this meeting . The meeting took place at a quarter to six o ' clock , in Bonner ' s-fields , and White , ths short-hand writer tells u « , thai abuut 3 , 000 persons were assemblsd . It was held upon a Sunday , and perhaps here I may be
allowed to offer a suggestion . I am sure tbat although no Chartist myself , those holding the opinions embodied in the Charte * . will condescend to take a hint from me . Believing as 1 do in the omnipotence and omniscience of Him who knows and governs the hearts of men , I am persuaded that if they seek f o carry out their conscientiorfs opinions and principles , they will do well to be guided by his recorded law , and to ask his aid and counsel , and I cannot but think that the day set apart for the purpoies of devotion ought not to be taken for the consideration of political rights , or discussion of grievances . Having said thus much , I will now ) proceed to state the case to you . This meeting was held on a Sunday and it is quite clear from the character of the
locality , as it it has been described to u , s , tbat great numbers of persons availed themselves oltfle place for Sunday recreation . It has been proved to you that great numbers of persons were walking there ; ladies , and gentlemen , and children , and well-dressed persons ; and what is a fact of considerable importance in the consideration of this case , on the same ground , was a minister of religion eagaged in prayer and praise and the other sacred duties of his office . If anything were wanting to show the absence of any thing like alarm or terror , it would be found in the circumstances that ' . I have just referred to—men like yourselves leaving wivesacd sisters to walk about tha common—having no apprehensions upon your minds of alarm or any similar feeling ; men like yourselves
cherishing your children , and men engaged in the exercises of devotion , without any dread of the slightestmolestation from any one ; jet men no doubt , knowing that thisjneeting was to take place , but expressing no fear in consequence . Let me now direct your attention to the speech made by Sharp . He commences ' My friends , —you can perceive that I have kept my promise , and on yesterday morning several parties who pledged their word to attend this meeting and to speak here , but who sometimes in the time of anticipated danger ' —what does he mean by anticipated danger ?
There was no danger from these who came ; the parlies who staid away were those who anticipated danger . He goes oa ' In ths time of anticipated danger will not came forward , and it is necessary that some one should , and as I have been here during the calm , I am prepared to be here when the storm comes on '—Up to this moment all had been calm . New , gentleraen , the learned Attorney-Geceral told you , and I am surprised he did it a second time , because there is no tittle of evidence to justify it—the learned Attorney-General told you , that one of the inspectors had b 3 en wounded , and another person had been wounded with a bar of iron .
The Attorney-General . —There is no necessity for surprise . The witness was called but not examined . Mr Sergeant Wilkiks . —There is no tittle of evidence to show they were wounded on tho present occasion . Sharp goes on— ' Only this being the most stormy time , I have kept my word , consequently , and I am prepared to make a few remarks . You will , perhaps , not consider that I am actuated by any motives of fear when I tell you , and when I find that I stand alone—I will not give the government the hnrse-whippicg that I promised them . ' The horse-whipping he had promised , gentlemen , was a horse-whipping of tbe tongue . ' But still , I will address you . While I was speaking to you this afternoon in reference to the various meetings that have taken place in London during the last week—( cries of ¦ Ernest Jones ! Ernest Jones !) Gentlemen , I believe there is Ernest Jones comin ? . ( Cheerg . )
Friends , I am very glad to find that Mr Jones has not run away from the post of danger , and when 1 made my remarks previously to his coming , I did not include him in the list , but I included those men that had addressed you Sunday after Sunday , for many weeks , and I do not think it conscientious of men when they can talk quietly together that they should desert their pnsts , as I observed before , when there issomethiug like anticipated danger . I will not detain yoa long , because I know that you are anxious to listen to Mr Jones . Now , my friends , I wish to speak to you with regard to the unnecessary interference of the police this morning , with a number of working men who attended a meeting at Nova Scotia Fields . ' Now , gentlemen , I looked particularly at the account given in the press of this meeting , and I oaauot help thinking that , but for what this man calls the unnecessary interference of the police , nearly every meeting would have passed off well . You know tha class of men from which onr
policemen are taken ; and you are also aware that , somehow or other , there is a popular prejudice against them . You know that when a man becomes a policeman , he is pointed out by all classes of the community as an enemy to the common weal , and he naturally , being thus cutoff fromisociety . gets himself into that state of feeling that he thinks ha is at enmity with all classes . He desires , therefore , in eases like this to find exercise for the injurious feelings engendered in perambulating through the streets . ¦ W attended a meeting there for almost tour & r five Sundays ; we had discussed our grievances , and the men had quietly dispersed . ' Is there anything here to excite terror ? But . he says . 'But what with the tyranny of the government , and the ofhcionsness
of the polios , I understand they came there this morr . ini ? , and abused , and insulted , and brutalised '—treated like brutes , I suppose he means— 'the great majority of the men who were thtre assembled . I understand that they acted the part of cowards , and do not blame me when I say 89 . I was not present , because 1 was at another meeting on Blackheath . ' Now . I pray your attention to this— * The peonle , I understand , ran sway . ' ( A . voice : The people ' had nothing to detend themselves with . ) Is that terror ? The people had gone to this meeting without weapons . They met to discuss their grievancss , and they went away without doing injury to any man . I say is that terror ? This man called out that the people had nothing to defend themselves with . * We bad not
tha means of defence ; we were taken at every possible disadvantage while in the discharge of a constitutional duty , and the consequence was , that the police drove us bsfore them like chaff before the wind . ' "The gentleman , ' continued Sharp , ' says that the people had nothing to defend thamselves with . Now , if ever yoa come in contact with the police , you may exf- ^ ct a knock down blow with their truncheons . ' 1 am afraid , gentlemen , there is too much truth in that . ' But , when you have got about three ts one , one man falls out of tha three , and the other two can secure him . Now , will any man tell me I am wrong when I say that you Kt # 4 ths p 8 - ' * - of cowards when you ran away ? ,
The Chartist Trials. {Concludedfrom The ...
Mark that . Men . if attacked , will attack again , for men will maintain their rights—and , for God's sake , gentlemen , do not yield by your verdict to the slavish feeling that those in authority can do no wrong . To you the country looks for tho correction of what is faulty in the practice of the law , in cases like these , and it is not to be endured that men , because thfty met to discuss the great and the presiing evils that press thera to the ground—it is net to be endured , tbat a body of irresponsible police should be let loose among them , to strike them down like sheep , But I cannot think why this , fpeech ot Sharp ' s should be introduced into the indictment against Jones at all . The Attornet General—It ia not .
Mr Serobast Wilkins . —It is however introducer . ' iota this court of justice , and read this day . Now let me read you some more of this balderdash which they have introduced with the view of prejudicing the case against Joues : — ' I live at a d * iry myself , and I wish to give you a little instruction , it is as to how many of those men are situated tha addressed public meetings , during the so-called turbulent times . I live at a dairy , and as I stopped at Greenwich all night , I did not get home till Thursday morning , but my wife , like every other woman , anxious for the welfare of her husband , sat up for me . A man came to my house on Wednesday night , and wanted a gallon of milk particularly , but she told him that the man would not get up to
serve him , and he consequently went away . At one o ' clock in the morning , my wife still sitting up for me in great anxiety , two men came past and said they must have milk , and demanded it . After a great deal of persuasion , the bell which led to the man ' s chamber was rung , and he got up , and the man put the question to tbem , ' What the devil do you want the milk for ? ' ' Oh ! said tbey , it is wanted . Tbe specials are ordered out for two or three o ' clock in the morning , and they want their breakfast before they go out . ' Now I cannot help thinking that ths Attorney-General baa drawn largely on his imagination , and wishes to take equal liberties with ours , if he would persuade you and the public , that the special constables were tampered
with . My learned friend would irr press upon you that , because these men were to receive their miserable halfpenny worth of milk at two in the morning , to relish their breakfast with , tbat they were revelling in luxuries . Had they been pampered , as Punch in formed us in his last week ' s publication , with champagne and turtle , there would have been some reason for alarm . You know that there was a meeting the other day at Covent Garden , when a special constable was presented with—what ? A silver truncheon . The constable so honoured , in returning thanks , told his friends that he should keep their gift ever before him , for he should have it melted into silver spoons . Sharp gres on , ' I treat the specials with the same contempt as our policemen , because I consider the
force of the working classes of England will destroy the petty power which they hold at the hands of the government . ' What can be understood from this , excepting that it is a mere vague expression , meaning , if it conveys a meaning at all , that if the working classes of England carry the Charter , the special constables , willbe so small a portion of the Parliamentary population of England , that their petty strength will be destroyed by the great bulk of the people . Now mark the words of this insurgent—this man , who ought to be coupled with the Communists of France' I do hope that you will act as men , and not be scared at the eight of a policeman or a special cons'able . I trust not , but if ever they insult you , if ever they brutalise vou , if ever they strike you , act on the
defensive . If you cannot knock them down , close with them—do the best that you possibly can , for I can tell you no more nor less than this , it is only man to man ; and sometimes it is a little man to a big man , and sometimes a big man to a big man , so that con seqaently you stand an equal chance to each other . He has a s'aff , and you have no staff , therefore it is just possible that you resist his strength . Dispossess him of that staff , and make as good usa of it as he did himself . ' All this time he is supposing the number of his friends te be enormous—all this time he ia supposing they are attacked—that they are brutalised , or treated like brutes . Supposing all this , does be say bring a staff ? No . Or a pike ? No . _ Does he tell them even to bring a stick ? No . He is only reccm
mending resistance to the police if tbey brutally attack tbem . All he says is . ' dispossess him of his staff , and make as good use of it as he does himself . ' Now . if they are attacked by an illegal force , can any man use milder language than this ? He does not eay , attack them , strike them . He does not say , ' wherever you see a policeman , follow him , beat him . ' But he says , ' meet on Sundays as you have hitherto done , discuss your grievances but attack no man's privileges . If you are attacked illegally , then resist that attack . ' He eaya in conclusion : — ' You are aware that I have addressed you previously thin afternoon , and Mr Ernest Jones is anxious to address you . I am very glad in the presence of my friend Jones , that I have proved what I stated yesterday ,
that there would be from 20 . 000 to 30 , 000 persons at this meeting , and I hope that when he gets up , he will grant to mo that I have spoken the truth for once . ' I dare say poor Sharp intended to speak the truth , but he appears to havo exaggerated the state of things ; for Mr White who is in tbe habit of attending public meetings , and knevi what was no doubt the real numbers ^ states that there were only 3 . 000 at that meeting , Now let me come to thn speech on which Ernest Jones ii indicted for sedition . The meeting was held , as you are aware , ob Sunday , the 4 th of June . lie commences thus — ' Mr Chairman and men of the Tower Hamlets , in the first place I have to apologise to you for not having been here sooner , but a man cannot be in two
places at the same time , There was a meeting convened for Ircngate Wharf , Paddington , and the police I understand , had forbid that meeting taking place . ' Now mark that word ' forbid , ' because I will have to say a word or two on tbat point before I am done . Who had forbidden the meeting ? The police . What power bad they to forbid that meet ing ? Now bear that in mind , for I will refer to it by and by , ' I was invited to attend it , and therefore I did attend . There were a good many police there , but they did not venture to interfere with the meeting , and I can tell you this , hold your meetings . ' —That is good advice . If these meetings are constitutional— if they are well-conducted—if they have tor their object no more than the people ' s acknowledged
political right—that was good advice . When I say that was good advice , I have in my mind the right acknowledged to others far worse than themselves , on former occasions , when one portion of the community stood up to infringe the rights of others . 1 can tell you this , hold your meetings , for although the government certainly are mad '—I do not know that he is singular in entertaining that opinion . Many have thought the same , and I believe it was a generally-received opinion , when they proposed their memorable inceme-tax . It is a common saying , that although many men run their heads against the wall , still there was this marked difference between them and the Whigs , that the latter built the walls to run their beads against . * For although tbe
government are mad , they are not mad enough to put down public meetings , and if they were mad enough to do it , I , for ono , would hurl defiance in their teeth . ' —Now I ask you gentlemen , much as you have been alarmed by the excited state of Europe , do not be led away by fears for the safety of the constitution . What was it that first led to the disastrous consequences of the revolution in Paris ? What but the foolish obstinacy of Louis Philippe and his ministry , in relusing permission to celebrate the Reform Banquet . That old man is now despised and almost forgotten , when , by yielding to the peopie that which was their rights , he might yet bo sitting on the throne , the proudest monarch in Europe — 'I for one hurl defiance in their teeth , and dare them to disperse this legal and peaceful as sembly . ' 'I do not dare them to do any thing wlueh the law will permitbut I dare
, them to infringe upon the ; law ; ' ' Mad as they are they dare not interfere with this peaceable and legal assembly . ' ' I must ask likewise your indulgence to day . inasmuch as I start by the mail train to-night for Lancashire and Yorkshire . ' Now mark what follows : ' And as those . plaoes aro both in a very excited state , I shall have to use my lungs there a good deal , and aa London is not so excited aa those parts of the country are , excuse me from wearying you at any length today . ' Ia it true , as the Attorney-General says , that his object was to excite the people against the authorities ? Is it true that his object was to stir up those who were peaceable ? Why if it were so—if such were his objects , then I apprehend he would have staid in London . Yorkshire and Lancashire were sufficiently excited , and London was at rest > nd quiet ; why then if hia object was to rouse the people against the authorities , why should he leave
London to go down to a country already agitated ? He left London because it was quiet . He went to Lancashire and Yorkshire because they were excited . What is the fair inference to be drawn here ? The Attorney-General tells you that the defendant is an advocate far excitement—Jones himself says he is an advocate for peace . Yorkshire and Lancashire , according to the slate of Inspector Haynes , are in no need of excitement . They have been obliged to call out the military there , but Linden is quiet ; and if the purpose of the defendad t was to sow acitation , one would suppose that London would be the place for him—that if London were ashen . London
would na the hrst place that he should awakenthat if London were peaceable , London should hn the first pace that ought to be provokeJffiisur rechon . A that I say i 8 this , stand fast by your colours , don't shrink from the Charter 3 « whole Charter . ' He is a Gbartinr «« J \ L 5 he deny it ]; and I . say this ! " hat t fe f m « 7 Z rage and patriotism about the man \» h „ ! I " opinions , if he believes them to bTtrufand t ? them steadfastl y , although thTe 5 K « W V ° prejudices against him . 'J hesp «« / 1 , » P"Pular who have made monarch ! f ^ f 8 ort of men them stem tSffi The ! are fhT ^ ^ telHn S proved of by God , and Xdl v « n ° i 0 i ffie , ttap - miration of posterity If Mr ^ and earn the ad-^ tU ^ ss , sfftasz ^ is
The Chartist Trials. {Concludedfrom The ...
much you may despise tho Charter—no matter although you may think the Charter inapplicable to the present atate of society—if he believes tbe Charter to be indispensable for tho well-being of the working classes ; if he sacrifices honours and distinctions , and the respect of the rich , in order to benefit and elevate the poor , that man ia to be lauded and not condemned- he is to be honoured and net despised ; Do not mind the nonsense of tne half-and-half men , do not pay any attention to the Dispatch . ' I must say that this is a justification , if anything can be so , if the say ing , that there 'ia one 'aw for tho rich , and another la w for the poor . When we see the officers of the Crown , allowing the Dispatch to issue forth its calumnies , teemine with immorality , with obscenity ,
and blasphemy . When we see that no notice has been taken of it by'the government ; and see , also , that tbose who really s ^ ek to improve and elevate the people , are dragged before courts of justice , what can wa think but tbat the opinion is correct , that there ie one law for the rich , and another for the poor . ' And if you see any bodies of police coming near to this meeting , marching on to this meetingi stand your ground , shoulder to shoulder—do not run— there is danger for those who run ; there ia safety for those who keep together' — ' there is dinger for those who run . ' Solaffiraalao . There is a natural impulse on the part of a policeman , to follow the man who runs away , for his dagy pursuits lead him to the conviction that that man avows himself to be guilty ,
and he actsaocordingly . ' Dare them to strike you , and my word for it , they dare not strike a blow . If they were to strike a blow , bad as the laws are now , they are sufficiently stringent to punish those men who assault peaceable citizens in the peaceab'e execution or performance of their duty . ' If it were your good fortune , gentlemen , fo attend a meeting that is occasionally held in Regent-st , adnwhere rey Lord Brougham attends , you would hear more said against the laws of the country by that noble lord , than by a dozsn of these men put together . That man must , indeed , be thoroughly wanting in prejudice or in understanding , who can stand up in this court , and say that all the laws of this country are good . I will tell you one law which is very bad ,
that which permits the Attorney-General in cases of prosecution for the Crown , to reply against the prisoner . Gentleman , it is not my intention to call any witnesses today for the defence , I do not indeed see tbat there is any necessity for calling them . The Attorney-General will tell you that he has the right of reply—that such is the law . Is it a good law ? h it a just law ? Is it a merciful law ? If one of you were prosecuting here to-day , the Attorney-General would have no right to reply , a ' , thoogh the count mig ht involve property of yours to a large amount . But let the privileges of tho Crown be supposed to be trenched upon , and the thing is altered—the Attorney-General has the right of reply . Why so ? Why , because it is so ,
Gentlemen , the right of rep ly ought to be the otter way . The prisoner comes here charged with sedition There is a frightful array of talent opposed to h m—one of my learned friends ( Mr Bodkin ) has now gone , but you saw him when the learned Attorney-General was stating his case , nodding and smiling , and lookim ? assent to every proposition that my learned friend waa laying down to you . They have had their meetings and their consultationsthey have carefully examined the evidence and sifted it , and the Attorney-General will , after all this , claim tbe right of reply . I say that this is ene of tbe bad laws of the day . I ask you to bear this in mind , ' By whom was this meeting forbidden ?' Whyby Commissioner Rowan and Commissioner
, somebody else . Whether they have the power to do so under the Metropolitan Police Act , I do not know , andi if I donot know , I think Ernest Jones may be forgiven if he did not know either . It is quite clear that when Ernest Jones spoke of their having forbidden the meeting he referred to the commissioners of police and not to the go . vernment , and , gentlemen , let me impress this upon you , you must try the defendant , Ernest Jones , by his intentions . If acting under ignorance , he questioned the r ' ght of the commisoienero to forbid the meeting , he cannot come within the charge alleged against him of seeking to bring the Government into contempt . ' Make up your minds , stand by it , and whatever comes stand to your ground . ' The learned
Sergeant proceeded to discuss each sentence of the speech delivered by the defendant in a masterly style , ofter which he said : —Let me call jour attention for a short time , to what has been said on this subject , by some of the greatest men which this land had produced . This ia not the doctrino of Ernest Jones ; this is not a docrine now promulgated for the firft time , although it is now founded for the first time as a charge of sedition . This is a doctrine which is entitlnd to the greatest respect , as being advocated by the greatest minns of onr country , and 1 will take the liberty of rendering to you a few passages on the subject . [ The learned counsel thed read extracts from the works of Locke , Bolingbroke , Hume , Dr Paley , Milton , and Russell
( author of the ' History of Modern Europe ;) to show that resistance to constituted authorities , was under certain circumstances , justifiable . Now gentlemen , I am not saying tbat we should heve recourse to any of the expedients laid before us by any of these master-minds , but I am showing that Ernest Jones in making use of this sentiment and this language , is nothing original or alone among tbe thinkers of England , When he saya he is not going to preach a namby pamby doctrine of passive obedience , he is but echoing the opinions of he writers I have laid before yeu . Jones is of opinion that the time has come for great political changes . That a great proportion of the population of this kingdom is not only not represented , but that it is
misrepresented ; not only not protected , but op . pressed ; not only disregarded , but treated with con . tempt . He is only acting up to the exigencies of the ? imes , and following in the path of the great men whoso names ad irn onr history . But he will preach no doctrine , which shall tend to excitement , or which shall conduce to disturbance . ' The learned council then praceeded to point out in language of the most powerful hind , the unnatural distinctions that prevailed in our present artificial society , where ihe rich man clothed in his fine linen , and purple was within hearing of tbe beggared wretchedness , and dying from positive starvation . He pointed ont that there were canker-worras in
the higher walks of life , whe preyed upon the industry of the many , without themselves contributing to the general fund , and he cited the instance of a ainecurist in the family of the learned Attorney-General , who received an enormous annual sum for services which had been w ? ll paid to his ancestor . Talk of the dispensations of Providence , continued the learned sergeant . Why should the poor bo forced to bear' The oppressor ' s wrong , the proud man ' s contume ' y ? ' Why should he be condemned to live upon the offal that tne very dogs would reject , when it is by his labour that the wealth , that makes this country so great and so mighty , is created . The learned council concluded his admirable address to the jury , by asking them to acquit Ernest Jones ,
Tiie Attorney General replied , and after quoting nt groat length from the speech which has been go often given , and commenting upon each phrase and sentence as he went on en deavouring to justify his original impression of thai address , by labouring away the new reading given by Mr Sergeant Wilkins , ihe learned Attorney-General concluded by saying , be bad not enlisted into the case for ihe prosecution of any spirit of enmity against cither of the men who had been convicted , or tbo defendant who was al present before ( hem .
The Lord Chief Justice Wilde then summed up , and alter stating the law as regarded tbe offence of sedition , and attendance at illegal assemblies , pr oceeded to request the jury to discard trom their minds all extraneous matter that bad baen introduced on either side , and to consider their verdict . The jury r etired at . 1 quarter to six o'clock . They returned into court in about twenty minutes , and gave a verdict of 'Guilty' upon tho count of the indictment charging sedition and unlawfully assembling .
The defendant was immediately ordered into custody , and the court was adjourned for an hour . At the expiration of that period the learned judge again took bis seat on the bench , and tho whole of the defendants who had been convicted—Fussell , Williams , Vernon , Sharp , Looney , and Jones , were placed ut the bar to roceive sentence . The Chief Justice , addressing them , said they had all been severally convicted of misdemeanour , some of them for sedition , and others for attending an illegal meeting and sedition , and Williams had . in addition , been convicted of riot , but , in that case , the Attorney-General had requested that judgment mig ht not be passed upon the count charging him with riot . Under pretence of exercisinc the most valuable ri g ht that an Englishman could possess that of public discussion , they had made it a pretext for seditious
uttering and inflammatory speeches At no one meeting was any real or supposed grievance ever pointed out , and the onl y object appeared to be to assail the government and the authorities of the country with violence and inflammatory euithetS and ab-ISe . If public meetings were allowed to be made the means of exciting the people to revolution , it was quite evident that public meetings must be done away with . It could not be bonie hat large numbers of people , many of them probaby suffering distress and privation , should be brought together , and that they should be told b y persons like the defendants that they were entitled to share in the wealth of the country . One of them had not scrupled to recommend the horrible expedient of private assassination . ( Fussell here exclaimed , ' 1 deny it . ' ) It was useless to deny it . The witnesses had deposed to the fact , and the jury had given their opinion . Tbe speeches of some of the others were equally bad . He wished his duly would allow him to look at their cases in a favourable light , but he must confess that he saw no pal-
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liation for their offence . He felt that the public safety and a warning to others required him to pass a severe sentence . The learned judge then passed sentence upon Fussell , whom he ordered to be imprisoned upon the charge of sedition for two years , and for the unlawful assembling for three months ; and he was , in addition , ordered to enter into his own recognizance in JE 100 , with two sureties in £ 50 each , to keep the peace for five years . Mr Pussell . — Before passing that sentence , my lord , may I be allowed to aay one or two words to you and to the court . Chief Justice Wilde . —If for the purpose of denying that you used the words ascribed to you I cannot hear you .
Mr Fussell . — It is for that purpose , my lord , and I am satisfied that in common justice , your lordship will grant my request . Bear in mind , my lord , what character is ascribed to a man who counsels private asaasination . Why , my lord , the most infamous , whatever may be their offences , have a character preferable to this . I do cot address you with any view ot mitigation of my sentence , but with tbe view solely of expressing my abhorrence of the crime of private assassination , and I defy , my lord , any one in public or private life to say that I even hold such opinion * . The learned Judge attempted to interrupt the prisoner , but he continued .
Mr Fussell . —My lord , when I was apeaking , I was speaking of it as a fact to be lamented , that the system of private assassination was carried out in Austria and in Russia , and I did so with no other
The learned Judge again interrupted the prisoner . Mr Fussell My lord , I deny most solemnly that I made use of the expression . I have within me the feelings of an Englishman , and I should have been ashamed of myself if I had advised such a thing . The learned judge then repeated the sentence , and the prisoner was removed . Williams was next called forward , and said , My lord , may I be allowed to say one word ? Chief Justice Wilde . —I am most anxious to bear you , if you have anything to say in extenuation of your offence .
Williams , —My lord , it is neither my wish to insult the court nor to press anything I may have to say upon your lordship , but I must say that in one remark your lordship made to the jury you are mistaken . Your lordship said that hard working men would not attend these meetings . I ara a working man , I have toiled twenty hours out of the twenty-four , for 16 s . a week . I tried to better my condition , as I thought I had a right to do . With respect to the man who was here just now , I declare most solemnly to your lordship arid to this court , that if I heard Mr Fussell make use of such an expression as that , I" would have assisted to throw him out of the waggon . I declare on my soul I would have assisted in throwing hi m out : but he said nothing of the kind .
Chief Justice Wilde . —The sentence lipon you Is , two years' imprisonment on the first count , one week on the second , and you will find sureties , yourself in £ 100 , and two in £ 50 , to keep the peace for three years . Williams—My lord , then I shall be under the necessity of passing five years in prison . Chief Justice Wilde . —The remission of the punishment which I feel it my duty to inflict restswith the Crown . A , Sharp was next called forward—and sentenced to two years' imprisonment for sedition , three months for the unlawful assembling , and to find the same amount as the others to keep the peace for three years .
The Prisoner attempted to reply to an attack of the Attorney-General , but he was hurried from the bar . William John Vernon was next called forward . The Prisoner said , that he had nothing what * ever to do with the meeting ou Clerkenwell-green . The meeting was ' not a Chartist meeting . I am not ashamed to avow myself a Chartist , but I suppose it is not because I am a Chartist that I am now to be punished . This meeting was far frora being called by Chartists—the leaders of it were utterly unknown to the Chartists . I believe it was called by Williams and some of his friends , I was only there for some seven or twelve minutes listening to some of the
speeches delivered by the different speakers . I did not know any one of the persons calling the meeting , and I do not feel authorised to knock down any person who may deliver opinions that may be different from any of ray own . I afterwards walked with the procession some 500 yards , and I cannot see that for this I should be in custody . I avow the principles of the Charter which are simply to obtain reforms that we think desirable , and which are wanted . I was not aware of this meeting one hour before it took place , and I do not think there was any evidence given in to connect me with it . 1 will not take up more of your lordship ' s time , but I do feel it hard that I should be punished because I accidentally got up into the van to avoid the pressure of the crowd .
His Lordship said , that the jury had found him guilty , and on that verdict he ( the learned judge ) must pass sentence on the prisoner . He had been also proved to have made some unwarrantable and most abhorrent allusions to steel pens dipped in red ink , and there was therefore nothing left for him but to pass sentence . The sentence was that he ( Vernon ) should be imprisoned for two years . ( The prisoner was also directed to find the same sureties as the others to keep the peace . ) The Prisoner complained that the food received in prison was in such a filthy state that it was unfit for human beings . They were literally obliged to gnaw the potatoes in order to take the peel off , it being saturated with fat ; and they were allowed no knives or forks to their meat .
The Learned Judge could not interfere with the prison rules . In answer to a further question from the prisoner , The Chief Justice said that the prisoners would be confined in the New House of Correction for Middlesex . The prisoner was then removed from the bar . Looney was then placed forward . He also addressed the Court , and said , they had called him an ' Irishman' on Saturday . He told them now that he was an Irishman , and more than that he would tell the Attorney-General that be was so pleased with the manner in which he and his government treated his country that they might do what they liked with him .
He was sentenced to two years imprisonment upon the count of sedition , two months' for the unlawful assembling , and to find the same amount of sureties as the last defendant to keep the peace for two years . When the sentence was passed Looney laughed and said , ' Very well , that will do . ' Ernest Jones was then called forward . On being placed in the front of the dock , he said ;—My lord , before your lordship proeeeds to your sentence on me , I have some observations to make , in accordance with the ri ght I possess of appealing to you before the sentence of the court is passed . Not that I am afraid that my request would be refused , but I claim that fair play and justice , which I am sure your lordship will be ready to concede-I ara not about to say a word with reference to the
attacks that have been made by the learned Attorney-General , but I would beg to refer that worthy functionary and yeur lordshi p to a letter iu the press headed 'The Right of Public Meeting , ' in which he will find my opinions accorded , with reference to his conduct in the matter of these trials . In addressing the jury an observation or two es caped your lordship , in reference to my conduct at these public meetings . I do not believe tbat these remarks were thrown out by your lordship with any personal feelings in respect to so humble an individual as myself , but I would respectfully desire to sllOW yoill' lordship that your lordshi p is wrong in the impressions under which you labour . Your lordship has stated that I have never , at any public meeting that I have attended , brought before the people any sound and i : racticable scheme , whether social or otherwise .
Chief Justice Wilde . —There is onlyone ir . eetmg before the court . Ernest Jones . —I understood your lordship to say that the six persons had used imflaramatory language at public meetings . Chief Justice Wilde —There is one public meeting before the court . I know nothing of any other . Ernest Jones . —Then your lordship has accused me of using at this meetins inflammatory language , and you have been pleased to add that this was no meeting for the purposes of public discussion . M y lord , many meetings were held there in the course of previous Sundays , forHhe purpose of discussing the necessiiy of the Charter , as a law for this land , before the necessity for some change was so universally recognised by all classes . My lord , I have never failed to express my opinions at these public
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meetings on public matters , and it will be in the re collection of the persons attending these meetings , tbat in any question that affected the welfare of my fellow men I was never silent , I have called the at . tention ef the public to the laws which press so heavily upon the shopkeepers , upon the class that has tried me to day . I have explained at these meetings , how that class might be relieved from the infliction of the poor rate . I have advocated the repeal of the law of primogeniture , and the separation of Church and State . The persons who were in the habit of attending my addresses , were well acquainted with my views , and how I proposed that
these should be carried ont . Your lordshi p has al . luded to my appeal for organisation , I never said that that organisation was to be applied to purposes of violence . My lord , it has been said , that I ought not to be a party to an agitation of this kind , because I myself do not happen to feel the pangs of hunger . I tell the person who says so , that I should blush for myself , and for humanity , if I bad not the heart to feel , and if I did not believe that others also felt for miseries which did not affect themselves—for sufferings to which they were happily strangers . I feel , my lord , that I was entitled to commendation instead of
reproach—worthy of praise , and unworthy of censure . I feel that I was right when I spoke to the world of the sufferings of the poor—I felt that I was subject to those sufferings myself , and I could not sit down contentedly and know that there was misery around rae , without attempting to find a remedy . Now , what does your lordship say ?—and I offer this remark with the utmost respect , for I know that when I appeal to an English judge I appeal to one of the highest and most incorruptible tribunals in the world . I complain not of the flippant wit of the Attorney-General , but I do submit that your lordship has no right , in pausing the sentence of this court , to sentence me also to a blight on my character . You , my lord , may suppose that I stand here as a criminal : there are others out of doors
who will recognise in roc the advocate of the cause of the people . The prisoner was here interrupted by the learned Judge—Ernebt Jones . —My lord , my lord—It appears , from an expression that has fallen from your lordship , that I advocate a general division of propertythat I wish to take from the rich in order that I may g ive to the poor . My lord , when I am undergoing the sentence of this court in prison , if your lordship would desire to see how mistaken are tbe opinions you ascribe to me , look to the columns of the Northern Star and the pages ol the Manchester Examiner of the 10 th of last month . Your
lordship will find , by reference to these , that I have « ver advocated tbe rights of the middling classes I do not , by this phrase , mean the shopkeepers . I do not merely mean the gentlemen of that class who have been my judges to-day . Instead , my lord , of advocating a division of property , I have suggested means by which ( without , I repeat , infringing the rights of property ) , the evils which affect the middle classes might be removed . I suggested the means by which the poor man , from a fair day ' s work , might have a fair day ' s wages , and by which he might assume that which is his by right—an independent position in the land . I have suggested the means by which the tradesman
would be relieved of the undue taxation that oppresses him , and property would alike flow to the poorer man and to the tradesman ! Your lordship has suggested that the luxury of the aristocracy is calculated to do the people good . Your lordship said that the rich man could not better fcpend his money for the sustenance of the poor than under the present rules of society , and your lordship instanced the nobleman ' s carriage as giving employment to numbers of the working men . ' Look to the iron , the leather , the copper , ' and so on , said your lordship . Now I do not venture to set my judgment up against your lordship , but I respectfully
ftsk y 6 M le . rdsh . lp to allow me to say what 1 reall y do think upon this question , I will not enter into the question of Chartism now , for I do not wish to disturb the learned Attorney-General who I perceive is asleep . I will not venture to awaken any field of discussion , but , my lord , I do contend that the keeping of a footman , and a groom and stud—the luxuries indispensable to the rich man ' s establishment are injurious to the great majority of the community . My lord , what does wealth arise frora ? Wealth is not money ? Wealth is produce—wealth is food—what does food arise from . ' From two things .
Chief Justice Wilde . —I am not going to discuss political economy with you . If you give me any reason for considering—Ernest Jones . —My lord—Chief Justice Wildb . —It is no use delivering a political harangue here , whe . I am anxiousl y listening—Ernest Jonfs . —Your lordship will allow me to say that the object I had in view was this , If 1 am a bad public teacher ; if not safe to be abroad , I conceive that your lordship will ^ ive me a sentence for a longer period than you rouid do if you were convinced that I was a safe teacher . Now if I can
explain briefly , and in a few words , the views I have taught the people , I think your lordship will look upon me in a different light than that you do at present . The learned Attorney-General lias taken advantage of one speech of mine which embraces no exposition of political opinions , and it is upon that speech , and that alone , tbat your lordshi p and the jury judge me . Your lordship may sentence me according to the estimate you at present form of me , but I venture to suggest that your lordship should not alone regard the speech , without also regarding the attendant circumstances . The other speeches delivered by me and the attendant-Chief Justice WaDB . —The doctrines yon propounded at this meeting are all I have to do with .
Ernest Jones—Then , my lord , I can only how to the decision of your lordship . I will merely observe this . I am sentenced to imprisonment fer a certain speech , and not only have I to endure the sentence of imprisonment , but it is attempted to cast an imputation upon my character ; and when I am sentenced to imprisonment , the crime at ' tempted to be affixed upon my name by the Court is , that I am a destroyer of property—a spoliator of the rich . ^ I avow no principle of " the kind , and therefore it Is that I am induced to remove that stain from my character . I wish no misapprehension to remain on the public mind as to the objects I have in view . There is onl y one paper in Scot . land and another in England that will report any proceedings to my advantage , and therefore I hope your lordshi p—
Lord Chief Justice Wilde—It is no use to speak foi the newspapers here . Ernest Jones . —Certainly not . But I wa speak to character . The Learned Judge , after a few observations , sentenced him to be imprisoned for two years , to find two suretiesin £ 150 each , and to enter " into his own recognizances in £ 200 , to keep the peace for five years . When the sentence was pronounced the prisoner said , ' I wishyour lordship good night . ' with the motto of the Charter and No Surrender Thus closed the business of the sessions , aud the court adjourned .
St Pawchab,—Mr Merriman Will Deliver A L...
St Pawchab , —Mr Merriman will deliver a lecture on Sunday evening , at the Olive Branch , OA St Pancras Road , at eight o ' clock . BkrmoNDBby —A special general meeting of ihare * holder * will be hold at the Duke of Sussex , Grange Walk , on Monday . Milton » trekt Thbatbb . —A most important and numerous meeting was held in tho Milton-street Theatre on the evening of Wednesday . Mr M'Crae n the chair . Mr Kydd spoke at great lengthen ' Criminals and Criminal Law . ' Want of space alone prevents the ii sertion of a report of his speech . Bond Hughes and two ether reporters were preat nt on behalf of the government . The meeting separated about half-past ten oVlock , evidently gratified with the proceedings . Dsin . UAN ' 8 CoifFKK-noiiSE . —Tiie meeting night of this locality is altered from Wednesday to Tuesday night . ' ¦
South Lambeth Chartist Hall , 115 , Blaokfriar 8 « rout . —On Sunday , July 23 , a general meeting of the members will be hold .
Death. On Tuesday Last , At Her Residenc...
DEATH . On Tuesday last , at her residence , Jlolborn , London . Margaret Clark , the wife of Thomas Clark , one utthe Directors of the National Land Company . niitTir . On the 10 th ult ., the wife of Mr John Gaskell , secretary to the Hyde branch of tho National Land Comnanv , ol two daughters , which have been duly registered , Mary Mitcuel uud Slizabeth Frost , both mother and children are diuug well .
Lriuted By Dougal M'Gowan, Of 16, Gre»» Win.Uhui" Street, Jjayniarket. In The City Of Wertml *T.R .N-.Ii«
lriuted by DOUGAL M'GOWAN , of 16 , Gre »» Win . UhUi " street , JJayniarket . in the City of WeRtml * t . r . n-. ii «
"Sl 'Ijli! Same Street Aud Parish, Forth...
"Sl 'ijli ! same Street aud Parish , forth- Proprietor , FBARODS O'CO . NNOH , Esq ., M . P ., and puWe * by Milium Hewitt , of Ko . 18 , Charles-street , Bran . don-street , Walworth , in the parish of St . Mary , >'< ¦ ¦»» ington , in tho County of Surrey , at tho Office , No . U . Great Wtndmtll-street , Ilayranrket . iu tneCitvoi'ffuU ' mlnBtor .-Saturday July 15 th , 1818 .
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 15, 1848, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_15071848/page/8/
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