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Northern Star (1837-1852), 14th March 1846, Edition 2 of 3, Page 1

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    • TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR, ESQ. Mr Dear O'Cossob,-You said lately, of adoc-
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      To Feargus O'Connor, Esq. Mr Dear O'Cossob,-You Said Lately, Of Adoc-

      TO FEARGUS O'CONNOR , ESQ . Mr Dear O'Cossob ,-You said lately , of adoc-

      trine in morals ( for it was scarcely a p olitical docfrine ) wMehlinaintamed , thaiitwas " un-Charhsr . let the avowal of that doctrine did not involve a single pointer a single line of the Charter . lour declaration , however in last week ' s Star , in my humble opinion , proves Qui yon are not a Chartist-Tou had anopcu opportunity of proclaiming your dislike to the ballot at the Birmingham Conference ; but yon rated tor its being retained in the People ' s

      Charter , and you voted for the whole revised People's Charter . Again and again , have you contended that the whole Charter was the standard of Chartist orthodoxy : but now you tell the world , in your address to the people of Edinburgh , " you arc for the People ' s Charter , with the exceptionof the ballot ; and you are not for that . " Why ? " Because , " say you , " I consider it an insult to put a mask upon an honest face , and because I would consider it unnecessary if the electoral body was so extensive as to defy the snar es of the wily and the machinations of the wealthy . "

      S < nr , why did roa rote for retaining in the People ' s Charter this "insult" and " maskupon an honest face , " if yon believed such to be correct definitions of the ballot , at the time the Charter was being revised at Birmingham , at the close of 1842 ? ^ Do you answer ( as I do , with regard to the doctrine of net taking human life even in self-defence ) , that reflection has convinced you of your former errer ? Then avow ft . It is a mavim of mine , that all who think , must change their opinions in one way or other , at one time or other ; and , therefore , I cannot accuse any man of either insincerity or inconsisteney

      who changes his opinions from reflection , ana avows the change . But I cannot grant that a man has a rightful title to be esteemed either a sincere or a consistent man , who condemns to-day what he voted for three years ago ; who has Terr repeatedly proclaimed that he would abide by the wltdk Charter , and declared that he had no confidence in those who would not—and now , suddenly , avows he is opposed to one of its principal provisions ; and all this without renouncing a political designation which no longer is truly his , or honestly telling the people that , after seriously weighing the matter , he had discerned that he had hitherto been in error .

      Ton told me , lately , that I must not , so soon , expect my old pupils to forget their lessons of physical force . Let me remind you that you must not , so soon , expect your pupils to forget the denunciations you have levelled against all who forsake the Charter . Tou will , perhaps , tell me that the ballot is not a principle , and that it is but an expedient . I reply that the vote for every male person of twentyone is not a principle , and that it is also an expedient . Principle would give the vote to women ; but existing conventional arrangements forbid our advocacv of women-suffrage .

      I am unwilling to occupy more space in the Star , because I know your Parliamentary matter renders long letters inconvenient just now . I only repeat that * in my humble opinion , you are not a Chartist . For if that name does not signify " one who demands that the People ' s Charter be made the law of the land / ' what docs it signify ? 1 am , yours affectionately , Thomas Cooper , the Chartist . 134 , Blaek & iar ' s-roaJl , Monday , March 9 , 1 S 46 .

      P . S . I cannot help observing—for I have a vivid remembrance of it—that you fully approved when I brought O'Brien and Vincent to the bar of public opinion , at Leicester . Tou know the old proverb" Sauce for goose is sauce for gander . " As a member of the National Charter Association , I hold that I have a right to question you publicly on this point ; andtbatyon , asamember of its Executive Committee —and , above all , as a public man whodemands hearty trust and confidence on the part of my order , who have long looked up to you as a leader—have a bounden duty to perform : that is , to amwsr me .

      To Thomas Cooper, The Chartist. Mr Dear ...

      TO THOMAS COOPER , THE CHARTIST . Mr Dear Coopek , —I receive your letter with thanks , and publish it with pleasure . Without stopping to discuss the niceties of moral and political doctrines , I shall proceed at once to a comparison between our respective regard for public opinionfirst , observing that your letter convinces me that I have achieved one of the main objects of my life—I mean such a revising , jealous , criticising public opinion as will watch , detect , and warn public men . For me this school cannot be too vigilant , critical , or severe ; indeed , I have more than once ascribed the continuous trnckh' ng of public men to the foolish toleration , er too lenient correction , of a first fault ; and therefore 1 cannot hope to erect a standard by

      which all save myself shall be measured . Publi men must either bow to that public opinion , or take a course adverse to it , and resist its progress . If the latter line was calculated to serve a principle that I esteemed , and if I thought public opinion wrong , I would hold fast by my convictions , as I often have done , in defiance of what I esteemed error ; but in the other case , where the adoption of an opinion cannot in the slightest degree offend morals , disgrace a principle , or retard its accomplishment , I prefer embracing it . In the one case acquiescence in error would be proof of prostitution ; in the other case , adoption of a harmless and inoffensive opinion , is proof of respect for , and obedience to , the public will .

      Now , having said so much upon the general question , allow me to say that np to the hour of writing now twelve o'clock on Wednesday , I have received just three communications upon the subject of my address to the electors and non-electors of Edinburgh—the one from yourself , which I publish ; the other by deputation from the Chartists of Marylebohe ; and the third , a resolution passed by the Somers Townlocafity . You must therefore conclude that I act wholly and ep . tirely upon honest conviction , not at all swayed by any extensively expressed public opinion . Indeed , I consider , and always lave

      considered , perfect unanimity so indispensable to the success of our cause , that I have not unfrequently ^ one violence to my own feelings rather than be the means of creating discord . As , then , you have thought proper to contrast our present positions with regard to newly accepted notions , and to award yourself the triumph , give meleave , without wishing to tear a single laurel from your wreath , to say that my victory is greater than yours , because , while you still persevere in what many consider error , I bow even to your opinion , lest opposition to it should deprive our cause of a single supporter , or arm our

      opponents with a single weapon for attack . Our rejoicing is unmeasured when those hostile to our views will even listen calmly to our discussion , and it is bounding and overflowing when they confess themselves converts to any portion of our doctrines ; but as " there is more joy in heaven over one sinner that rcpenteth , than over nincty-and-nine just persons who need no repentance , " what will be your joy , what will be the feelings of the Chartist body throughoat the land , when they find me ready to adopt an opinion which cannot possibly do any injury to our cause , rather than resist itat the risk of doing injury ?

      Now , it I saw anything injurious to the cause of Chartism in the ballot , I would still adhere to my conviction—bat as it only contains an opinion , which the present is sot the projter time to discuss , I am willing to adopt it ; and when I adopt opinions , I adhere to them until reason corrects them , or until time and circumstances shall of themselves have put them out of date . While I adopt this course , now give me leave to state my reasons briefly and candidly for having introduced the subject in mv address to

      the electors of Edinburgh—it was because Mr . 11 acaulay and his party profess to merge all liberal principles in the question of the ballot , and because , intending to be his opponent there , J wasresolved upon placing pure Chartism in contrast with Whig Chartism . This stick , however , you would not allow roe to keep , and I do not regret it ; and now , in juv tiScation ofmy past conduct , which you would arraitin npon the subject of the ballot , allow me briefly to review it , and at the same time to contrast Chartist theory with Chartist practice upon this subject .

      In discussing the questioa of the Charter , I have invariably shewn that five of our points were based upen the old constitution of England , and that the ballot was an onshoot of mere Whig creation . I

      To Thomas Cooper, The Chartist. Mr Dear ...

      have heard the best speakers in the Chartist ranks repudiate the ballot even as an adjunct . At the Sheffield meeting , in 1 S 3 S , when pitted against Mr . Ward upon the subject , when he produced the ballotbox I christened it the " rat-trap ; " and now for the invariable practice . I hold , and 1 suppose you hold , that a House of Commons under the Charter law would be to the people what our Conventions have hitherto been . The object of the Charter is to harmonise the electoral and representative bodies . Well , then , see how Chartist Conventions have invariably dealt with the ballot . I know of ho instance where any principle was involved , in which an amendment has not been put and carried against the pro' osition for a ballot-that the names should be taken

      down and recorded . The same does not apply to any other point of the Charter , for the five others are , the body , legs , and anus ; you cannot lop . off one , fetter , or cramp * . it , withou ; injury to all . I may admit the necessity of electing the first Chartist Parliament by ballot , although the vigorous and independent roanrxr in which the constituencies created by the Reform Bill used their newly created power in comparison with the use they have since made of it , would almost lead one to believe that Englishmen rejoice in an opportunity of openly manifesting their newly achieved power .

      But of this I feel assured , that many sessions of a Chartist Parliament would not pass before the independent electors constifutingalarge majority of the constituent body would demand the abrogation of the vote by ballot , and the substitution of open voting ; and for that correction by those who will then have the power , I am ready to wait . When I have more space at my command I shall prove to you irrefutably the enormous power that capital would possess over an impoverished constituency ; a power which I may be told Chartist law would destroy , but which I beg to observe might have the inclination , as it would have the power , to preserve the monopoly .

      Tou are not to suppose , although THE TIME MAY SEEM FATOURABLE for a controversy that this has been my first comment upon the ballot ; and now allow me to quote the opinion of the shrewdest men in our ranks . We have frequently , after our meetings , and at other times when assem bled together , discussed the question of the ballot , and the Chartists have invariablv declared that they WOULD RATHER BE WITHOUT IT . Again ,

      the Marylebone deputation that called upon me yesterday , heard my explanation calmly , and with respect , and one of the three said , " Well , I would rather be without the ballot ; and I know that some af the best Chartists are of the same opinion . " You ask me why I did not oppose it at Birmingham ? What a very foolish question I I went to Birmingham to heal divisions , not to increa-e dissension . I seconded Air

      Sturge ' s appointment to the chair . I gave the lead to others in everything . I almost demeaned myself by apologising to Mr . Lovett and his party for any offence 1 might have given them . And then , to have cast such an apple of discord amongst ranks that should be united , would not have been treachery , but treason . I can speak of Birmingham , and of my subsequent conduct , with conscious delight . Can you ? But I'll go further : if there was a new Convention to reconsider the Charter , I would vote against the erasure of the

      ballot , leaving to a Chartist House of Commons the power to deal with it ; and I think you will at once confess , that my address to the electors of Edinburgh had a right to differ , and very materially , from an address that I may offer to the Chartist public . In my address to the electors of Edinburgh , I was stating the measures that I would vote for , if returned to the class-elected Parliament ; and , without entering into a minute discussion as to the relative necessity of the ballot with the present suffrage , and the ballot with the Chartist suffrage , I was bound to tell them what I would vote for in a class Parliament ; and in

      that Parliament I WOULD NOT VOTE FOR THE BALLOT . I would vote against it ; and if I voted for it , every Chartist in England would curse my name , and denounce me as a traitor . Now , this one fact alone should , aud would , have been a perfect answer to your letter—that , in the present House of Commons , I would vote for Universal Suffrage , Annual Parliaments , Equal Electoral Districts , No Property Qualification , and Payment of

      Members ; but I WOULD VOTE AGAINST THE BALLOT . In your postscript you say , tkat I fully approved of your exposure of O'Brien and Vincent , after the Birmingham Conference . I neither approved nor disapproved , asfar as I remember , nor did I disapprove of your denunciation of myself ; but , as I have subsequently convinced you , many at Leicester did . But you say , you have a right to question me ; and that I have a right to answer "you . " I admit it .

      lour question is , "do I say that reflection has convinced me of my former error , and that I avow it V My answer Is , that reflection has not convinced rae of any error ; but I leave to a Chartist constituency the power of taking the mask off its own face , it it pleases . Reflection has convinced me of no error , but thought has convinced me that 1 should have addressed my appeal to the electors and nonelectors of Edinburgh , as if I had been addressing a Chartist , and not a class constituency , in order to

      have prevented the possibility of doubt , hesitation , or discord in our ranks ; but then I could not have made my appeal to them with reference to the present constitution of Parliament . Reflection has convinced me that I am right in deferring to public opinion—tiiatydu are wrong in resisting it . Reflection tells rae that I have been right in denouncing minute discussion on all the changes that Chartism would effect ; and reflection tells me that the Charter is able to take care of itself . Ilvflection tells me that the

      unfettered use of all constitutional appliances must succeed in the accomplishment of the People's Charter ; while conviction persuades me that the acceptance of the doctrine of resisting tyranny by moral persuasion only , would leave to tyrants a per petuity of sanguinary oppression and misrule . My dear Cooper , when you are kind enough to pluck the moat from my eye , do not , I pray you , hope that its shadow will cover the beam in your own ? Now , I regret exceedingly that you did not put your question nakedly , and unencumbered by invidious contrast—then I should have given vou a

      simple answer to a simple question ; but when you hope to use a passage of mine , which you do not appear to have construed fairly , or even sensibly , for the purpose of achieving your own triumph , you must pardon allusion to it in my reply . You say that I am no Chartist ; I shall not place our respec tive opinions with regard to means that circumstances may render necessary to achieve the Charter in odious contrast , because I am determined not to put a peg in the wall for any man to hang his Chartist cloak upon . But if to spend every hour of the day , and every day in the week , in the advocacy of Chartism , be a Chartist ; if to bear with resignation the loss of friends and relatives in honour of

      Chartism , be to lie a Churtist ; if to sell property for itsupport , be Chartism ; if to bear with a smile the frowns ofmy class , be Chartism ; if to entertain the conviction that man lias not only a right , but that it is his duty to repel force by force , aud that it is as much his duty to rebel ' against a corrupt IIossc of Commons as against a tyrannical prince , be Chartism ; if the belief that the autocrat of Russia will surrender to the scythes of the Poles what ho has refused to the moans , the wails , and the tears of Polish women and children , be Chartism ; if to make a voluntary surrender of an opinion which bv chance may injure thecause , be Chartism ; if to allow others wuo do not wish to wear a mask to tear that mask

      To Thomas Cooper, The Chartist. Mr Dear ...

      off their faces , instead of doing ifc myself , whon the . bare attempt may do injury , be Chartism ; if to live for it—if to be prepared to go as far as any other man living for its accomplishment , be Chartism—then 1 am a Chartist . Now , ray dear Cooper , mark that I have given you a fuller answer than I need have given ; for it would have been sufficient to remind you that my address set forth what-1 would vote for in the House of Commons ; but respect for you , for the people , for Chartism aud myself , has induced me to enter more fully into the subject . I am sure you will rejoice to

      find that it is easier to recall one sheep who had no intention of going astray , than to drive a whole flock through the sens that you , and I , and others , have taken so much pains to erect . I remain , my dear Cooper , An advocate for Universal Suffrage , Annual Parliaments , Equal Electoral Districts , No Property Qualification , Payment of Members , and the BALLOT , until honest English independence shall see as much safety in open

      voting , and more honour in openly giving expression to honest conviction ; and with the assurance that you shall never again hear from my lips , or see from my , pen , ft wonl > upon : the subject—that is , I mean a word calculated to create suspicion , doubt , or , what ; may be worse in your mind , or in the mind of any other man ; and that lam further , my dear Cooper , Your faithful friend and brother Chartist , FHlUftllfi O'CflXNOR .

      P . S . —When I meet Mr . Macaulay on the hustings in Edinburgh , before the Scotch people , I shall then , I trust , to your satisfaction and theirs , be able to explain the propriety of the passage to which you have taken exception ; but which , however , to satisfy you , I now retract , determined not even to create discussion , which may lead to angry controversy . Again yours , F . O'C .

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      103 Acres, 1 Rood, 30 Perches Op . Excel...

      103 ACRES , 1 ROOD , 30 PERCHES op . EXCELLENT LAND PURCHASED FOR THE WORKING CLASSES WITH THEIR OWN MONEY Mr Vert Dear Fhiexds , —In the very hurried announcement which Mr . Clark was able to make in the Northern Star of last week , by running from the Auction-mart to the Printing-office , it was impossible to convey to you the cheering intelligence

      which I am now about to develope to you more fully . It is said " that there is nothing new under the sun ;" but your directors , with your co-operation , haye produced a novelty . They have done that which , if followed up as vigorously as it has been commenced , must and will , at no distant period , lead to the thorough emancipation of labour , and to the unfettered possession of political power to defend it . W c have purchased

      103 ACRES , 1 ROOD , 30 PERCHES of superior land , within fifteen miles of London , within six miles of the Watford Station , within hal l a mile of a brick-field , within half a mile of a limekiln , within three miles of a canal-wharf , where manure is brought for sate , and within a mile and a half of the thriving village of Mill End , within two miles and a half of Rickmansworth , with a population of between five and six thousand , with an excellent road bounding it , and without one square foot of waste in the entire of the freehold property .

      The land is such as I assert , without fear of contradiction , may and will , in the course of three years , be made equal to the best market-garden in England . Chalk is the principal manure in use in the district , and in every field , within a few yards of the surface , there is chalk . There are upon the land about fourteen acres of wheat , and ten of oats . The parties have till the 8 th of May to make out and furnish a satisfactory title , or they may do it before ; and when that is done , cottages—neat cottages , with

      suitable ofiices—not hovels—will be built without delay . The two-acre cottages will consist of three good rooms ; the three-acre cottages of four ; and the four-acre cottages of five . The land is situated in one of the most improved and lovely parts of England ; and there is attached to it a common-right of from three to five hundred acres . I am not sure as to the quantity , but it is not under three . The common is excellent land , and of course the occupants will derive their respective rights to it without any additional charge .

      The directors are more than pleased with this , their first attempt ; and I may tell you that Mr . Dayle and I traversed every lield , and tried the soil in several places in each field . I will now give you my opinion candidly of the available value of our location . I will suppose , with extra money expended upon the cottage , that the rent of a two-acre farm will be £ 0 per annum , and I have not the slightest hesitation in asserting that in thtee years from the time of taking possession , that that location , now fetching

      £ G per annum , will then be worth £ 13—a rent which not an occupant at that time would take for his holding . Now , let me apply this social improvement to our political considerations . I was in the House of Commons last ni » ht , to hear the debate on Mr . Buncombe ' s motion ; and previous to its being discussed , Mr . Williams brought forward a motion fur the better education of the Welsh people ; aud I beg to submit to you one sentence in Sir James Graham ' s reply : —

      I beg , says he , to assure the hon . gentleman thattho measures which the government are now engaged in passing for the improvement of the physical condition of the people will of themselves considerably improve their moral candition , because they will THEN HE BETTER ABLE TO Eh-FOMCE TKB 1 IC VIEWS UPON THIS HOUSE A ^ l ) THE GOVERNMEN T THAN THEY ARE SOW . In addition to this purchase , I am about to start , on Friday morning , to visit 221 acres of excellent freehold land in the neighbourhood of Sheffield and Doncaster , ami if to be had for the value , and with a good title , that too will be the people ' s very shortly . However , we are now so far prepared with a knowledge that good land can be always had for Chartist

      money , and with funds to carry out our plan , that the directors have decided upon taking the ballot for locations by occupants in No . 1 section , at Carpenters' Hall , Manchester , on Easter Monday , when all who have paid up their shares will be eligible to ballot ; and those who are successful , and wiio may wish to add to the funds allowed for building , will have the opportunity ot giving such directions as they think proper . The directors have taken a suitable office iuarespcctable street , where theseeretary will henceforth transact the business of the association . In all cases the locations will be laid out most profitably for the several occupants before they take possession , and each tenement will be enclosed either with a quick hedge or single post and rail .

      Let me now take a glance at what may be effected in less than five years from thisdate . Long before that period every member of No . 1 section will have been located ; and there is no reason on earth why No . 2 section , commencing when No . 1 is closed , may not overtake So . 1 . They may go Oil , wlldl they see the first section , surpassing even my most sanguine expectations , and may even be located before No . 1 : it all depends upon their payments . I should state that No . 1 section is not yet complete , and that those who pay up their shares fa foil between this and Easier Monday , wdl bo entitled

      103 Acres, 1 Rood, 30 Perches Op . Excel...

      to enter the ballot list . Now ,-1 have no doubt upon my mind , not the slightest , that , before five years from this date , 40 , 000 men will bo located . upon a hundred thousand acres of land , with 40 , 000 good houses ; and that the petitions of those 40 , 000 , if they have not the vote before would , in the words of Sir James Graham , go farther then , than they would in their present 'condition , to enforce their views . It is our intention to have a tremendous demonstration upon the day on which the occupants go to take possession of their tenements , both from London and

      in the north of England ; and I have not the slightest doubt upon my mind , that out of those two demonstrations alone there will be from five to six thousand new members , when they see that the plan is not only practicable , but easy of accomplishment . The several secretaries are no * v earnestly invited to forward full particulars , as well of the number of paidup members in their several sections , as the number of new members that have joined , as it will be indispensable that the secretary should be in possession of the exact number of enrolled members , in order thatlic may be enabled to state to the Society the time at which No . 1 closes .

      ¦ tot fprice paid far this estate is £ 1 , 800 , but will be increased something by the purchase of a weekly annuity paid to three old people , of the respective ages of sixty-two , sixty-three , and sixty-seven . The purchase-money for these annuities will fall far short of the value of the common-right , and therefore we should bo justified in estimating the price at less than £ 1 , 860 ; so that the brawlers will see that hind , good land , and in the neighbourhood of London , may be purchased at the figure at whicli I estimated , while it matters not to the Society whether . they give £ 50 an acre or £ 10 an acre for lands respectively worth those amounts , except , indeed , that good land

      is cheaper ab £ 50 than bad land is at £ 20 . In conclusion , I have only to observe , firstly , that one of a society of fifty or a hundred leaving their old habitations , and coming as a resident among those who have entered into the same plan fur their regeneration , and who have identical interests at stake , cannot imagine that they go far from home . Secondly , that the directors have determined upon establishing wholesale marts for manure ^ coals , and other articles for which the occupants would have to pay a heavy retail price , and that no profit whatever is to accrue to the Society from the retail of those necessaries , but that the purchasers are to hare them retail at the wholesale price .

      The centre room , a kitchen , of each cottage will be tiled , and will have a kitchen range with oven and boiler ; the other two rooms will be boarded and papered . The cottages will be painted and aired , and the lands suitably laid out , so that the respective occupants will have- nothing to do but to put in their furniture and go to work . Where land is purchased , and where there are not suitable roads , the roads will be so constructed that every occupant can go without interruption from his tenement to a road leading to the high-road ; and although the perfect carrying out ot the plan appears to involve cumbrous details ,

      nevertheless , proper industry and application on the part of the directors will , 1 trust and feel confident , overcome all apparent difficulties , and satisfy those who have reposed confidence in my judgment , that I have neither misled nor deceived them . Anxious for the hour that all our hopes shall be realised , and so many of my fellow creatures shall be taken out of the house of bondage and placed upon their own independent freeholds , I remain , my friends , Your faithful servant , Feargus O'Connor .

      The "Clerical Wing," As Mr. O'Connell Ca...

      The " Clerical wing , " as Mr . O'Connell called it , has not passed yet , but he will get it passed into law if he can . The unhappy division which he has created amongst the Irish Catholic clergy and hierarchy is the forerunner of that bill or '' wing . " Mark how slyly he lays tho plan for the payment of the Catholic clergy by the Crown— " That that payment , or provision , would | give them the means of doing acts of charity , instead of being almost under the necessity of obtaining it . " Not a word about the corrupting influence of a State provision . The devil himself never pleaded more cunningly to cause the fall of man , than this patriot pleaded to corrupt the

      O'CONNELL'S PLAN FOR DISFRANCHISING THE FORTY SHILLING FREEHOLDERS , RAISING THE QUAHFICATON TO TEN POUNDS , PENSIONING THE IRISH CATHOLIC CLERGY , AND ABOLISHING THE SPIRITUAL AVTIWRITY OF THE POl'E IN IRELAND . "London , March 7 , 1825 . " Sm , —I deem it a duty 1 owe to my respected brethren of the Catholic Association , to state to them the following fact-, and to mix with my statement some adface which is certainly honest in intention : — " First ,--Thc bill for the suppression of the association vill bd read a third time this . day . It cannot

      get the Royal assent for some days , aud it will not be in force or operation for ten days after it receives the Royal assent . 1-hope I shall be in Ireland within that period to assist iu such an arrangement as may be most suited to the dignity and the interest of tho' € atho ! ic body , without being in any , even the slightest degree inconsistent with that dutiful and ready obedience which we have always paid , and in every fortune will pay to the law of the land . Obedience to the Jaw is our first duty , our next is the peaceable and loyal pursuit , by all the constitutional channels left open for us , of that emancipation which would not be the victory of party , but would bo the means ot consolidating the empire , by making the people of Ireland pan and parcel of the common strwjih of the Great British nation ,

      " Secondly , —I am able to state that the cause of religious liberty , which we advocate , is certainly gaining ground in this country . Much of the opposition to us I was in the habit of attributing to bigotry , and to an old dislike of the Irish . Since I came here I am convinced I was in error , and that there is but little of bigotry remaiuiHg , and still less of an anti-Irish feeling . No ! the opposition to us at present , such as it is , is occasioned solely by an ignorance ot the merits of our claims , and by the prejudice created by Orange calumniators . 1 have

      perceived that it is quite sufficient to give an Englishman accurate information on the subject of the oppressions under which we labour , and the extent ot the relief which we seek , to convert him from opposition into a steady and warm friend . Tlie examinations before the committee of both houses in this way have doue a great deal of good , and our cause is winning on the English mind by iu native merits in that friendly mode which is most desirable for the purpose of consolidating both countries ill that cordial manner which would increase the wealth and

      strength of both . "Thirdly , —I have the happiness to state mj conviction that Vie Emancipation Mil will pass this session . I may be too sanguine , but thatis my opinion . Wfi CAS SKVBB BE TOO GttATKFuL TO Sltt FuASCIS Bukdktt for the manner in which he introduced the measure , and for the unwearied exertions he has made , and is making , in out-cause . Mr . PJtmkcfce , also , I am bound to say , and I say it willingly—Mr . Plunkett hiis shown himself most ' hearty and sincere , and indefatigable in this business . 1 cannot be deceived on this point . I can pledge myself to the people of Ireland , that Mr . Flunkett is doing all that man can do , and more , perhaps , than any other man but himself could do , to cabuy mis hill .

      ' I < ourthly , —1 have further the great gratification to state that it has been pukmitikd to me to draw THE ROLGU DIIA 1 T OF THIS BlLh , ill Which 1 Hill Cllgaged , and hope to have it ready on Wednesday next . "Fifthly , — That this bill , if it shall , as I no FIRMLY 1101 * 15 AND KXPKCT , PASS INTO A LAW , Will pU ( Catholics and Protestants mi alcvef as to civil rights —excepting the succession to the Throne in the present Protestant family , which no person amongst us ever desired to see altered , and in which , as at present limited , we heartily concur ; and except the offices of Lord Cliancellor of England aud Ireland .

      " Sixth ) v ,--There is nothing sought for , or desired , in the way of security , iscossistkst with the doctrine or discipline of our Church . This pan of the business is ud-euup in a way full of kindness and good sense . It is felt that to give an Emancipation Bill which , instead of conciliating , would increase irritation and jealousy , would be mere folly ; and , therefore , the securities sought for arc sought for in their proper place , munclv . the avpeotionatb

      oiiatitudk of tiik ntisii PKoriiE , mid in such arrangement as will mitkc the nomination of our l ' rdates essentially domestic afid national , without trenching upon the canonical rights of the Catholic Cuuncn . The allegiance of our dignitaries , which was never doubted , will thus be placed within the view of the law , but nothing at ail of a veto or vetoiscieal arrangement is sought for or desired . Those who are supporting the bill , at kith sides of the house , are » * v *

      Do not forget , but bear in mind , that you have been told over and over again , by the man who now addresses you , that a bill to pay the Catholic clergymen the plan drawn up by Mr . O'Connell in March , 1825 , will become law , after , perhaps , a sham opposition to it by its projector ; and bear in mind also , that Mr . O'Connell has no more idea , hope , prospect , or intention of repealing the Union , than 1 have of carrying his threat into execution by bringing 500 , 000 Irishmen to England , to help a tyrannical government to cut the throats of my esteemed Chartist brethren . Patrick O'Hioqixs . Dublin , March O , ISiG .

      Catholic Clergy of Ireland . And he would have succeeded in making this atrocious " clerical wing" a part of the Emancipation Bill na well as the disfranchising wing , had not the Almighty raised up our venerated Archbishop Doctor Murray , and the late Doctor Doyle , bishop of Kildare , aud other prelates to oppose and defeat him . It was at a meeting in the parish ot * Saint Audcons , in this city , that the Reverend Mr . Purccll said , in the presence of Mr . O'Connell , and in opposition to his infamous proposition for a State provision for the Catholic clergy : — " May that right . hand of mmc wither and fall down poiverless by my side tftc day it is contaminated by a Ilegium Bonwn . "

      of the 40 s . freeholder ; and . that those together amount in the whole to 2 ,-100 , 000 souls , the whole of whom were turned adrift upon the wide world between 1829 and 1 S 31 , in pursuance of the plan proposed to Parliament by IMr . O'Connell , in March 1825 . This is what he called the " Disfranchising wing , " and that wing was carried into effect with a vengeance . He swore in his evidence , before select committees of both Houses of Parliament , that the Catholic 40 s . freeholders in Lcinster , Munster , and Connaught were perjurers , and should therefore be disfranchised ; but that the Protestant and Presbyterian 40 s . freeholders of Ulster were not perjurers . This is a heavy charge . Will lie deny it 1 No , he dare not , because that evidence has been printed by authority of the House of Commons .

      pretence that you were all perjurers , and that he would help to save your souls by effecting your temporal ruin . Was there ever such an audacious letter , as that which you have just read , penned by mortal man ? Read the eighth statement in that diabolical letter , and ask yourselves would you accept , even now , of a 40 s . franchise , in Ireland , from one of these " great landholders , " always bearing in mind that the 40 s . freeholders had houses , gardens , a few acres of land , and leases for three lives , or thirty-ono years . Bear in mind , that when Mr . O'Connell drew up this Bill , of which he boasts so much , for your destruction , that there were in Ireland about 400 , 000 40 s . freeholders , which , upon a low average , would have at the very least five in family , besides a few relations or friends , who were not immediately of the family

      "' Erin , oh ! Erin , thy winter is past , " Aud the hope that hv'd through thee shall blossom at last . *" " 1 have the honour to be , sir , " Your most faithful servant , " Daniel O'Connell . " To the Chairman of the Catholic Association . " There now , fellow-countryme : !—ejected tenantry of Ireland—poor outcast wanderers in Great Britain ! read that letter , and learn how you were driven from the land of your birth , You can see now who it was that laid the plan , and Atbw up the Bill for your destruction , tinder tiie ' canting , hrpocritical

      " I have made a great sacrifice in coming here : that sacrifice continues . I wish it were ten times as great . I do not boast of it ; but I have been amply compensated in the strong belief that the deputation has done good . The gentlemen who comnosc it , and especially our chairman , Lord Killecn , deserve I think , eternal praise . ., " There is one other cheering circumstance . I perceive a kind and general feeling . amongst the Irish members who hitherto opposed us xo violently . Believe me , they are worthier aad better men than our passions allowed us to think . I see the beginning of better days ; of mutual oblivion of the past ; of mutual affection , and real and permanent conciliation for the future . I hope I may

      say"Ninthly , —It is intended to give the Emancipation Bill a first reading in about a week , and then to have it printed for circulation in England and Ireland ; and we shall have full time to deliberate on all its clauses . The second reading will be after Easter . I wish I did possess any influence in the Catholic Association . I wish I deserved the confidence of my beloved -countrymen . If I did , I would use it just to this extent—to implore tutu neither the association collectively , nor , if possible , any individual belonging to it , would give any opinion ui'os the cjmkcjs of the : klectivjs kjmhchisb until tho bill was printed , or until my arrival amongst you . Indeed I mean to carry with me the printed bill , after its first reading . I know something , I think , of human nature ; and if I can judge from the symptoms of the times , emancipation is certainly at hand .

      and citiME produced in counties by the i > ri ; sext SY 8 TRM isenovmous ; and the preponderating influence which the 40 s . freeholders give to great landholders over the resident intellect and honesty of a county , is ( mite frightful . For my own part , I vcaH « think that raising the qualification to £ 5 , or £ 10 , would add to the Catholic influence in Ireland ; but , however that may be , it is not necessary to be in any haste to form an opinion on this subject , as , before any measure of this kind is adopted , full time will be given for deliberation , and for consulting the sound sense of the Irish people .

      Eighthly , —It has been suggested for some time past , by many members of Parliament connected with the government , that the elective franchise in counties , but not in cities , should be raised from 40 s . to £ 5 , or £ 10 . It is not to be raised in cities , because in cities the corporations can make poor freemen , and therefore the counteracting qualification will be left law ; besides , in cities , there are none of those overwhelming large landed proprietors , who can w . ikc a host of poor freeholders , and traffic upon them as if they wen actual slaves . The quantity of PKiuunv

      vision to alter or affect the existing jurisdiction of the Catholic prelates iu Ireland ; neither is there any new oath , required , or anything but what the most conscientious Catholic can desire . In short , if we nro now emancipated , we shall be so iu the true spirit of British generosity , and in a way to make every Catholic in Ireland pour out blessings upon his Protestant-fellow-subjects . I do indeed think that a new era is arriving fast , when religious dissensions will cease with religious disablities .

      combined in putting it forward in the most cordial and satisfactory way . In short , umxcifatiox if thus obtaiskd . will bo just what all liberal Protestants , as well as ourselves , have desired , namely—Unconditional Emancipation . " Seventhly , —It is proposed to make a provision by the Bill , for the Catholic CleIiot ; such » provision as would give them the means of doing acts of charity , instead of being almost under the necessity of obtaining it . But it is not intended by such pro-

      Total Toss Of The Giikat Liverpool Stkam...

      Total toss of the Giikat Liverpool Stkamek . — Intelligence has reached London of the total loss of " The " Great Liverpool" Peninsular aud Oriental steamer , which took place on the 24 th of February , off Cape Einisterre , by getting on shoals , at four in fclie morning . The catastrophe appears to have been wholly the result of accident . It is said that no blame whatever attaches to Captain M'Lcod , the commander . Only three lives were lost , although it is stated there were about one hundred and fifty souls on board . Mrs . Archer , from Bombay , a Miss Morris , aged seven , and au Indian female servant , wore tiie three who perished by the swamping of the boat , while attempting to escape . Seventy-nine of the passengers and twenty-one of thecrew have arrived at Southampton by the Pacha , whicli also had a narrow escape of being wrecked off Oporto .

      The Ten Hours'bill. Public Meetikgat Bra...

      THE TEN HOURS ' BILL . PUBLIC MEETIKGAT BRADFORD . On Monday evening a public meeting of the clergy gentry , manufacturers , operative !! , ml other inhabitants of the borough of Bradiord , was held m the large room of the Odd Follows' Hal ! , in this town , to consider the propriety of petitioning Parliament to pass the bill now before the House of Commons , for restricting the hours of ihetorv labour to ten hours per day . Upwards of 2 , 000 " people were present , and each resolution was adopted without a dissentient .

      J , Pollard , Esq ., J . P ., was called to the chair , and opened the business of the meeting in an excellent speech , in the course of which he bbswved that since the Inst election for the West Riding , whon the mover and seconder of Lord Morpeth recommended an amicable adjustment between masters and men , instead of a Parliamentary enactment on uiu subject , which arrangement the noble lord had alsu approved of—since that day ho ( the chairman ) had been told that Air . Marshall had offered his men a reduction of two hours per week ; but what the factory workers wanted was , a reduction of two hours per day , and thev would bo satisfied with nothing . less . ( Loud cheers . ) He might be excused , perhaps , tor adding , that he believed they would soon get the reduction they wanted . ( Loud applause . )

      The first resolution was moved by the Rev . W . Morgan , ami supported by the Rev . J . L . Frost and the liev . Mv . Birch , and expressed the opinion of the meeting that labour in factories for twelve hours a day was incompatible with the development of the physical strength and the cultivation of the minds of the factory workers . The other resolutions were te the name effect , and correopona with those which have been passed at several preceding meetings . Mr . Wm . Fison , woolstapler , moved the second resolution . Mr . Abednogo Smith , a working man , and Mr . Joseph Frith , also au operative , supported the motion .

      t Lord Ashley said the progress of the great question which he advocated might be in some instances slow , but nevertheless it was rapidly poucceding to its final and happy consummation . The question now was narrowed to that which might be called the commercial branch ; it was reduced to the simple calculation , whether , if the hours of labour were diminished , there would bo any essential falling off in the produce of the mill , and a consequent general abatement of the wages of the workmen . That was a question which time and experience would most satisfactorily answer ; but it was a question to which the factory workers before him would reply by saying tuat they are dcuiiktlly prewired to incur any hazard to which they may be exposed bv the

      accomplishment of this long and much de ? ired consummation . ( Cheers . ) The noble lord then adverted to the government measure for abolishing the protective duties on the importation ot foreign corn —a measure which , ho said , would soon , no doubt , receive the force of law . The existence of the Corn Laws had been frequently urged—whether rightly or wrongly , he would not stop to inquire—against the concession of their just demands lor further restric tions on factory labour ; so that the abrogation of those laws would remove a strong barrier to the attainment of the object which they had in view ; at least , it would put to the test the truth of those

      assertions , the sincerity with which they had been urged , and the principle upon which they had been maintained . ( Hear . ) Let them not be dismayed that , in the late debate , a minister of the crown , one in high office , had declared that never would he consent to the passing of this measure . Ministers had been beaten on this question before now ; they might be beaten again ; and he might tell them that if ministers were beaten again , they were not now in the condition that they once were , to ask for anoj to obtain the revemUf tlu * vole . \ Loud applause . ) The Chairman then put the resolution , and it was carried by loud acclaim .

      William Walker , Esq ., an extensive manufacturer , in moving the next resolution , expressed his opinion that the present long hours of labour in factories was a grievance which was intolerable , which need not , and which , therefore , ought not to be continued . lie concurred with previous speakers in the belief that nothing short of a legislative enactment would suffice to attain their object ; and entertaining these views , he begged to propose— ' * That ten hour * a day is the proper period to which the labours of young persons in factories should be restricted ; and , therefore , this meeting pledges iiself to use every legitimate means in its power to procure a . limitation ot working hours to ton per day . "

      The Rev . J . Faweett seconded the resolution , which was passed unanimously . Mr . I . Bottomley , an operative , then proposed— - "That the factory workers in this meeting are quite prepared to accept the Ten llours' Bill , leaving the priceof labour to Deregulated by supply and demand . " ( Hear , hear . ) This resolution also was agreed to unanimously , and also a petition in accordance therewith , and the meeting broke up at eleven o ' clock . A deputation of the managers and overlookers of

      the workpeople employed by Thomas Barnes , Esq ,, at Farnwovth cotton-mills , near Bolton , Lancashire , waited upon their employer last Saturday evening , to request an abridgment of their hours of labour . After a short consultation , Mr . Barnes very readily conceded to their request , to commence running eleven hours instead of twelve , he paying the same wages that he paid for twelve ; and expressed a wish that the operatives would devote a portion of their spire time to the cultivation and improvement of their moral and intellectual faculties . The boon has Kiven great satisfaction to the operatives , about nine hundred in number .

      The Pooh Man's T Guardian Society. A Mee...

      THE POOH MAN'S GUARDIAN SOCIETY . A meeting was held in Marylebone , on Tuesday evening , Dr . Cox in the chair , for the purpose of receiving the report of a deputation which had waited upon the Marylebone vestry , on the part of the inhabitants of that parish . The object of the deputation was to have an inquiry instituted as to tho treatment of that class of paupers caliea " tramps , " it having been rumoured that they were very badly lodged and poorly fed . The reply made to the deputation was , " that everything needful—every duty had been fulfilled by the parish guardians towards casual paupers . " However , several persons present mentioned instances of cruelty towards the tramps who applied to the

      Marylebone workhouse . One woman was instanced , who had , with a famished infant in her arms , requested assistance , which was refused . 'Die woman , according to the evidence of tho parish surgeon , was totally unable to afford any nourishment to her child . In this wretched plight , all hope being lost , with the mad tenderness of a mother , she threw her infant into tho water and it perished . She was triod for murder , found guilty , and received sentence of death . A mechanic told this tale to the meeting , and added that a respite was obtained for the unfortunate creature . We scarcely need add that tli & heroine of this sad story was the unfortunate Mary Farley . After some discussion , the meeting agreed that the answer of tho vestry was unsatisfactory .

      It was then proposed by Mr . Savage to found a society to be called " The Poor Man ' s Guardian Society . " The object sought to be obtained was the better execution of the trust confided to parish guardians . It was shown that tho office of guardian is often seized upon as a means of trading in the work of the paupers . Shirt-making was shown to exist in many unions , where the guardians paid the poor needlewomen only three farthings per shirt , aud realised a handsome profit themselves . It was to

      effect a change on this system that the Poor Man ' s Guardian Society was sought to be established , its object being to make tho guardians of unions act according to the law , and with a better spirit , with more sympathy for the poor creatures whose necessi . ties compel them to make use of a right so grudgingly and so harshly recognised . Resolutions were unanimously passed , appointing a committee for the Poor Man ' s Guardian Society , and empowering a deputation to wait upon John Walters , Esq ., of lieawood , to solicit him to become its president . The meeting then separated .

      The Late Fatal Dukl At Gosport. — At The...

      The Late Fatal Dukl at Gosport . — At the Winchester Assizes on Friday , Charles Lawes Pym was indicted for the wilful murder of James Alexander Seton , at Titchfield , on the 20 th of May last , and the indictment stated that llcury Chivvies Morehead ilawkoy feloniously , wilfully , and of his malice aforethought , discharged a pistol loaded with gunpowder and ball , inflicting a wound of which the said James Alexander Seton languished and died , and Pym was indicted for being present and aiding , abetting , and assisting the said Ilcurv Charles Morehead Hawkey in the committing of the said murder . Pym pleaded not guilty . Mr . llawliusnn , in addressing the jury , said the prisoner was charged simply with the offence , that on the evening of tho 20 th of May he went out with a brother officer , Lieutenant Hawkey , of the Marines , as a second in a duel ,

      in which the deceased , Mr . Seton , the principal on the other side , fell , on Brown Down , leading to Alverstoke and Titchfield , three or four miles from Gosport . A vast number of witnesses were called to show the presence of Pym at the scune of action . After which Mr . " Cockburn submitted there was no ease to go to the jury . The indictment stated that the cause of the doath of Captain Seton was by a certain wound caused by a leaden bullet , shot from a certain pistol , ftow , as the death was nut immediately caused by the b ' . 'llet , but by an operation performed in consequence of it , it snouhl luvve been so stated on tho face of the indictment . The death was not caused immcdiatoW bv the bullet , but bv putting in the surgeon ' s kuit ' o " . At a late hour tile jury acquitted Pym .

      RKSiGxmox .-Mr . TwyforJ , for many years a magistrate at tho Chief Po'ico Court , in Bow-street , has roSigned his office , and his resignation has been accepted . Mr . Henry , of the Lambeth Police Uurt , has Iseoa appointed to succeed Jjha >

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), March 14, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_14031846/page/1/