On this page

• Text (1)

  Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

  • 

    6 THE NORTHERN STAR - _ JULY - 15 1 1848...

• Transcript

  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

    Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

    The Trials Of Messrs Francis Looney And ...

    took hia to be—he must have teen very stupid to ha yaaVemptcd such a thins ; for he mint be well aware that tbe effect of such a conrse _ would only hate teen to prejudice the prcsecutmn in the eyes ol the jury . Ha had certainly seen witn-ss ' rs belonging to tbat noble and intellig ent nabon-tbe lower Clasps Of which are gifttd --ItU superior intcd . genoe and acutei . ess to those of altnr-Et nnr it > e : —cause a SK \ ' -i ill CMlTt bx the qwinJacsi ol < h-ir answ . rs . and tne s ^ aone-s awl eleven they a : v . a , ea . _ ba ? hi never saw " ens inrt : nc = of t ' ifir bem : ; ece : v , a with a sneer o r contempt , and he aid not be . ie » o that any nnnrejadiced person vromd « e-v that an lnsnman woulflTCSvivftUe ssaio justice as any otnei su bject of her Majesty . _ The iury ret -r -d at a quirtir t ;> tour , ard rctn . "in- ( in deliberation for m- < re than an hovsr , when the- } de'ivertd their verdict , fiatliu ; the i-riijner Guiit ^ upon tiio first twe c u-rs of the iF . d . cirnant .

    MONDAY , July 10 . TRIAL OF MR ERNEST JONES . E'ne't , Cha-les Jon ;? , barrister , was indicted for misdaru-inour . Tho D-.-fendant on bem * p & ed to plead , answered « Not guilty . ' The Juryman who had sit inthe- ' - 'hcr ^ asPs , wc-e then called int'i the box but in c > m ; br . tce wi . h thi y requMur Mr S ^ rg-anl Wilkin--, c un-el f .. r t , e defendant , tbey were requested ' on-tiie , vaa the following fe » r . l « -rrjea were '• worn : — Mr J din Viilhr , Mr William Hnrer . Mr Wi"i ., m Potts , Mr J . m-ph Park-is , Mr Ii . F . i ' utt . - , Mr Win . Mcure , Mr Charles lt-. c-iar . is , Mr Cntrie ; I lay ward , Mr J . Norris . Mr Ga-. s . r ' : ; g * , Mr 11 . M'ilaio , and Mr C . L-. ve r .

    The ATTORXET-GKSERiL thr . i rose on the pirt 01 the prosecution , and said : Gant ' eiu ^ n o : tli f ju'y , 1 make no complaint ; whatever that my learned friend the Servant , who is counsel for Ern-5- J mes , the defendant on this occasion , should havo desired , ns a matter of favour , that- those gentlemen wno tried the former ca < ps should not sit as tiie jury open rhss ease . Ivo'n' . sUfeousii my learned friend h . u no riuiu io daks that objection , 1 d-d not intern . se : my flirhY-ult y as to the desire he expressed , btciu-o ray very greatest anxiety if , that in this cass t ! is sdminist-r .-itian of the law may be beyond all suspicion . J'ho course which has been token will , however , to r . certain extent , entail upon rue , acd upon my lordand that gentlemen is the only s ; roui , d t ^ at I cou ' ti

    possibly object io ray learned fri- ; nd ' s prep . s-it'on—I gay it will be necessary in consequence tiiat I should , and that my 1 Td shall also , go at shelter length into this case , in order to pre-ent ta you what the ease realiv is wsich you will bi caUed to determine upon , tbsn if the iury had remaiEecl vrfao had airead y had the advantage of re 3 eivia < : from my lord the oit-ar enunciation of the law which was given by thoeou't en the former occasions . A 3 it is , ^ er . tieruen , it is ay duty to ask you to giva you ; - attention to the application of the law which I sh-dl lind it neee .-siiy t- » make , before statins the circumstances of the ca ? e ; and I can assuie you that I rise with the created pain 11 stat-j these circumstance—I do r . a , because , although this is the h-t of these c : ? es , it is cot by any

    means tbe leaat important—eo gentleman , it is in fact the most importaut of the whole—not important from the rud « character of the words tised by the speaker , because we ciyht exp-ct that from his education , and from his statitn in life , they weie not likely to be of thn grosser kino hitherto inquired into , but thej we-ie important irons the sta ' . ion and education ot the def ndant ; and . because , while thesa induced hiru to ad Jress the assemblages in more measured language , they raake htmtbeEore dangerous—they m = » ke his language still sore dangerous , because ! hat langsage emanates from a quarter that exercises the greatest iillun ^ e on the minds of the misguided pen-ons who were the listeners to his doctrines ; and therefore hiasta

    tion and education served but to give the greater freight to his erroneous instruction ? . One tairg is fortunate—the station and importance of the defendant furnishes a practical refutation to tbe charge , thatthtre is ons law tor the rich and another law for tbe poor , and that the cbj-et-of ih < 5 prosecution is te add injary to tae other & uff : rings o tho working man by selecting its victims from among the posrer classes . Gentlemen , I blu « h to state that Ernest June ? , the defendant on this occasion , is a Biember ot my own profession—he is a barrister—a man of rd ication and station—of a profession which should have carried wifh it a respi-ct * br ' . he laws that ought to have kept him from i ff . i-. ces like this —he is a man who , frora his former habits , mored

    in society that ought to have ehowa how 'atlacioas are the doctrines he hasljfcely promulgated with ail these advantages—knowing what tbe law is . and the obligations which are due to society , and to th ? constitution under which we live—k ; iowJD , ; folly what the rights of those are , and what is pquiieJ frcm us , he ba ? not hesitated to address the pt rsons assembled in this case—in a period of great distressin a time of very considerable sufferi . i ?—he h-. s addressed to them topic ? whieh are calculated to «• xcite disaff-ction—which a-. e intrnded to indtne tiiem to arm , and to organise thenvelvea into bjdies , for the purpose of retistioc . the constituted authoriiiee , aad by force to obtain from the Q-ieen—to whom , as a Subject and as a member of tbe bar , he otc-I and had

    sworn allegiance—to obtain fi \ . » tn tbe government rueasEres which would be pernicious if eorceded . and which , he must have known would , in their results , be of no benefit to society . You will see throughout the whole of the speech delivered by the defendant , the object which he wishes to iEculoate upoa bis hearers , I wish you to do that which I am sure my learned friend will t-. ' so desire you to do , namely , to look at the tenor of tae whole speech , anu not to particular portions of it . You will see that the general tendency of the defendant ' s arguments is this— ' Organise and arm ; have no partial outbreaks , so that you will be dispersed before you are fully and amply prepared with your organisation . The day will come when , by a genera ! rising , we

    shad show that we are prepared . Till then have no partial outbreaks . ' At this time the whole , or at least a great portion , of the kingdom , was in a state of commotion ; and the defendant apologised for the shortness of bis address , because , from the state of the manufacturing portion of tha country , he was obliged to leave in ordfr to carry his opinions and principles elsewhere . He knew rue thing at ; leasthe knew the law . It , cannot ba pleaded , that he wasmisguided . It cannot ba pl-. aded that he sas a labouring man , suffering under a sen » e of privations , and deiirous of change , in order io bentnt his condition . No ; he has no excuse of this kind 'or his opinions . His position and station nlaee nitn above all this . H-i is the leader of these mi-aviidecl

    mentheir teacher—their instructor—ard w b " . t a e his instructions ? Suppose that these pers-ms bad armed and organised—suppose that they bad . from th- indolence of the government , or from some oih- r cause —suppose that they bad risen and been successful—TBhat would be the result ? The admini' -tra ' . ion of thscountry would b 3 placed in tbe hanriH of a Serce aad turbulent democracy . Commercj would decay ; Sgrieultnre would best an end ; tbe wealthy and the respectable would remove to other countries , where property would bereipeoted ; disturbances and insurrection ! would arise ; and the end of all would be a military dotaination . Such has been the result hitherto , and such will ba the result , of these principles and proceedings in times to come . These are

    tae objects which the defendant advocates . lie tnowS that this must be tbe rcsnhof tbe general orptnis & tion which he is so steadily and seditiously inculcating , and so generally recommending tar-ouchoat the country . Do not let it be supposed tnat I am desirous ot suppressing the free exercise oi pub ic opinion . Far , very far from it , I sm only anxious that , by keepiog free and fair discussion within its properand legitimate tranuds , we may preserve thi » —i ? Bioa is certainly one of the greatest privilege wa enjoy under the admirable constitution of our country . My lord will tell you , inputting this cage layon ? consideration , that the charges cca-ained in the indictment are three—namely , the charge of se-& tioa—of unlawful assembly—acd « . f riotine ; bat as

    the jury , on former occasions , demurred to this last charge in the indictment , I feel that ic is my bounden datj not to press the charge tof rioting against the defendant in this case . I am perfectly satisfied with the prosesdings of the jury in the former cases , and , being so . it would not bacome me to ask another jury to come to a different decigien on the same evidence . The question , then , for you to decide is this—is tbe defendant guilty of the sedition , and did he attend sod form one of an unlawful meeting ? To-- queHion , then , will be one and the same . If he addressed unlawful and seditions language to the persona preeeat , that will also constitute an unlawlul assembly , as far as he is concerned , and , therefore . I repeat , the charges remaining on the indictment are olo

    and the same . Ivow , there is a grea < difficulty on this question . It is intrusted to the jnrv , on the one hand , to preserve the institutions of tha country inviolate , at the same time that they an ; to take esre , on the other hand , that they do nothing that will disturb free , fair , open , and unrestrained dhcuagion . If they touch epon the latter , they moat fatally wound tbe constitution under which we live ; feat , to protect the fair exercise of public opinion , to take care that discussion is as free aa tho air and gpac 9 around the place of meeting , the jury mast also be careful that they do not lend their « d to countenance colourable assemblies—that is assemblies held nominally for the purposes of discassiou , but in reality for the dissemination of doc

    temej dangerous to the State , because if meetings of that kind are constantly held , and are sanctioned by verdicts of juries , there is no society that can exist oarkr such circumstances . The common feelings of IS & akind weald rise is indignation against the toleration of meetings of that description , and the very eight of public meeting would bs wounded , and probably destroyed . You have , therefore , this duty to perioral , —yon must take care , on the one hand , Ehatthe right of public meeting shall not be violated ; Ba th © other hand , that it does not degenerate into Ertstinality . You must not sanction acts that are isagerous to society ; and to tolt rate acts liketbeie be more dangerous far than occasional interference ! Bath pnblio discussion . That is the course von must ) ake , aot only to gatiafy the public that voar verdict

    The Trials Of Messrs Francis Looney And ...

    ii just , but also to preserve the right of public meeting , and to protect the freedom of open diacuasion . Now in the consideration of that question you must also consider the circumstances under which tbe meeting is held , I am not here to revert to the old Saxon mode of meeting , where persona met in their hundreds and in their parishes . Persons assembling amon ? themselves in their own teighbourhood hive a fair right of discussion ; but unquestionubly when we consider the nature of public meetings , it is scared ? to be tolerated that persons going about holding dangerous gatherings in osa place or the other are to claim immunities ; and we have a right to c insider , as one element in the question , how it is tbat in meetings rilled for the nominal purpose of

    discussing the gri .-vances of tho working men , persons in the station of tbe defendant are constantly to re found . I on rnu ^ t consider further , that theee meetings are called ostensibly for the discussion of grievances ; and when you findithat the persons attending them ins tead of discussing the grievances of the working class s , introduce topics of a most exciting kind , in that case , you may fairly be of opinion that the mee ! ing is not called for the purpose of discussing erievatxes , but for the purpose of discussing political questions and opinions dangerous to socittv , and subversive of all governments . You have " heard that thi-i meeting waa called to

    advocate the question cf the Charter . We have not ! in' to do with the Charter . Ernest Jones raav he a Caartist . I believe he is a Chartist , but he is not , mi rely because he is a Chartist , to attend meetings of Chartists , where the subject of dUcus-ion is not tho Charter—where not a word is said aW . ut the Charter , but where the whole proceed ma are intended to bring the constituted , authoritiw in &» contempt , and to set law at defiance . Wnen > ou find jiersons assembled , although they may profess particular opinions , namely , the views which they openly avow , if you find no discussion of these opinions , but if tne meeting is altogether engaged in the discussion and in tlw consideration of other and

    dangerous topics , can you bs of any other opinion tha-i that this is not a meeting for the full and fair discmsion or grievances , but for i ther and less juitiab . e purposes . It is manifest from the Inngua ^ e addrtss . 'd to tbem by the speakers ; from the number oi pris-us present ; and frora the other attendant cireur «] fta : jceB , that it would be idle to say that this ni' -etiiiu was called for the expression of public discus-ion , or the consideration of public grievances . There is no pub ic disensnion introduced—there is no pub : ic sjriev n tc-3 mentioned—the wholo proceedings cubist of inflimmatory and exciting addresses Jeivwed to an ignorant and no doubt suffering poople . Now , to a-c : rtain what was toe nature of the meetin .-. - , wTrst were the words addressed to the persona

    n-s-. mb ' ed , and what were the objects and tbe chara tar of those present , it is necessary that we look more in detail at ail the circumstances connected wjth it . On the 4 th of June last , then—on a Sunday — $ aere was a meeting conveued in Bonntr ' s-fields . That place had possibly been selected because their object w ^ s t o give a false impression to the country ot the number j of the persona assembled ; and they k" > ewtbat on Sunday a large concourse ot persons generally assembled there lor the purpeses of recreation , by walking or harmless amusements . Thej l . c ' . d two meetings there on that day , one for three o ' clock acd the other for five o ' clock . The second meeting was fixed at that hour in order that at the

    last meeting which vras a Chartist one , a number ot the Irish C-nfederates or associates , as I believe tbey caH themselves , who attended the first meeting , Bii-ht have an opportunity of attending the secondnjijht thus swell the numbers oftbelaat , and so have ^ n imposing effect when chronicled in the newspapers on tin Blinds of the persons in Manchester , and Leeds , and Bradford , in Lancashire and Yorkshire , in the manufacturing and other parts of the country . On the 4 th of June , about half past five , the Chartist meetirg begun . There had been before that time various meetings—indeed these had been held constantly , Sunday after Sunday , from the 10 th of A ^ ril u ntil ihattime . Various meetings had been heldhifhmmatorv and exciting addresses had been

    delivered—the metrop : lis was in a state of alarm and agitation—the provincesjwere also in a state of alarm and excitement . Danger was apprehended , for in thelaHgnageoffche leaders 'the time was fast approachkg when the struggle would come on / and there were some amongst themselves who suspected that when danger was approaching , when it was with them , these very leadbrs would desert tho people . The government had been charged by the public press with remissness Because it had not nsticed the language made use of at these meetings—they were blamed by taany of the peaceable subjects for not taking ! -teps to suppress them—it was determined , therefore , to put a stop to them before it was too late—it was determined to use the civil power for the

    dispersion of th « mee'ing at which Jones addressed the lanauaije for which he is this day indicted , before some of these misguided men should be led into a position that would bring the punishment of the law upon them , for it was not an unfreqnent circumstance that the leaders have taken the people into danger and left them ihere , while they consulted their own safety by a prudent absence from it , I make bo imputation of this kind on Mr Jones . Perhaps bis education and station might make him pause ere he led them on so far as this , but certain it is , that the expectation was strong among thrsa whom ho addressed that day , that ho was one of those who was prepared to lead them into , and not to shrink from anticipated danger . You will find that at the

    meeting to which I refer a man called Sharp first addressed the meeting . lie said , ' My friends , you can perceive that I have kept my promise , and , on yesterday mornins . several parties pledged their words to attend this meeting to speak here , but some , in the time ot anticipated danger , will not come forward , and it is necessary that some one should , and as I have been here during the calm I am prepared to be here when the storm comes on , and this being the most stormy time I have kept my word , consequently 1 am prepared to make a few remarks . You will probably not consider that I am actuated by any motives ot fear when I tell you , and when I find that I stand alone , I will not give the government the horse-whipping tbat I promised them but still I will

    address you . While I am speaking to you this afternoon in reference to the varioqs . meetinga that have taken place in London during the last week ' -- { cries of ' Ernest Jones , Ernest Jones , ' )—Sharp continued , — ' Gentlemen , I believe that there is Ernest Jones coming- ' ( Cries and cheers . ) ' Friends , I am glad to find that Mr Jones hag not ran away from the post ot danger , and when I made my remarks , previous to his coming , I did not include him in the list , but I inc-nde those men who haye addressed you Sncday after Sunday for many weeks ; and I do not think that it is consistent of men , when they can talk quietly together , that they should desert their posts , as 1 observed before , when there is something like anticipated dancer . I will not detain vou lone

    because I know that you are anxious to listen to Mr Jones . Now , my friends , I wish to speak to you with regard to the unnecessary interference of the police , this morning , with a number of the working men who attended the meeting at Nova Scotia-fields , and who attended their meetings there for about four or five Sundays . We had discussed our grievances and themen had quietly dispersed . But what with the tyranny ef the government and theofficiousLess of the police , I understand they came there this morning , and abused , and in > ulted , and brntaliaed the great majority of the men who had there assembled . I andersiand that thepeople acted the part of cowards , and do not blame me when I say so . I was not present because I was at the other meeting on

    Blackbeath . Thepeople ,. ! understand , ran away—( A voice in the crowd , * tho people had nothing to defend themselves with ')—a gentleman says the people had nothing to defend themselves with . Now , if ever you come into contact with the police , you must expect a knock-down blow from their truncheons , but when you have about three to one , one man falls out of the three , and the other two can secure him . Now , will any man tell me I ara wrong , when I say that you acted tha part of cowards when you ran away . Why , what happened this morning , when I was at Blackheatb . There were five inspectors pointed out to me —there waa an inspector of special constables , and likewise a number of Serjeants , and of other men connected with the forceall in private

    , clothes , pointed out to me , and gome of them said , 1 God ' s sake , Sharp , be careful what you say . ' I consider I am always careful , because I am also desirous of telling the truth , and when I speak the truth , and state what I mean , and when I tell the men what they should do — it is what I am prepared to do myself . I believa what I state , that it is required to carry out an end , and consequently if you men are determined to establish your rights , that you should embrace the opportunity when it presents itself . Now , then , with regard to the meeting that took place last Wednesday evening on Cierkenwellgreen . I was absent because I was at Greenwich , as I was on the Monday , and in the words of the Times they certainly were men of the right

    sortmen who under circumstances of attack by the police would bathe vangnard and destroy them immediately . These are the men of Greenwich , and I trust that the men of tho Tower Hamlets will not bs behind them . Now , my friends . I livo at a dairy myself , an i I wish to give you a little instruction , and i is about how many of these men are situated , that address public meetings , during the se-called turbulent times . I live at a dairy , and as I stopped at Greenwich last Wednesday night , I did not go home till Thursday morning , but of course my wife , like every other woman , anxious for the welfare ef her husband , sat uu lor me . A man came to my

    house on Wednesday night , and wanted a gallon of milk particularly , but she told him that the man would not get up to serve it , and he consequently went away . At one o ' clock in the morning my wife still sitting np for me in great anxiety , two men cams past , and said they must have milk , and demanded it . After a great deal of persuasion the bell which led to tbe man ' s chamber was rung , and he got up . The man put the question to them' Who the devil do you want the milk for V ' Oh , ' eaya they ' it is wanted , the specials are oidered out for two Or three o ' clock in the morning , and they want their breakfast before they go out . ' I treat the specials

    The Trials Of Messrs Francis Looney And ...

    with the same contempt as our policemen , became I consider the force of the working classes of England will destroy that petty power , which they hold at the hands of the government at the present time , and I do hope that you will act as men , and not be scared at the sight of a policeman or a special . I trust not ; but if ever they insult you , i < ever they brutalise you , if ever they strike you , "> ct on the defensive , and it yon cannot knock them down closo with them , and do the best you possibly can ; for I can tell you no more ond no less than this—it is only man toman , and sometimes it is a iitt ' e man to a big man , aud sometimes it ia a big man to a big man . so thatconsequently you stand an equal chance

    to each other . He has a staff and you hive cot , therefore it is just possible that your resisting hia strength may dispossess bim of that staff , and make as good use of it as ho did himself . You are aware that I have addressed you previously this afternoon and Mr Ernest Jones is anxious to address you ; and lam very g lad , in the presence of my friend Jones that I have proved what I stated to him yesterday , that there would be from twenty to thirty thousand persons at this meeting ; and 1 hope that when h ~ gets up he will grant to me that I have spoken tho truth for once , ' Now , gentlemen , that speech cannot ba misunderstood . It is not the discussion of Char tist princip les . There is in it no a'lusion to politics ! or to real grievances . The whole object is this—tbe

    time of danger is approaching . I ara not one of your cowardly leaders , and Ernest Jones is not one of thnte persons—and in the presence of Ernest Jones , and of the other persons ( here , ho cm fines tho whole of his observations to the endeavour to induce the people not to obey the constituted authorities of tho country , but if they cndeavouicd to disperse their mee tin ? , to resist force by force , to wrest thtir stave * from the hands ot the . policemen , and to use them upon them . And he tells them that tho middle classes—or rather the working classes—are strong enoug h to destroy the petty power which the police constables and special constables derive At present from government . There can be no mistake ah > ut all this . The purpose of the speech is evident—the

    object is , to incite the listeners against the constituted authorities . The language made use of is most illegal , and the meeting is one , consequently , of an unlawful character . Mr Jones afterwards addressed the meeting . He followed the last speaker . Sharp , and , I may inform you that hia speech al though long , is all included in the indictment , You will find that is it not couched in the language of Sharp , because it comes from a man of education , but because it comes from a man of education you will find that the tendency of it cannot be mistaken , He begins ' Mr Chairman , and men of the Tower Hamle's , in the tkst place I have to spslpgiso to you for not having been here sooner , but a man cannot be at two places at the same time . ' Thus you will

    observe that he had arranged to be tiiere—the meeting was held with his perfect knowledge and consent , and he had arranged to meet and to address those who had promised to come . ' There was a meeting convened for Irongate-wharf , Paddington , and the police had , I understood , forbidden that meeting taking place ; I was invited to attend it , and therefore I did attend it . There were a good many police there , but tbey did not venture to interfere with the meeting , and I can tell yon this , hold your meetings , for although the government certainly are mad , they are not mad enough to put down public meeting- * , acd if they were mad enough to do it , I , for one , hurl defiance in their teeth , and dare them to disperse this peaceable and legal assembly . I muat ask

    likewise for your indulgence to-day , inasmuch as I start by tho mail-train to-night for Lanrashire and Y- rkshire , and as those places are both in a very excited state , I shall have to use my lungs there a good deal , and as London is not so excited as those parts of the country are , excuse mo from wearying you at any great length to-diy . All that I say is this , staud fast to your colours ; de not shrink from the Charter and the whole Charter ; do not mind the nonsense of the halfand-half men ; do not pay any attention to the Dispatch , and if you see any bodies of pilice coming near to this meeting , marching on to this meeting , stand your ground , shoulder to shoulder—do not run —there is danger for those who run , there ia safety for those who keep together ; dare tbem to strike

    you , and ray word lor it , they dare not strike a blow . If they were to strike ablow , bad as the Jaws are now , still they are sufficiently stringent to punish thoae men who assault peaceable citizens , in the peaceable execution or performance of . their duty . In nine cases out of ten it is your own fault ,: it is your own cowardice , that invites others to strike a blow—it is men saying ' we will not do this , or we « ill not do tha ' , because it is forbidden , '—make up your mind , stand by it , and whatever comes stand to your ground , there cannot be more heads broken than are broken on these occasions when men run away . All I say is this , that government are t ' esirous of marring the performance of yeur present great duty—that duty is organisation . I have not been amongst you for some

    little time . Where are your classes ? Have you got your wardmotes ? Have you got ysur class leaders ? Have you perfected your organisation ? If not , call public meetings , and elect class leaders at those public meetings . Do not let the classes bo formed before you have the class leaders . You will find it much more easy to form a class after the cla » s leader is appointed ; for if you form classes , and then afterwards appoint the claas leaders , you nsay spend two or three hours or more upon the formation of every clas" , and can never come to a fixed determination with regard to it , as one man will live here , and another man will live there . Elect the class leader . The class Jea-ler then knows the men likely to form the c ass , living in his neighbourhood ; he will go to

    those men and invite tbem , and there can be no dictation , no a ? suraption of that power , be -ause you all elect the class leaders at the public meetings . Rest assured if each locality elects a hundred class leaders , you will soon have a thousand msn under tho banner . That is the way to get up the organisation , and then you may elect wardmotes . One out of the tea will be a wardmote . Commence at the foundation aright , namely , the classes and the wards , and nil the rest will follow of itself . As a matter of course begin by forming your classes . It is no use coming among you when there ia no organisation , and it is not the Executive that can get up the organisation . Tho Executive cannot go to each locality and get up the organisation of each locality , it must be the men in

    the localities . Show us your organisation and you will have a glorious opportunity , on the 12 th . ' Now by the 12 th you know , was meant tho day on which it was anticipated that there would be a general rising throughout the whole kingdom . It had been announced in the weekly meetings that had been hold ever oinco the dispersion of the demonstration of the 10 th of April . It was even there , I believe , announced that simultaneous meetings would take place on Whit-Monday , and what says Ernest Jones in anticipation of this general rising ? ' Have your wardmotes and your class leaders . ' You will find that before the meeting disperses Sharp tells those assembled , that tickets aro selling at so much per hundred , containing details as to the plan proposed for perfecting this

    organisation—for effecting this establishment of wardmotes and election of class leaders . The people are informed that the time of the general rising can be ascertained from the Executive , and what I would particularly wish you to notice is the' glorious opportunity' that is to occur upon the 12 th . But the defendant Eoeson Prepare in tho meantime . Show us your organisation then , and depend upon it we will show you some very feasible means for getting nearer to your rights . Depend upon it , we will not be backward . Show us your organisation , and depend upoa it you will not have to make one false step . ' The 10 th of April was a false step , because the loyalty of the people defeated their intentions , 'Depend upon it yeu will not be called upon to

    undertake any one step that you will not ba fully propared to carry out , and that tbe officers that you entrust with office shall not be prepared to lead you in—steer clear of all partial outbreaks , and partial riots . ' What does he mean by that ? * Prepare in the meantime . Show us your organisation . Have yonr class leaders and depend upon it we will show you a glorious opportunity on the 19 th . We will m that day , show you such arguments as will convince the public , but in the meantime do not break your force by partial rioting . Let the thing be general . Partial riots are only calculated to warn the government . Let the thing be general and simultaneous . Partial rioting will be inju rious to our cause . I do not advise you not to have riots when the proper time shall come , under the leading of the Executive , of whichl , ( Jones , ) am one ; but let there be no partial rioting , There has been rioting at Leeds , and at Bradford , and Manchester , but we ( the Executive ) have sent down Dr

    M'Douall . and the thing is arranged—there will be no partial rioting . ' He goes on , ' That is just what the government waits . Iu a riot of that kind thev immediately seize upon the leaders ; they will im " . mediately cripple tho organisation , and vour organ nation will be thrown back . Go on ' organwinir organising , organising ; and the rest will come , never fear . What will come ? There are meetings Sunday after Sunday , they are recommended to put shou der to shoulder , to bid defiance to the police , and to break their heads if they try to enforce the ™ , £ ' ? " PP ? alin S common sense arguments ' Will this bring , them to the Six Points of the Chari tor ? ' Organise , organise , organise . ' Yea , and when the word of command is given b y the Executive , then , when the rising is simultaneous , the government will be paral ys . d-they will be unpre-Zttl l ?\ -J- mu A yi 0 ld ' Gentlemen , I S repeat , that it is with the deepest rearet that , ! compel ed to point en * to you ' the ZLZ * *!™ Hiwurc

    ioiexciting language like this more din gerous because it is addressed by a dcmS ? n Ihl position of the defendant . ' Gow oSniainJ ? , mark yon t SulllT ^ P » c feeling . But Sit nffi" fWft e R th ^ . " wa 8 true-as we heard Bu 7 nA ^ l at the fi * ht l > ad begun in Dublin ; suppose it were true-as we heard last night-that

    The Trials Of Messrs Francis Looney And ...

    i he government aad ordered the daily papers not to say one word of insurrectionary news from Dublin , so that ihte country is kept in darkness about it ; suppose ; that it should bo necessary that we should send a man over to see with his own eyes , and to hear with his own ears , aud thus bid defiance to the l ying press ; suppose that all this should be necessary , and suppose that we have not got tho money to send that man over ; see what danger the movement runs . ' What is the meaning of this ? Are tbey discussing the Charter now ? Are they now endeavouring to assist their fellow-men to their political , or to their social rights ? Why do they want money to send a man to Dublin , to know whether Dublin ia in insurrection ? Because they know that if Dublin were

    so , the timo has arrived which this organisation contemplated—the government would be embarassed , ard unable to exert its power ; and then would the lives of the loyal subjects of this kingdom be endang red , and their property divided amongst thoso who had set all law and all authority at defiance . ' See how the mov . ment might be thrown back and injured , from the more consequence of not having a few paltry pounds wherewith to pay ames enger—a trnstv messenger—to ratify the bond of union between the English and Irish people . ' Tho bond of union between the English and the Irish people ! Now what is this union ? Is it one of interest , of strength , of loyally , of peace ? No . The union he refers to is one of bloid . His language is this—what

    we want , is a trusty messenger to the people of Ireland when they are in rebellion . Taking advantage of tbe doctrines which have b = en too successfully circulated by a man who is now branded as a felon , these misguided men have been taught by their leaders here to believe that tho time of a f , etier ,-. l rising in Ireland is at hand . They havo been taught that Ireland is at present only sleeping to recruit her strength , and that she will Bonn asiee in arms against those who destroy her children ; they have been taught to have no partial rioting , as that would only weaken themselves , but to reserve their oowt ' r for that day which should see a , Keneral rising throughout Ireland , and throughout this country , ' Union , ' he says , ' ot sentiment , union

    of democracy , but separation from a yoke which binds the one nation in the thraldom of the other . I ; aj you must exr . uso me if I do not address you at great length , as I am about to start to-night by the mail train ; rest a-sured , however , that I will be struggling in your causo in Bradford , in Halifax . ' Now hownre they ? Almost in a state of rebellion . - the civil power has been found insufficient ; tho military has been called out , and blood has flowed in the street ; and Jones s * ys be must get Leeds and Sheffield ' up to the mark . ' What mark ? That of Balifax and Bradford . 'Rest assured that I shall not preach a miserable namby pamby doctrine of nonresistanee and passive obedience , but at the same time I shall preach a doctrine of manly firmness , and

    not hot-headed impetuosity . He discourages partial rioting ! ' But if you mean to di a thing , see well first if you hwe the power to do it ; and then , having made up your mind , do not let even death itself prevent you from carrying it into effect . I shall be able to send you good news , one way or the other ; good news from the North , from Yorkshire . and from Lancashire . The news will be that wo have got such an organisation spreading there—the news will be that there is such a spirit spreading there , that success must be the certain result . Recollect one thing , gentlemen , part of the West Riding has got the true spirit in ils heart , but two great towns stand like an incubus upon the West Riding , namely—Leeds and Sheffield , which are torpid and apathetic '—in other

    words ti ue and loyal— ' and it will be my duty to endeavour to get L ? eds and Sheffield up to that mark to which Bradford and Halifax are now . ' I told you L'pg ^ lemen what that mark was . ' 1 believe that the ifSmg of the men of Leeds is the trio feeling in reality , but men have been preaching among them for a long time an unconditional peace doctrine , f hese men are mistaken men for though I talk not now of insurrection , I any this as to a peace doctrine , there aha ! be no peace in the country as long as I , for one humble individual . can prevent it . until the poor man has his rights , and until thn rich man has his nose brought to the grindstone . ' Now what is the meaning of all this—of this talk about the poor man ' s rights ? Remember that Mr Jones ' s means of knewledge was greater than the persons he was addressing—his actual knowledge was no doubt Greater ; and how are we to construe his language ? What are tho meaning

    of the words made use of by him on this occasion ? He states that it is an indispensable necessity before the poor man can have what he is pleised to term his rights , tbat the rich man should have his nose brought to tho grindstone . He cannot mean personal injury ; the words aro not to be understand literally , we must , therefore , unde ; stand them to mean that the property of the wealthy , the gains of the middle industrious classes , and the savings of the persons in the humble ranks of life , are to be divided among tbe admirers of Communism ; for , if we once follow the present wild doctrines of France , it is impossible that wo can stop short of an equal division of the property in the country . Is it to be endured for a mo-nent that persons are to talk of the rights of the poor man , and of bringing rich men ' s noses to the grindstone , without remembering that all of us havo at some time or other arisen from tbe same source , and tbat all of us have been iu some time or other the makers of our own

    fortunes ? What is the merchant ? What the manufacturer ? At some time or other he or his Ancestors were persons in humble life , who by industry , by perseverance , and , it may ba , by ability , have achieved the position in society which they at present hold . What is the tradesman ? A person making his fortunesamassing step by step his property—by a caurse of honest , patient , and persevering industry . From what tource does the wealthy man derive that wealth ? From tbe exertions of his father , perhaps of his grandfather , or perhaps trom some remote ancestry . Supposing the property of the country to bo divided among the persons who have at present nothing better to do than to listen to the ipflanimatory lectures of Mr Jones and his brother politicians , how long weuld it so continue ? Would tbe poor man still claim ic as a right to havo a fresh division of property when the superior industry and

    perseverance of another man had amassed a greater amount of property than he f What , then , does he mean by bringing tho noses of the rich men to the grindstone ? I presume it can mean nothing eke than to dispossess him of his property , and we are to see , without attempting to find a ramedy for such a state of things , misguided men like these , who attend these meetings , under the guidance of such men as the defendant , constituted the arbiters of our fortuiies ! Talk of liberty with these principles in yeur mouths I I believe there cannot be a more cruel or despicable tyranny than this—to be under the power of persons who exhibit so little eonsideratisn as to bo uoverned by doctrines so fatal as these . He proceeds — ' They are trying to sow dissension and distrust between you and the men you have honoured with the advocacy of your cause . The Dispatch tells you , that tho mantles « f Oliver and Castles have de .

    scended on my shoulders , and _ it tells you that I was a Tory ten years ago . It lies . I fought three times for those principles whioh I uphold now , and I can give the Dispatch a proof of it , if it ia required . I bear one of the bayonet wounds of the king of Hanover ' s soldiers about my person at this present moment . Well , again , there is Cobden , who tells you that demagogues are going about disturbing and breaking kto the middle class movement , and he says , in his letter to the Daily News , that the individuals who go about disturbing these meetings , havo got the wages of despotism in their pockets . Ask Mr Cobden . where ara the £ 70 , 000 that were given to him ? ask him , where did he get them from and what did he get them for ? and tell him , at last ,

    that the wages of despotism were in his pocket if he dares to accuse honester men than himself of having the wages of despotism in their pockets . Again , when Cobden , the other night , challenged the Chartist myrmidons ( as he called them ) with daring to eonfront him , why did he , when at the London Tavern , not get upon the platform instead of sneaking among the reporters as he did ? Recollect this , that their game , th « ir plan , ia this ; to saw mistrust amon ., the different branches of our organisation , to make you believe that if you help them , you will gain , afterwards , your result—but they cannot deny this , that if you help them they will gain their : object- Now , why should your pupils ( for you have taught them ) , why should your pupils gain what they want at once ,

    what you have been for so many years struggling for , and have not gained yet ? No , my friends , stop by jour own cause They say , they can prevent you from putting the wedge in the rotten phalanx of power . We are strong enough to split it up at one blow altogether , withont waiting to put a middle class milk-sop wedge in . ' And then , gentlemen , he proceeds to explain this by an illustration . 'You will recollect the story of the farmer , whose field was overrun with thistles , and he wished to destroy them and what did he do ? He cut off the tops of them ! and the thistles sprouted up more luxuriantly'than ever ; but there camo another farmer , and that man was a Chartist , and what did he say f H « 8 aid , dig them up by the roots . The middle classes ore cutting ofl the tops of the thistles and they will sprout up more luxuriantl y than ever . I want you to take the spade and the hoe to them , and to root up the noxious wetd altogether . When you destroy it it

    never comes again . Organise ! organise ! orgaiuae ! Dr M'Douall will remain here amongst you , and , on Whit-Monday come up in vour classes —como up in your wards—givo them such a display » s they neyttr had before—give them , at least , another Kennington . ' I presume he means another meeting resulting in the name consequences , plunder and disturbance . ' At all events show them yeur organisation . I trust that much may be done between this and tbo 12 th , and , no doubt , on the 12 th your movement will make an advance again , the same as it did on the 10 : h cf April last , only a greater and better advance . Now , my friends , I bid you farewell . My friend Sharp wishes to say a few words to you about something particular . Now that I am going off , shall I tell the men of Bradford , shall I tell the men of Halifax , who aoted go gloriously and who acted se gallantly '—yon will remember that they resisted tho police , and the military were obliged to be called out— ' shall l tell the men of Manchester ,

    The Trials Of Messrs Francis Looney And ...

    who made the peaoamengering * — something , the word is omitted— ' skip over the garden-wall ; shall I tell the men ef York , ahaU I tell the men of Leeds shall I tell the men ot the West Riding—shall I tell them that London is determined to do its duty ^ because , recollect , they are looking to the metropolisthey are looking to you . I verily believa that not a single blow need be struck for liberty in this country . ' No , for they trust to effect a general rising , when the governmentwould be embarrassed with the state of Ireland . 'I believe that in Ireland it must ba struck , and what is more , I believe that in Ireland it will be struck ; but whatever may be the o msequence ' organiseorganise , organise , ' and prepare

    , tor aaything ; only preparation , only organisation is wanted , and the green flag shall float over Downing ; street '—the government offices— ' and 3 t Stephen ' s ' —or the Houses of Parliament— ' only energy is wanted , only determination , and what will be the result ? Why that John Mit . hel and John Frost will be brought back , and Sir George Grey and Lord John Russell will be sent to change places with them . ' ( Laughterin the court . ) Now , gentlemen , this is no doubt amusing , and I can scarcely refrain myself from smiling at the thing , and my learned friend will , no doubt , be as witty as usual on this occasion , but yet you must remember the circumstances in which these words were addressed ts the meeting .

    Youjmust recollect that at the time great excitement prevailed over England , not only from the prevalence of distress , but from the transactions taking p lace in other countries , and therefore such language as this— ' tn » t not a sicgla blow need bo struck for liberty ; our organisation is not yet perfect ; we must wait , but in Ireland the blow must and will be struck . ' He has not expressed himself in positive language , but his meaning ia clear ; when there shall be a rising in Ireland—when the hands of government shall be full—when they ehall be embarrassed by the weight and multiplicity of business , then shall tbe blow be struck , and the green flag , the emblem of the doctrines of him who is now receiving the punishment due to a felon—the green flag will

    float over Downing-street , and the government being powerless , John Mitchel will be brought back—the felon and the traitor will be restored to this country , and John Frost , who basely led his deluded followers to death , and like a coward , was crying at the des « truction he had provoked , and which he dared not himself meet ; he is likewise to ba restored to this kingdom , and the men who preserved the nation in the midst of the most trying circumstances , they , for their meritorious conduce , are to be consigned to the felons' places , And , gentlemen , recollect to whom this is addressed- To men , to whom the example of the town of Bradford is held out as gallant and glorious ; and by a man who is goio | jr down to the country to induce other places to follow the

    example set to thorn by the ( town of Bradford . I repeat what I took the liberty in the commencement of these observations of stating , that notoing eould be more dangerous to society , and to the the public safety , than the discussion of exciting topics like these . The learned Attorney-General then read the remarks with whioh Sharp terminated the meeting , and concluded thus , — - Now every man may well suppose that persons collected on an occasion like this , who had addresses made to them weak after week . in language ^ similar ti this , were , although warned against partial outbreak . jnet in a very likely state to obey that which might after all probably be a ruse . Tha result , unfortunately , waa bo . As the meeting adjourned many persons proceeded to a

    church in the neighbourhood , where the government had sent a body of police for the purpose of preventing any breach of the peace , if suoh was contemplated , and stones were thrown , and other missiles were used by the crowd who had assembled . One man was severely wounded by an iron bar , and many others were more or less wounded , nor was it until the mounted police appeared , that the people were dispersed . Now the question for your consideration is this . This language addres > ed by Ernest Jones to the persona assembled in such a place , and under such circumstances—4 rtiat language being of an illegal and exciting character , being intended to perfect a system of organisation , for the purpose ot establishing what he calls the union ef sentiment and

    democracy between England and Ireland—for the purpose of intimidating the government , when all its power and its energies would be required for the preservation of peace iu the Mater island—for the purpose of intimidating the man of property , the merchant and the tradesman—and so injuring the whole basis of society , saying to such men wo shall take from you the fruits of your praiseworthy exertions ; and thus compel them to yield to lawless force —that whioh was unjustly demanded by thosa persons . They seek to effect changes in the constitution and in the social condition of the country—not by argument , not ^ by discussion , not by any legitimate mode of obtaining redress for grievances , but by terror and alarm , and by illegal intimidation . By terror—but not by rioting , for that must be suppressed and [ ut down in the meantime—but by force when the country is most susceptible of attack—by

    force when Ireland is in a state of rebellion—b y force only when the blow can be struck with safety , when the organisation is made effectual for that purpose . Now , if that he so , there can be no daub , of the guilt of the defendant—guilt in any man , however uneducated and however illiterate , guilt of the blackest character ; but when addressed by a man of education and of ability—by a man of legal know ledge and acquirements—by a man of standing and of station , who has not a shadow of pretence on hia part to complain of grievances—if this is guilt in other men , surely in a man who has taken an oath of allegiance to the sovereign and to the Crown—an oath whioh he is by acts like these daily and hourly violating—surely the guilt is infinitely increased ; and if found guilty on the evidence , it will be your duty to regard his crime as of si mnch higher character than that of the illiterate and humbler men who attended the same meeting .

    Witnesses were then called for the prosecution . James White , examined by Mr Well ^ by . - —You are a short-hand writer ? Yes , I am , —Did you at tend a mooting—a Chartist meeting—held in Bunner a-fields , oa Suaday , the 4 th of June ? I did . — I believe there had previously , on that afternoon , been a meating of the Irisb Confederates , as they call themselves ? There had —Now at what hour did the Chartist meeting commence ? About quarter to six o clock . —Bonner ' s-fields is a large open common is it ? Yes . —Can you judge of the numbers of person ^ present ? About 3 , 000 at the meering , and a great number scattered over the place —When you say the meeting , you mean about the phce where the speakers spoke ? Yes , about S 000 . —Had many of these persons remained from the former meeting ?

    Yes . —I believe there was no chairman propo-ed at the meeting , was there ? There was none . —Who first addressed them ? Alexander Sharp . —Did you take notes of what he said ? I did . —Retreihing your memory by that note , tell us what he said [ The witness here read from his notes the speech of Alexander Sharp , which will be found in the Attorney General's address to the jury ]—You say there were cries of 'Ernest Jones . 'did Ernest Jones then appear ? He appeared in a minute or two afterwards . —Then , I believe Ernest Jones addressed the meeting ? He did—From what did he address them ? From the chair . —Placed where ? On a mound . —A natural mound ? A natural mound . — And you have got the notes ? Read ta his lordship that speech .

    Chief Justice Wilde . —Is it all on the face of the indictment ? Solicitor to the Prosecution . —All , my lord . The witness then read the following speech — ' Mr Chairman and Men of the Tower Hamletsj—In the first place I have to apologise to you for not having been hero sooner , bat a man cannot be in two places at the same time . There was a meeting convened for Irongate Wharf , Paddington , and tne police , I understood , had forbidden that meeting taking place . I was invited to attend it , and there fore I did attend it . There were a goo I many police there , but they did not venture to interfere with the meeting ; and I can tell you this , hold your meetings for although the government are madthey are not

    , mad enough to put down public meetings , and if thev were mad enough to do it , 1 , for one , hurl defiance in their teeth , and dare them to disperse this peace , able and legal assembly . I must ask likewise for your indulgence this day , inasmuch as I start by tho mail train to-night for Lancashire and Yorkshire and as those places are both in a very excited state , i shall haye to use my lungs there a good deal , and as London is not so excited as those parts of the country are , excuse me from wearying you at any length today . ah that I say is this , stand fast by your colours -do not shrink from the Charter and the whole Charter , —do not mind the nonsense of tha half-and-half

    naen -do not pay any attention to the Dispatch , and it you see any bodies of police coming near to this meeting , —marchingon to this meeting . —stand your ground , shoulder to shoulder . Do not run . Tnerc is danger for those who run , there ia safety for those who keep together . Daro them to strike you , and my word for it , they dare not strike a blow . If they were to strike a blow , bad as the laws are now , they aro still sufficiently stringent to punish tbose men who assault peaceable citizens in the peaceable execution or performance of their duty . In nine oases out of ten it is your own fault ; it is your own cowardice tbat invites others to strike a blow . It is men saying we will not do this , and we

    will not do that , because it is forbid . Make up your mind . Stand by it , and , whatever comes , staud to your ground . There cannot be more heads broken than are broken on these occasions , when men run away . All I say ia , that government aro desirous of marring the performance of your present great duty . That duty is organisation . I have not been among you for some little time . Where arc your classes ? Have yeu your wardmotes ? Have yon g .. t your class leaders ! Have you perfected your organisation ? If not , call public meetings , snd elect the class leaders at those pubic meetings . Do not let the classes be formed before you have the claas leaders . You will find it much more easy to form a class altef the class leader is appointed ; for , if jou form classes , and then afterwards appoint tho class leaders , you may spend two or three hours or more upoa ins formation of every class , and can never

    The Trials Of Messrs Francis Looney And ...

    come to a final determination with regard to it , as one man will live here and another there . Elect th | class leader . The class leader then knows the men likely to form the class living in his nei ghbourhood . He will go to these men and invite them , and there ' can be no dictation , no a-sumption of that power , be . causa you all elect tho class leaders at the publifj meetings . Rest assured , if each locality elects absufc one hundred class leaders , you wilisoon have a thou . « sand men under the banner . That is the way to g ^ up the organisation , and then you may elect ward , motes . One out of t- 'n will be a wardmote . Com > mence at the foundation aright—namel y , the claaESn and the wards . All the rest will follow ot itself As a matter of course , begin by forming yeur classes '

    It is no use coming amons you when there is noor ! ganiaation , and it is not the Executive that can get up the organisation . The Executive cannot go to each locality , and get up ( he organisation of each locality . It must be the men in the localities . Show us your organisation , and you will hnve a glorious opportunity on the 12 th . Prepare in the meantime Show us your organisation , toen , and , depend upon it , we will show you some very feasible means for getting nearer to your rights Depend upon it , will not be-backward . Sb'iW us your organisation and , depend uoon it , you -will not have to ra-ike one false step . Depend upon it , you will not bo called upon to undertake any one step that you wi I not be fully prepared to carry out , and that the officers you

    entrust with office will not leave you in the carrying . Steer clear of all political outbreaks and partial riot " , ing . There has been an outbreak at Bradford and Manchester . We sent down Dr M'Douall , who jg now addressing a g'orious meeting at Paddington to tell them , no partial outb'eaks , no partial rioting ' That ia jus t what the government wants . In a riot of that kind they immediately seiz < upon the lead < ing men . They will immediately cripple their organisation , and your organisation will be thrown back , Go on organisms ' , organising , organising , and tho rest will come , never fear it . And there is one thing more that is wanted , which is funds . Funds are wanted . Without funds tbe organisation is of little use . Tbe country ia beginning to do Ha duty nobl y ,

    and that is a great test of public feeling . But mark you ! Suppose tbat it was true , as we beard last nighf that tbe fighting had be ^ un in Dublin . Sup . pose that it was true , as we heard last night , tb . it the government bad ordered tho daily papers not to say one word of insurrectionary news from Dublin , so that this country is kept in tbe dark abourt if . Sup . pose that it should be necessary that we sluml *! sead a man over to see with his own eyes , and to hear with his own ears , and thus bid defiance to the lying press . Suppose that all this should be necessary , and suppose tbat we had n-.-t got the money to send that man over . See what danger tie movement runs . See bow the movement might be thrown back and injnred from the nrere circumstance of not

    baring a few paltry pounds wherewith to pay a raessoniier—a trusty messenger , to ratify the bond of union between the English and the Irish people , Union , I say , of eentimeat , union of democracy , but separation from a yoke which binds the one nation to the thraldom of the other . I say yon must excuse me if I do not address you at great length , as I ara about to start to-night by the mail train . Rest as-Mired that I will be strugsling in your cause in Bradforl , in Halifax , in Manchester , and in the other places where starm and turbulence are noiy sioins on . Ri % t assured that I shdl not pvtach & miserable namby pamby doctrino of non-reeistance and passive obedience . But , at the same time I shall preach a doctrino of manly firmness , and no

    hot-headed irape ' tiosiry . If yon mean to do anything , see well first if yon have the power to do it ; and then , having mane up your mind , do not let even death itself prevent yon frora carrying it into effect , I sha'l be able to send you good news one way or tae other . Good news from the north , from Yorkshire , and from Lancashire . Tbe news will be that we have got such an organisation spreading there ; the news will be that there is such a spirit spreading there—that success must be the certain result . Re . collect one thing , gentlemen , part of the West Riding has got the tcua spirit in its heart , but two gre » j towns stand like an incubus upon the West Riding , namely—Leeds and Sheffield , which are torpid and apathetic . My duty will be to endeavour to get

    Leeds and Sheffield up to that mark to whieh Brad . ford and Halifax are now . I believe that the feel . ing of the men of Leeds is the true feeling in reality , But men have been preaching among thera for a longtime an unconditional peace doctrine , These men are mistaken men , for although I talk not now of insurrection , I say , aa to the peace doctrine , there shall be no peace in tha country aa long & a I , for one humble individual can prevent it—until the poor man has his rights , and until the rich man has his nose brought to the grindstone . They are trying to fow disaen . sions and distrus t , between you and those nifu whom you have honoured with the advocacy of your cause . The Dispatch tolls you that She mantles .-f Oliver

    and Castles have descended upon my shoulder ? , and it tslls you that I was a Tory ten vears a <; o , It lies , I fought three times for those principles which I uphold now , and I can give the Dispatch a proof if it requires it I bear one of the bayonet wounds of the King of Hanover ' s soldiers about my pf-rson at this present mement . Well , again , there-is Cobden , who tells you that demagogues are goin . ^ r about di 3 < turbing and breaking into the middle class mOYB . ment ; and ho says , in his letter to the Dailt Xewj , that the individuals who go about disturbing these meetings have fcot * he wages of despotism in their pockets . Ask Mr Cobden where are the £ 70 M ) tbat were given to him ? Ask him where did ha get them from , and what did he get them for ' Aad

    tell him , at last , that the wages of despotism are in his pocket , if be dares to accuse honester men thai himself of having the w- > ges of despotism in their pockets . As 8 in ( j when Cobden tho other ni ^ ht challenged the Charti-t myrmidons , ( as he called them , ) and dared tbem te confront him , why dirt he , whea at the London Tavern , not get upon the platform instead of sneaking among the reporters as he did ? Recollect this , that their game , their plan is thisto sow distrust amongst the different branches of oat organisation , to make you believe that if you help them , you will gain afterwards your result . Bat they cannot denv this , that if you help taeai they will gain their object . Now why sh ) uid > Pur pupils , ( for you have taught tbem , ) why should thev ' , your

    pupils , gain what they want at once , wh t too have have toon so many years struggling for and We not gained yet ? No . ray friends , stop by joar own cause . They say they can prevent you ' from putting the wedge in the rotten phalanx of power . We are strong onauuh to split it up at one blow altogether , without waiting to put a middle class roilk-sop wedge in . You will recollect the story of the farmer whose lied was overrun with thistles , and he wished to datroy thera ; and what did he do ? He cut off tha tops of them , and tho thistles sprouted up more linn , riantly than ever ; but there came another farmer , and that man was ft Chartist , and what did he say ? He said , dig them up by the roots . The middle classes are outline the tops of the thistles , and the ?

    will sprout up more luxuriantly now , than erar , I want you to take the spade and the hoe to them , and to root up the noxions weed altogether . When you destroy it , it never comes again . Organise ! organise [ ' organise Dr M'Dounll will remain hero amongst you , » nd cB Whit Monday come up in your classes—come op in your wards . Give tbem such a display as tbey never had before . Give them at least another Kenning " ton , but not a Konninaton-common meeting . At all events , show them your organisation . I trust tbat much may be done between this and the 12 : h , and no doubt on the 12 th your movement will ul ^ v aa advance » s ; ain , the same as it did on the lOcQ of April last—only , a greater and a better advance .

    Now , my friends , I bid y . m farewell . My friend Sharp wishes to say a few wowla to you about something particular . Now that I am going off , shall I tell the m « n of Bradford—shall I tell the men ' llalifax , who aoted so gloriously , and who acted » gallantly—shall I tell the men of Manchester , * k » made the peacerooniiering [ Witness : I have lw a blank here for a word that i did not catcbj—« kip over the garden wall . Shall I tell the men o York-shall I tell the men of Leeds—b all 1 tdl them that London is determined to doits du ty ^ because , recollect , they are looking to tho met topoht ~

    they are locking to you . I verily believe that no ' single blew ne « d bo struck for liberty in this country . I btlieve that in Ireland it must be 8 « tt c » j and , what is more , I believe taut in Ireland i & * ba struck . But tvhatever- may ba the constquenee . organise ! organise ! organise . ' —and prepara W everything . Only preparation—only organisation , is wanted , and thonreen flag shall that over Downing-strect and St Stephen ' s . Only energy is want ^ —only determination , and what will be the result ' ¦ Why . that John Mitohi-1 and John Frost will be brought back , and Sir George Grey and Lord John Russell will be araMi chan . qo plueoa with them . '

    Examination continued by Mr Wbllsuv— In what manner was this speech received bv the meeting < It was received with hear , hear' and cheers , in the various places which arc marked in the copy . -Now , after Jones had concluded , did Sharp address them again ? lie did . Lord Cnief Justice Wilde . —Before Shaip spoke did you see wuat became of Jones ? Jones left immed lately . Mr Clarksov rose to object , but Mr Serjeant Wilkins suggested that the speech ot Sharp was ot no irnporrtanco , and asked hia learned inend not to off-.-any objection . The Attorney Genehal . —If uny objection ie made , I will not ark to hare it rca J . Mr Serjeant Wilkins would ofkr none

    . I he wi boss then read the remarks rnado bv Sharp at the clos ? of tbe meeting , which ha ! reference mtroly t > tho aalo of pamphlets embracing tho pro-Posed plan of organisation . Examination continued by Mr WKUssr . i-l be eve air that concluded the speeches ? 1 * did , —D ; d jou after that go to a public house . cahW the City of Paris ? I did . ~ Uow long did you remain there ? About half-an-hour .-While there did you new a disturbance on the Common ? 1 heart m W that the police were thare , and I got op W

    6 The Northern Star - _ July - 15 1 1848...

    6 THE NORTHERN STAR - _ JULY - 1 1848 ^ ,

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 15, 1848, page 6, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_15071848/page/6/