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TO THE MEMBERS OP THE LAND COMPANY.
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My Friexds, I have now a little leisure ...
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'M W effecting changes in our laws , ins...
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^ : , /* ^^$$y^ J S\ jlND_ NATIONAL TRIP...
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Malton-. —The members of this branch of ...
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IRELAND. " Ales! poor country, Almost af...
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CAUTION TO THE PEOPLE. Any remarks on th...
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THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL TO THE PEOPLE Fell...
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Derby —An adjourned county delegate meet...
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:V V \ ^ ' \ \ c ¦ < * A i > j
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'iutbury, Church Greaaurne, to complete ...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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To The Members Op The Land Company.
TO THE MEMBERS OP THE LAND COMPANY .
My Friexds, I Have Now A Little Leisure ...
My Friexds , I have now a little leisure to comment upon that portion of the evidence taken beiore the C ommittee , and which has therefore become public property . 1 am happ y to find that in many districts the members have requested their representatives to send tbem copies of the reports , and which , 1 hope , they have attentively perused . Firstly , —I shall show you the machinery by which the Committee is worked . The Judge Advocate , a member of the Whig Government , is Chairman—and from the fact of the
Chairman ' s attendance being continuous , and that of the other members of the committee being casual , the chairman constitutes the main feature ; of a committee . The chairman of a committee should not only be impartial , but should be unsuspected , and if the chairman of a committee evinces the slig htest bias to e ther < ide of the question , his conduc * would be as criminal as that of the judge who should tell a man upon trial for his life that he was opposed to him , and would hang him if he could ; and when the chairman of a committee once departs from that line of conduct which is indispensable to the elucidation of the fact to be inquired into , that man is capable of being suborned to the commission of any crime ,
however revoltingor heinous . Of course , these observations bear generally upon the character of chairmen and are not applicable to the Judge Advocate ; nor shall I hold myself at liberty to canvass the question in its entirety until the whole business is closed . The chairman of a committee summonses the witnesses ; and the chairman beinj ; the judjre , should , above all things , affect ignorance of the technical evidence to be given by a witness . Of course , he should be aware of its general bearing , as that is the purpose for which the witness is called . And now I vrill give you a list of the witnesses called by the Judge Advocate : — Mr "Whitniarsh . the Chief UejjrUrar , whose
evidence was given in the most frank , the most unbiassed , and honourable manner . He produced his memoranda of the provisional registration of the Company , and proved its legal existence so far ; but " the most remarkable feature of his evidence was this—that he wished that the law , as regarded his office , was more stringent , as it would be the means of preventing much dishonest speculation and ch eating .
Mr Chinnery , the Solicitor , was the next witness . His evidence was straightforward and unmistakeable . He proved what we had done in the way of enrolment and registration —the difficulties that were thrown in our way , the vast expense that had been incurred , and the legal difficulties with which we were surrounded . Next came Mr M'Grath , the Financial Secretarv , whose evidence impressed every member of the Committee most favourably . Next came Mr M'Gowan , who receives the money from Mr M Grath , and pays it into a bank to my credit . Those witnesses were called bv the Chairman .
Next * came Mr Cullingham . the overseer of carpenters , who was examined at _ considerable length as to the management of the affairs of theproperty of the Company , and his evidence R- as , that no private gentleman expending his own fortune , could be more economical than I had been in the expenditure of the Company s funds ; and he declared that , as a master builder , he would not undertake to erect a single cottage upon our plan for less than 2 ( 10 / .
I was then examined , although cautioned by the Chairman that I mig ht commit myself , and make myself liable to heavy fines , and even to imprisonment . However , I rejected his friendly council , and submitted myself—according to the : threat of Sir Benjamin Hallto a rigid and searching examination . Xex ' t came Mr Doyle , who was examined as to the management of the Company ' s affairs at Minster , where he has resided since September last .
I must now observe , that in the first instance the question was divided into two branchesfinance , and the power of re-production . The object of the financial inquiry wa > , to save the trouble and avoid the necessity of inquiry into the question of re-production , as the anti cip ation was to d—n the plan by d—ning the man ; and this device having failed , the Committee decided upon handing the accounts over to an Accountant , selected by the Chairman , and proceeding with the question of re-production . Under these circumstances ,
a reasonable man would come to the conclusion that the Allottees upon O'Connerville and Lowbands , where they have been longest located , would have been the best possible ¦ witnesses to have examined ; and with that v ] e « - I brought Mr Hornby from O'Connorville , to prove the payment of 15 / . premium to those Allottees , paid out of my own pocket , and of which the Chairman would not accept circumstantial evidence , asking Mr M'Grath , "How do vou know that ? DID YOU SEE THK MONEY PAID ? " And I also
examined Mr Hornby as to the payment of 7 V > 1 ., out of my own pocket , on account of the Company ; and submitted him as a purchaser at O'Coiinorville , for examination , but not a word would the Chairman ask him . Well , to go further , I brought up at my own expense a two-acre Occupant , a three-acre Occupant , and a four-acre Occupant , from Lou bands ; they were in attendance all day , and the Chairman would not examine them . The names of those men were Webster , Lee , and Pratt . Pratt , a purchaser , and therefore
having no interest . \\ ebster , an operative ; and Lee , an over-looker of factories for fortyfour years . And I selected men of that class , in order to show the facility with which those mechanical labourers can acquire a knowledge of agriculture ; but they were allowed to go hack unexamined , although the object of the Government , and their tools , is to prove the delusion that has been practised upon the working classes ; and the question now before the Committee is to inquire into their prospects , and the power of re-production .
The next witnesses called by the Chairman weie—Mr Lawes , the barrister who drew the Health of T «« ns' hill fur the Government ; Mr Tidd Pratt , the Revising Barrister ; and a Mr Kavens , for ninny years a Poor La * - Commismissioner , and now Secretary to the Commission . f Mr Lawes declared that I had violated several statutes in the prosecution of my labours , and he declared that all my property , all the property of the Company , and all tl e property of the members who had signed the deed of settlement , were liable for all the debts of the
Bank . Nov .- this was the very princip le ¦ whi ch , above all others , I sought to establish , as the " Knobstick ' ' lawyers have declared that the depositors in the Bank have no security for thtir monies . Not to be mistaken , I v . ill give you the question and answer . Q— ' Did I rightly understand you to say upon your last examination , that not only my property and the property which belongs to the Company , the connexion between the Company and the i 5 ar / k bein ^ now proved , but that al .-o all the property of the several members of the . Company , was liable to the debts of the Bank ? '
A—THE OPINION I EXPRESSED WAS THIS —THAT liiE NATIONAL LAND BANK AND TilE NATIONAL LAND COMPANY WERE ONE AND THE SAME CONCERN ; THAT the par ; ii : s in the national land COMPANY WERE PARTIES IN IHE N . U TIGtNAL Li . NU HANK , AND CARRIED ON THAT CONCEKN ; AND BEING PARTNERS IN THAT CONCERN THEY WOULD BE LIABLE , AS . SUCH , TO A 1 ST ENGAGEMENTS WHICH THE CONCERN , AS THE NATIONAL LAND BANK , MIGHT ENTER INTO . " Now , there is the opinion of a professional
My Friexds, I Have Now A Little Leisure ...
gentleman , selected by the Government to frame their most important bills . He further stated , that all those persons engaged in horse racing , where the chance depended upon the winner , were acting illegally , and that the promoters might be sentenced to three months on the treadmill as rogues and vagabonds—that is , in those cases where " sweeps" are balloted for . He further stated that the law of England would treat a gentleman , whose conduct was most honourable and unsuspicious , as a rogue and vagabond , and he further admitted that the members of the Art Union , which was an illegal society , were indemnified against
liabilities by two Acts of Parliament , and that , subsequently , another act was passed to legalise them in their present illegal constitation—that is , that their every act is a violation of all the acts existing against lotteries , and that , nevertheless , in that shape they are legalised by Act of Parliament ; so that you see . any attempt at what is called the advancement of art can be legalised , while the attempt to advance the science of agriculture and of political economy , when the poor man is to have the benefit , is a violation of tins law , and the promoter of such society is liable to be sent to the treadmill , as a rogue and a vagabond , for three months .
As to Mr Tidd Pratt , his memory was so short as to all cases connected with applications made for the enrolment of the National Land Company , that his evidence was wholly immaterial . Next came the staff of life , the ex-Poor Law Commissioner , the Secretary to the Commissioners , the sleek and fat Mr Revans , who did not appear to live upon pauper fare . This gentleman had been sent , in March , by the board , to examine the Land Company ' s estates , and he declared that the farmers' crops in the neighbourhood were very superior to those at O'Connorville and Lowbands . He
was examined on Friday last , and again on Wednesday , and , in the meantime , he took a trip to Lowbands on Monday , drove through Snig ' s End without alighting , or stopping , and drove through Lowbands without alighting , except at one allotment , and onl y conversing with one occupant —that occupant was Lee , from Exeter , and he estimated his wheat crop at thirty-six bushels to the acre , while the farmers in the neighbour hood , and several members of the Committee , who have done me the honour to visit Snig ' s
End and Lowbands , estimate the crop at over fifty bushels to the acre . And , as a matter of course , all will understand that this impartial official examined the BEST allotment . But , in his drive , looking right and left , as he said , and not being able to see much , which is a fact , as the estate is cut off from the high road by cottier tenants , he declared from this superficial glance that Lee ' s was the best that he had seen , and that even that was not superior to the farmers' wheat in the neighbourhood .
Now , in answer to this , I will allow him to take any 15 q acres of land l y ing together , and under the best system of farming , from London to Gloucester , and he will not show me as much good wheat as there is upon Lowbands in the first year of it ^ reclamation . However , to his evidence . You are aware of what the faculty call too good a witness—this man declared over and over again , that an agricultural labourer could nut live upon the produce of the
THREE BEST ACRES OF LAND IN ENGLAND , without paying any rent whatever for it . I put the crops to him in the rudest way , an d I'll give you his produce of the best three across in Englaad—An acre of potatoes , he savs , will produce six tons ; an acre of wheat , twenty-four bushels ; and the other acre , under , green crops , he estimates will support a cow , whose produce he valued at 87 . a year . Now what do you think—Firstly . Of this practical agriculturist ; and , Secondly . What do you think of ( he fare , even at his average of produce , as compared with the Poor Law diet .
Here the poor man would have twenty-four bushels of wheat ; twostone and ahalf of potatoes a day , and a gallon of milk , which he estimates the cow will g ive ; and he says he will make no allowance for vegetables . Now , what do you think of such a hero as that r Well , but he says more—he says that plough husbandry is vastly superior to spade husbandry , and that the inevitable result of the Land Plan will be an annual crop of paupers , as no man can hold
bis allotment longer than one year , which will secure a settlement . And he says , that if one man becomes a pauper , and if another man purchases from him , and cwnies with capital , that that man also will be a pauper in the course of the year ; and yet this hero boasts of being a practical agriculturist . He says that the average amount of agricultural labourers is two to every one hundred acres ; and M'Culloch savs there are twelve million acres under
cultivation , so that , as a matter of course , according to his calculation , there are only six hundred thousand agricultural labourers in the kingdom . Now here is a statician for
you . Well , but he'has said a little on the wrong side—that is the wrong side for the Government—he says that the land of England is not cultivated to one-sixth part of its capability of yielding ; and he makes the unfortunate admission , which is at once an answer to the principal objection of the Free Tradersnamely , that the mechanical labourers brought from the large towns , are certain in the long run to make better agricultural labourers than those at present constituting that class . I told this gentleman and the chairman , thatl would bet either or both lflOf ., that from 1 st of next March , 1 would take live acres of land at
21 . 10 s . per acre , and that in five years from that dav , T would purchase it out and out from the profits , and that they should send a bailiff to keep an account . Jos . Hobson is the next witness selected by the Chairman for examination , so now you may judge of the feeling with which this Committee was granted ; but yon may rely upon it , that in spite of the Government and its tools , that the LAND PLAN SHALL GO ON ; and you may also rely upon it , that as every dog will have its day , when my turn comes , that I will make such an exposure of the Government with reference to this Land I'lan , and of some of their aiders and abettors , as v . ill astonish them and the country .
It is niv intention to jjiv ,. vou a compendium It is my intention to » iv , _ vou a compendium of the whole evidence in a double number ol the " Labourer ' ' next month , and then every man who judges for himself will be able to s ; iy , if there is upon record a single instance of a Company ' s affairs being so honourably , so profitably , and so economically managed . 1 think , if any man will now visit Lowbands , he will be able to form an estimate of the prospects
of those who are located upon their own Labour field ; and however this Parliamentary Inquiry may cause a partial suspension of our open - tions , I Leg to as > ure all , that whether by sale , mortgage , or the bank , or all united , I shall be prepared to go on wiili the re-productive system , until 1 establish the fact that Land , with Labour applied to it , does not become deteriorated in value .
There was one other admission made by the oor-law Commissioner , and it was this—that le rent that a builder expected for a house as £ 7 percent , upon the outlay ; and , conseuently , if it would take £ 2 W to build a single
My Friexds, I Have Now A Little Leisure ...
house , like ours , the rent of the house alone would be £ l 4 a year . There is nothing like spurring a man b y oppression ; and now , as I am told by high legal authority that the property is mine , and that I can do what I like with it , I will reduce the rents to £ 4 per cent , upon the outlay ; and , if the government imagines that the savings of the poor are not to be equally protected with the properties of the rich , when their opposition is so strongly manifested as to justif y me in a new course , I will confine my whole and undivided attention to hurling them from office , —and I'll do it .
And I assure you , my friends , that there is no man living more fondl y , unequivocally , and disinterestedly , attached to any plan , than I am to the Land Plan . They will seek to drive me into the violation of some of their blasted laws , in order to destroy the Plan by sepnra ting me from its advocacy ; but , as one of the speakers said , at the first meeting of the Irish League , " One pair of hands , free , is worth ten pair in prison , " I will preserve my freedom to establish your liberty . And I ass-are you , that more can be done byanlNDlVL DUAL within the law than outside the law , but when a community confederates , much may be done without the law . If there is any obstacle in the way of carrying out this Plan , it originates with the located members , because if there was a million of money subscribed , and a thousand located the fortunate thousand would imagine that they had the
best title t » the remainder of the funds ; and this has been always my greatest difficulty , — one which , however , I have been resolute enough to overcome . Men write to me and tell me that if this is not done , and that is not done , they will communicate their grievances through the Press . I allow them , I defv them ; and , henceforth , nothing will be done but what the rules strictl y sanction . A man from Snig ' s End , writes to the Manchester locality , and declares that the work upon that estate has not been performed in a workmanlike manner , and this is my answer to his fabrication . Let two honest men—the one a carpenter , and the other of any other class , —be sent to Sni g ' s End and Lowbands , which are close to each other , —I will cheerfully pay the whole of their expenses , —and let tbem make their report to the locality ; and what I assert is this , that there is not work in England performed in a MORE workmanlike manner .
Now , let this be done , or let those fellows for ever hold their peace ; but , as I have often said , there are some men who , if I boiled the mutton , would expect me to feed them with the broth . I ask the working classes , once more , whether they think there is any other gentleman in the world who would give up his time gratuitously for the benefit of the working classes ? And I further ask those cavillers—and , thank God , they art but fewwhether they think that 1 would take insolence for my reward ? Perhaps , those gentlemen are not aware that the management of their affairs is at this moment costing me from £ 10 to £ l 2 a-week—and , therefore , when I labour , and pay for labouring for them , I have a right to expect , and will command , respect .
Now , a word for the " Morning Chronicle , " and then I will aonclude this letter . My practice is to give the ravings of the Press tinmutilated , and then to answer them . Here is the lucubration from the " Chronicle" of this ( Thursday ) morning ;—
( From the Homing Chronicle , of July 13 th . ) The Select Committee on the National Land ' scheme has now published rome reports , which , how ver , contain nothing bus evidence . The declaration of tlie cum . niittee ' s o inion is reserved for a future WCilS Oil . TilC evidence given in the first report is mainly directed t « the question of complete registration , the legal necessity for it , and the legal consequences of its not having been obtained . Un this subject Mr Whitmarsli , the Reg istrar of Joint Stock Companies , was examined at great length . Two of his answtrs 181 and 89 i establish fully the proposition contained in a former article on this subject , uamuly , that Mr O'Connor , having purchased the laud in his oivn name , and having had it conveyed to him , was under no letjal disability to convey it to the wii . ning shareholders in his lottery—in other words , that he did
not need , as he pretended , an Act of Parliament ' to enable him to be honest . ' From the first he knew that there was nothing in the Act to preclude him either from purchasing property , or from selling it , ( or he did sell a ppj t of what he had purchased , and boasts on mors occa . si . ms than one of the profit he made b y the transaction . He knew , therefore , that this demand of an Act of Parliament , tor ' the purpose of enabling him to be honest , ' was a mere pretence for delay—was a delusion to the poor people who confided in liim—a mockery Of their Confidence—a snare which would hold them in quiet HUb-Hiissive patience , while he enjoyed the nominal , and perhaps fubstan ' . ial , advantages of being the full lejal ovrner o ! those extensive lands which ho had purchased
with their money . >> ithout giving him credit for being , in the technical sen ? e of the word , a lawyer , ho knew enough of law to be aware that if he could conrey to a purchaser , he could also convey to the allottees , and culd make a title exactly as good in one as in the other . Had the wish existed , the means were there-andthere was no stipulation as to the payment of rentcharge which he could not have imposed , and to which they could not , so far as the laws was concerned , have bound themselvon . There does uut appear to have been any such tvi & li for one of tke ( fitnesses , Mr Chinery , says ( 319 ) that the allottees do not possess any title to their own allotments , either in the shape of leases or grants . There was no legal reason » hy they should not have either or both .
Vie pass over the numerous questions put b y Mr O'Connor , to obtain evidence of the unbounded faith reposed in him by the poor unfortunate people who subscribe to hit scheme . The directors , though from a different motive doubtless , equally allowed him to have his own way . The directors are the Ministers of that society , of which he is the Autocrat ; and if , like the augurs ol ' old , they can look each oilier in the face without laughing , while they think of the credulity of the unhappy subscribers , they must possess a gravity of countenance which is not easily attainable by any one , nor attainable at all by men who honestly express in their countenances the feci . ili a's of their minds . The interests of his followers , whom in this scheme he-elevate * into bis companions , to employ as his tools , sufficiently account for the obsequiousness with which they bend to his wishes , perforin his
bidding , and vouch for hn character . Let us see how this unbounded faith , so obtruded on the notice of the committee , acts on the affairs of the subscribers . Air Philip M'Grath ( SU 1 ) , a journeyman dyer , and ' a master for a short time , ' stand recorded as director and financial secretary . Ae director he is ignorant enough , but as financial secretary his ignorance is startling . He cannot produce any authority for the treasurer to spend ihe money of the Company . Mr O'Connor is the acting treasurer , though Mr Roberts bears the name of the office . This perhaps , is ot itself a sufficient explanation of the matter . Mr M'Grath hands over to Mr M'tiuvran , who holds no office , but is Mr O'Connor ' s private agent , the money of the subscribers , receives no vouchers for it , and . does " not kn > w how it is disposed of , ' a mode of proceeding which , if it attests his faith in his chii ftain , manifests , at the same tunc , his indifference towards the duties of the office he has affected to undertake . He is at-ked ( f > 85 ) , ' Hare you any authority from anybody so
to pay the money V and he boldly answers , ' The unanimous vote of the Directors ; the Directors being Messrs F . O'Connor , C . Doyle , T . Clark , V . M'Grath , and VV . Dixon . Uut though the laws of the Company require till turn voles to be in writing ( 7 ' . ' 5 ) , he never produces this written authority , : > nd in his answer to this particular question avows that' that rule has not been abided by . ' He is finally forced to admit ( l , « U ) tnat , upon reading over the minute hook , which pretends to record the meet iiu'S and proceedings ' there was no such vote at either iany one ) of the meetings which are there recorded , ' and he is obliged afterwards to add , that ' there is no other book kept by me . ' What other book was kept , except one by Mr Wheeler , which he cannot iind , he docs not tell ; nor , taking the whole evidence together , does there appear to be the si ghtest reason to believe that the affair * of this pretended Company arc managed with that regularity , and recorded with that clearness , which ran alone insure and evidence an honest application ol
its funds . . We have seen that the allottees have no legal title , by conveyance , lease , or otherwise , to their allotments . Let us once more repeat , that there is no legal impediment to their having one ; and having called this fact to their a tttntinn , it may be as well just to give one moment's considar . ttioii to what it is which the proposed company pretended to offer to the acceptance of the subsciihers , and ¦ . Miatitis which they have gnt for their money : "The National Land Company has been called into existence . ' 6 as the introduction to its laws , " to pioneer the way in tVgloi'i ' us uoik of social emancipation . Its particular object is the benefit of its members : its general object , to p int out the means of rendering permanently prosis
peruus t e condition of th . industrious millions . " It always desirable that even virtue itself should net by vir tuous means , and many are of opinion that it cannot act iiy any other . This company has not followed that rule , iii most instances the woniing ol its addresses and of its Uws would induce the belief that every member would have an allotment of land ; for , though " qualified members" arc spdi f , the qualith ; tt : un might iiisily he sup . posed to be ttic i ; uc payment of subscriptions and levies , there is nothing which directly and unmistakably tells the subscribers that ty dc-perategambling alonccjii they get anything whatever . Yel such is the uuhai py fact . The wliok thing is a gigantic lotleiy , calculated upon chances unfavourable to the subscribers . Mr -M'Grath is asked
My Friexds, I Have Now A Little Leisure ...
( l / Mh , " How tmvTiy tickets were pnt up in the last ballot ? " And- tho answer is , "About 15 , 000 in the four . acrc class , about 8 , 000 in thetwo-acrc class , and between 3 , 000 and 4 , 0 . 5 in the three acre class . " We have here 2 G , 5 on in all . "Hoiv many prizes were there?—102 or 103 . " Is this the mode to clevute the depressed " industrious ! millions ! " Can they by such means be made owners of the soil , or are they not lured . sayy from honesttoil and regular self supporting induttrV o try the desperate chances of a lottery , in which failure is all but certain , and sue cess next to a mir « clc «
Hut when success has been attained , what is its value ? The scale of the rent charged declared in one of the rules ( p . o 4 , Appendix to Second Report ) shall answer the question—« "Uio principle which shall regulate the rental of the allotment shall bo £ a upon an expenditure of £ 8 ¦> . fis . 8 d ., and rive per cent , upon all additional capital which may be required . " This brings it to nearly six per cent ., and added to this there seem to be charges fonS'Jl ) " a directors' levy , " or ( 9 n 2 ) an "Expense Fund . " If this heavy rental could bo levied upon small farina in England , it might , by a very careful and economic administration , bo made to reproduce enough to supply a few fresh
allotments yearly ; but , in the first place , it cannot be levied if the tenant is to live ; and , in the next , topretund ( hut , by any scheme of reproducing capital , the 23 , 697 disappointed expectants of the first ballot could ever be relieved from their disappointment , is to pretend some , thing so absurdly false , that , even the believei s of the Veiled Prophet , or of Johanna Southcot , or of Thorn of Canterbury , would treat the pretence with sovereign conte- » ipt . If each disappointed shareholder should live to twice the age of Mcthusalem , he would die in the greennessof youthful expectation cf the coming of such an event . Yet the pretence that such an event is possible is still made , and will continue to be made . It answers the
purpose and wins more dupes . It i « , however , on this point aloue that the concoctora of the scheme show themselves not to be daunted by any trifling difficulties in making assertions , as the following , which was read b y a mcmbel'Ofthc connultteeJs . putting question . 1 , 6 * 2 , will amply prove : — " The Attorney-General has been applied to for his certificate under the new law ; his reply is , that though our society is a perfectly legal one , hf « dare not certify i % for b y its means the members will become possessed of all the land lnthekingdom , and the directory
become stronger than the general government . " The reckless and audacious falsehood of this statement suppasses all hounds of decency ; but the making ot it implies the confidence of its authors in the immeasurable ignorance and tolly of those to whom it was addressed . That confidence , we regret to say , seems warranted by their rcailinesiin subscribing , and their patience in waiting for an allotment of that which , even whin grunted , must he held upon conditions that will rendf r prosperity impossible and distress and destitution certain .
bpooney , if you had supposed that I would have submitted the above folly to rational and reflecting men , I doubt whether you would have published it . You thoeght it would have answered for your little coterie of 2 , 000 , which , I am informed , is the amount of your circulation , since you ratted to the Peel-Lincoln policy—and now , mark my answer . Firstly—You say that the printed Report only contains the evidence given before the Committee . Wh y , you wiseacre , what else could it contain , and must you wait for the decision of the Committee to draw your own conclusions ? while you fabricated evidence , and commented upon it , when your reporter was admitted to the Committee .
Secondly . —You say that Mr O'Connor has the legal right to give conveyances to the allottees , because he exercised the legal right of giving a conveyance to a purchaser . Now , if you can comprehend the most simple of all questions , mark the difference—in the one CliSe , I hlive the legal right , but could not equitabl y exercise it , because the money of the Company , being the property of all its members , it would be an injustice to assess the rent upon the outlay upon any one estate—and , therefore , I have decided to equalise it over a given number—thus establishing- right , and
diminishing caprice ; and it is my intention immediatel y to take the four estates that are finished , and to assess the rent equitably upon them . You must observe , that I am not writing for your enlightenment , as that would be a hopeless undertaking . So mueh upon the question of conveyance to the allottees ; and HOW , Spooney , for your parallel—namel y , the conveyance of an estate to a single purchaser . Now , that is a distinct and whole question in itself , and is onl regulated b y the amount of profit with which I may be tempted . There is no intervening technicality , nor calculation , nor moral impediment , in the latter case .
Thirdly— You are astonished that the Directors of the Land Company should have names—but I think that O'Connor , M ' Grath , Clark , Doyle , and Dixon , sound as well as Easthope , Delane , Black , Doyle , and Tibbitts . I do not g ive these as the names of your present Directors , as misfortune has caused your rag to chauge hands , but they are the names of a previous hoard ; and , while I am on the subject , I will tell you an anecdote about one of y our staff . He was formerl y the editor of the " Times , " and the late Mr Walter , who had a very shrewd eye and clear knowledge of the productions of that official , told him that he had observed very unpalatable hashes of the same dish in the " Times , '" and that he feared
the cook had exhausted his recipes ; but , he observed , you will not be damaged , as the "Morning Chronicle ' ' requires an editor , and , no doubt , your spices will be new to the palates of its readers . Fourthly , —You say that the Financial Secretary receives no voucher from Mr M'Gowan for the weekly amounts paid to him . Spooney , you did not read the evidence , or you would have found that it contradicts vou .
Fifthly—You take the rules of the Land Company to he as unalterable as the laws of the Medes and Persians , when you speak of the standard by which the rent was originally to he estimated , which you set down at six per cent ., well knowing that that rule was rescinded at the very first Conference . And do yuu not think that we had quite as much right to do that , as you had to raise the price of the Chronicle from 4 d . to od ., when you renounced all your former principles—if ever you had any—and became the . stuttering mouthpiece of Peel and his staff of juvenile politicians .
Spooney , I am told that the Chronicle is heavily mortgaged , and that you and your enslaves are hard set to get a crust out of it ; therefore , what I would recommend you all to do is , to adopt the plan of the rats before an old house tumbles—leave it , and come and stand the ballot for five four-acre allotments ; and if it is in the power of human ingenuity , I will make you honest and industrious men . I remain , Spooney , Your sincere and sympathising friend , Fkakgus O'Coxnok .
ISow , my friends , do you want any further proof of the i gnorance , the foll y , and prostitu tion of those creatures , who sit in a cock-loft in the Strand , writing for hire on subjects of which they understand about as much as an Irish pig does of geometry ; they buy vegetables in Covent Garden-market , and think they are grown in some of the back streets in the Cit y . This Land Plan chokes them , because they can ' t comprehend it—they have not originated it—they cannot write open it , as it is susceptible of practical illustration , while they are compelled to confine themselves to theoretical speculations about which the whole Press may differ , yet every paper may have its disciples . J remain , Your faithful friend and bailiff , Fkakgus O'C ' onnok .
'M W Effecting Changes In Our Laws , Ins...
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jlND _ NATIONAL TRIPES * JOUINAL . VOL-XI . NO 560- LONDON , SATURDAY , JULY 15 ^ 84 87 " ^^ . 23 ^^ % ^
Malton-. —The Members Of This Branch Of ...
Malton-. —The members of this branch of the Land Company aro requested to meet at tho house of John BcHty , Newborn , Maiton , on Monday ovenmg next , at soveu o ' clock , to eh ot officers tor i he :-. cxt twelve months , and transact other business . t ' HKLTEMUM . —At a public meeting held oa Monda . t , Juy ItiiU , tiie following resolution was utiani-Hio-isly ^ adoptid : — 'That in order to carry out the resolution tia , ed by the National Assembly , as re Raids the Libe . ty Fund , we , the membirs of the Cheltenham locality , agree to subscribe ooe penny a wet'k for twelve Keeks , independent of our general subscription , and earnestly recommend all other localities to do likewise . Nottingham — The council on Sunday last appointed Mr George ilarrison , lafe of Culverton , reporter to the Stau for this district .
Ireland. " Ales! Poor Country, Almost Af...
IRELAND . " Ales ! poor country , Almost afraid to know itaolt . " Irishmen , —Countrymen , In God ' s name how long is the reign of terror to last in our unhappy country ? Is it not a melancholy thing to see Irish patriots daily snatched from society by the Saxon oppressor ? And is it not still moremelttudioly to find the whimperings of an hereditary leader standing in the way of Irish regeneration ?
In England the oppressor is putting his house in order , to prepare for a meditated onslaught upon the Irish people . The bludgeon men are now being trained to the sword exercise , in order to act as substitutes for those troops whose presence it is presumed will be required in famine land , while Irishmen are sentenced to seven years' transportation for learning the use of those arms b y which oppressors continue their misrule .
My countrymen , the horrible policy of living upon the credulity of an enthusiastic people , has brought Ireland to her present condition , and from which she can only be relieved by the solid organisation of a majority of her sons , determined to assert their ri ghts . I predicted every result that has been produced by the " Gagging Bill . " In the commencement of the Session , I told out * tyrant ministers that they would lose Canada and Ireland , and I have not since had reason to retract that opinion .
But , my countrymen , to say the truth , your want of union and want of courage makes me a coward . Yes , I speak the truth when I tell you that the law may he now gtrained to destroy any man who loves liberty , and boldl y proclaims his opinions ; and yet , much as I have been reviled by the Irish party , now that the Saxon has drawn the sword , I , for one , shall be prepared to fill any gap made in the ranks of my country by the laws of the tyrant .
It is a fearful position to be placed in , to be afraid to speak one ' s mind , and I can only console myself for thebondage , b y the fact that our present rulers would rather separate me from the cause of the people than fill a transport with other convicts ; and , therefore any rashness or foll y upon my part might jeopardise the people ' s cause , while the people themselves are disunited . I dare say that thousands , yea , millions , are now asking or thinking what Feargus O'Connor is doing ; and my answer to all is , that I am watching every move of the enemy , and not weakening my strength by exposing my weakness .
My countrymen , the African butchers may slaughter the heroes of the French Republic in cold blood , but Labour will have its victory . The ruthless ruffians shot 650 prisoners in cold blood , in one gang . They immersed thousands of others in water , in the hope of drowning them , while confined in cellars ; and yet the cause of Labour will triumph . In England they have convicted the Chartist
prisoners , and sentenced them to the most horrible punishment , upon evidence that would not hang a dog . In Ireland your best men are being torn from amongst you , and all in the hope of striking a timel y blow , at the growing enthusiasm of the age . But it will fail ; and rely upon it that vengeance will accomplish what was refused to justice . Not onl y in France , but in Ireland , the reign of tvranny is increased . In both countries the
power of the Press , for good , is all but destroyed , whilst its evil propensities are cherished and hounded against the people . Now , in the midst of such a state of things , is there no mode of getting up such a simultaneous agitation in both countries Jas will paralyse faction , and inspire the people with hope ? My answer is , "YES ; " and next week I will propound the plan by which , without striking a blow , Labour may achieve its triumph .
You can form no esfimnte of the extent to which the present Government has prepared its spy machinery , and of the traps that it has laid for the unwary ; but without Secret Service Money I have , through the Police and the Detective force , as good information as the Government ; and although the Alien Act has passed , I beg to apprise the English Chartists , that it is through the instrumentality of foreigners that the Home Office is doing its work ; and , therefore , I ask them in the name of God , in the name of justice , in the name of common sense , and of Chartism , not to gratify the enemv by falling into their snares .
No one supposes for a moment that Mitchel will much longer remain in exile , or that Jones and his fellow victims will be allowed to eke out their two years in worse than banishment ; and I tell you , my countrymen , and I tell the English Chartists , that if my plan of organisation and agitation is followed out , that it will be impossible for any Government longer to oppress both countries ; and , if it is not carried out , while I am ready to take my full share in all the responsibility , terror , if it continues
must be the accepted lot of the sufferer . Would to God , that I were in a situation to write my feelings without the dread of those consequences which the Act would entail upon my party—however , I tell you , and I tell your oppressors , that if the people are wise , courageous , and united , it is impossible to resist their just and ri ghteous demand ; while , if the people are foolish , cowardly , and disunited , they themselves , and not their rulers , are chargeable with their misery .
I remain , your faithful Friend and Countryman , Feahgus O'C ' onnok
Caution To The People. Any Remarks On Th...
CAUTION TO THE PEOPLE . Any remarks on the morality of the present ministry would be superfluous ; they have b y deputy appeared in court , and their character as a ' ministry is public property , and likely to take its place in due time , among the notorious of the present and past ages , including men of all ranks and characterfrom Richard the Third , to Richard Turpin , David JIaggarr , Jonathan Wild , and all others famous by flood or field . Experience , however , as manifested in the transactions of 1819 and 1839 , leave ample evidence to make us cautious of men who assume the name aud gesture of patriots , proposing desperate schemes and daring acts , having in their pockets the wages of despotism , and assuring their
dupes that they can always , with ease and security , overturn the government . 1 think a time like the present , when many men are driven to desperation hy want , and are apt to cling to any scheme , however absurd or ridiculous , that carries with it even the semblance of change , and when others are suffering from disappointment , partly resulting from their ignorance of the nature of man , and the constitution of the society in which they live , and partly attributable to an instinctive enthusiasm , inseparable from their very existence , which causes them to feel more keenly the pangs of disappointed hope , and therefore be the more read y to join in
desperate exploits—1 think , Sir , that a time like the present , may be the hatching season of secret conspiracies , that will end in ruin and trouble to all honest men who may be tin . fortunately indued to join ilieui . I hope , therefore , that all your readers will le cautious of what they do ; secret conspiracy is bad in principle ami experience has proved that its f fleets have been fatal to the progress of genuine liberty . In England , society nor government never can be changed by any secret conclave . Open , determined , and firm action , supported hy reason , and a respect for the right of others , are the only legitiraatea means of
Caution To The People. Any Remarks On Th...
effecting changes in our laws , institutions , and government - , no other means ever can , or ought to he successful . The above remarks are penned in the best pop » U ble spirit , of course , I do not suppose that a ministry so honourable as the Russell Cabinet , who have in their devotion to justice , filled the witness box v ^ nh policemen ( the literary and moral character of the force being beyond all dispute ) whose , evidente has been received against political offenders . A mi . fsistry whc . ir . their respect / or public security and effecting changes in our laws , institutions , and go-
liberty of the subject , have actually organised a system of secret espionage . On ' the aid of policemen , who appear disguised and dressed in plainclothes , at our public meetings , as the legal conservative of the rights and privileges of British citizens . All honour to the land of Milton , Hampden , and Sydney Such a ministry surely would not stoop to per . petviate public existence , by following in the wake and imitating the despicable practices of Sidmoutb . and Castleieagh . Such a thorght would he illihera in the extreme . The modern Whigs , pioverbia
tor their honour , probity , and virtue , could not , would not reso . t to such practices . But to he forewarned , is to be forearmed—and I repeat , beware o wolves in sheeps clothing—have no connexion with secret societies—be a party to no conspiracy—the Oily . tontjued villain-flatters to betray , and let the experience of the past be a guide to vou for the future . Thanking the editor for the privilege of addressing you , I am , as ever , yours truly , July 13 th , 1848 . Samuel Kydd .
The Executive Council To The People Fell...
THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL TO THE PEOPLE Fellow Countrymen , It is with feelings of no feigned regret that we call your attention to the present results of the trials of our friends , as reported in the columns of the press . It is not our intention or wish to enter into the causes of this unfortunate calamity . To merit our sympathy and support , it is sufficient for us to know that these men suffer for the people ' s cause . To some of them we are specially related . Our respected coadjutor , Mr Ernest Jones , is well known to you all . To say the least of him , he is a gentleman of talent , patriotism , and bravery ; end , since his connexion with the roevernent , he ha ? , we
believe , to the best of his knowledge and ability , served the interests of democratic right and popular progression . Such a man is no criminal ; be mav be legally convicted , but he is mcally acquitted . Self-sacrifice and devotion to great principles are virtues sought for among many , hut found among few . The sentences of these nun we think unnecessarily severe . Two \ ears in a prison makes a fearful gap in the life o a man—a loss which cannot he made up nor compensated hy any amount of attachment ir honour shown by those for whose rights the prisoner has contended . But if we cannot bring back time , and restore active energy and intellig ence—if we cannot give freedom to the enslaved—we can , at least , he grateful for the sacifice , and succour and support the wives and children ol our friends .
Fellow Countrymen , this will be a part of your duty , and we hesitate not lo say that you will discharge it nobly . We know your poverty and digtress in many instances ; hut we also know your humanity and attachment to those holy principle * for which we have all borne the persecution ot lawthe insults , contumely , and insolence of bigoted ignorance and interested abuse , and for * hich we will struggle until successful , or spend our time , talents and energy to death itself . The result test & with you . The law has triumphed . The Attomoj Gt-nciol ^ in his own proper person—ihe legal representative of the Crown—has sat in the court of the Old
Bailey , and , with all the pomp and dignity cf i . trice , has charged a jury composed of London tradesmen—the veritable middle classes of this co'tunercial metropolis—to find men guilty of sedition , riot , and illegal meeting . Evidence was producrd ; hired reporters and policemen have sworn to speak the truth ; the crown lawyers prepared their witnesses ; the judge explained the law , ami passed sentence ; the reporters conveyed the news to the wondering world ; the unfortunate men now look through their prison bars ; and of course the admirers of Whig administration exult triumphantly , and speak in glowing eulogy of the freedom and liberty of the British subject .
Let us pause , —the law has triumphed , and we obey the law . But who made the law ? The Whigs nominated the Attorney-General , — the electors elected the raembeis of the House of Commons ; land monopoly , force , and fraud , luihery and corruption , swajed the balance of power amongst the electors . The Attorney-General it > , in name and law , the representative of the Crown , but in office and act the prosecutor on behalf of a corrupt and despotic faction of Her Majesty ' s subjects . The law has triumphed—the prisoners ate condemned—but by whom were they found guilty ? By a jury , not composed of men , their equals in knowledge or circumstances . Mo : the electors must
judge the non-electors . In free England liberty means privilege and power to the few ; punishment and vassalage to the many . These men were tried by a jury of loyal special constables ; men who , on and after the 10 th of April , had sworn to protect property in name , and break the heads of the Chartists in necessity . Minute points of law—abstract questions of right—historical references on the usages of public meeting for centuries—complicated evidence—well-reasoned defences by counsel of great ability—were all considered duly bv twelve
London shopkeepers in some twenty minutes , and every thing was so plain , that a verdict for ike Crown was the unerring result . We honour the theory of trial by jury , and will respect its practice , when the jury is chosen from the people and not selected from a class . Call you such a trial justice ! we pronounce it law , constitutional law , of coursg in a nation where six-sevenths of the male aduB population are without the pale of the constitution , having no power over the laws but to obey them ; no interest in taxes but to pay them .
The law has triumphed , but has it changed that wide spread distress that knows no limits , and has penetrated the home of every workman in the laud ? Has it destroyed that isolation and separation of in . tercsts and classes that make the members of the same commonwealth look on each other as enemies ? has it brought men nearer to each other in their thoughts and sympathies ? - has it fostered the affections of the people towards their rulers ; has its triumph improved the people mentally or morally ? has it clothed the naked or fed the hungry ? All that can be said in reply to these question * is the stereotyped phrase , that ' the law has triumphed , '—yes , we know it , and we also know that its triumph is barren of goud and fertile of evil .
We shall be disappointed indeed if these lessons be lost on you . They only serve to renew our energy and strengthen our courage . We leave doubts for children , tears for women , and ask for courage , resolution , and energy from you . It is for the thinking minds of this age to solve the problem , of whether England is to be in the future a free nation or a monied despotism—whether justice shall lay prostrate and withered at the feet of power , or lit enshrined in the hearts and honoured in the institutions of a free people . Your demand for political enfranchisement is in keeping with progressive intelligence . It is a moderate demand , as catholic in its spirit as it is civilising in its tendency .
Unity of feeling , concert of action , and organisation of means , are the elements of your success . They constitute the lever by which you will change society , amend laws , and secure good government . Go on , then , with your organisation . Let every well-wisher of the movement , who has not already joined the body , do so now . Become as practiced and energetic as you are numerous , and you will be powerful , and ever prepared to give to the ExecU " tive of your choice the support which is indispensable to ensure success .
Hoping you will remember , with gratitude and respect , the sufferings of your patriotic brethren , and honour their martyrdom by being earnest in your struggle for right against might , and continue hold and uncompromising in your demands fov your own and your children ' s Charter , We are the servants of the people , Signed on behalf of the Executive , Samuel Kydd , John M'Lkak .
Derby —An Adjourned County Delegate Meet...
Derby —An adjourned county delegate meeting will b , held on Sunday , Jul > IlUb , at ten o ' clock in the Uiortung , at Mr Be . field's h . uae , Gretn-street , when delegates from the lolloivinjj places are requested to attend : —Helper . Alfieion , Iikebtou , Hoi Druoke , Dutlield , Sffunvftck , Codnor-park , Tnoville . liorrowash , Burton , h-y , Treanor , and Jlelb . nisation of the county . Chartists and Land mem evening , at the at » we placet
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'Iutbury, Church Greaaurne, To Complete ...
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), July 15, 1848, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_15071848/page/1/
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