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Northern Star (1837-1852), 14th February 1846, Edition 2 of 4, Page 7

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      J^ Gg^Ii^Ifl^L--—-—_- - Th£ Me Rth&Rin S...

      j ^ gg ^ ii ^ ifl ^ L-- — - —_ - - th £ me RTH & Rin s t m , i ^ ' — : : ¦— - - ¦ - . - - — : — ^ ^ r - m ^^ d ^^— r ¦¦ " — r— in ¦ ¦ - ¦ ¦ «¦¦ »«• i

      N^G Speaker.—The Hon. Gentleman Is Entit...

      n ^ g Speaker . —The hon . gentleman is entitled to t a question , but he is net entitled by the rules of ! L house to make a speech . ( Hear , hear . ) Sir FeRkasd . —I will put the question , then , to A e nohlelord , whether the petitions hehaspresented ZL the free aad unbiassed acts of the persons whose Ignjes are appended to them ? ( Lagunter . ) ^ ord MohpbtH . —I hare just to say that , to the tgst of my belief , the signatures are the free and unbiassed acts of the persons whose names are appended to those petitions . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Dcscowtb moved for a return of the number of families and persons who had been removed from » beir places of settlement in Lancashire , Yorkshire , and Cheshire , in the years 1842-3-4 , with the places to which they had been removed , and their , Lydences in the towns . The return was ordered ..

      FACTORY SCHOOLS . Mt-Bbmsht objected to the manner in which the gxoey accumulated from fines under the Factories Id had been distributed . Messrs . Horner aud cinders had paid to the church and schools £ 420 ^ k reas the sum awarded to the Dissenters * schools was only £ 75 . « ir J- Grahav could assure the hon . member that It was die wish of the government that tiie fines to which he referred should be distributed without partiality or favour . ( Hear , hear . ) Instructions lad been given that the spirit of the act should be carried out ia the recommendations of the

      -in-. ycetoM , and thai the distributions should take place , nih reference only to the wants of the schools . He esala assure the hon . member he would find that any app lication , come from whatever quarter it might would receive the fullest attention . ( Hear . ) ' Sir R . Tsous wished the right hon . baronet to siate more fully than he had done , whether the house was to understand that an equal amount was to be given to the schools of the establishment aud other schools , or only a proportional amount to the latter . He understood from the right hon . baronet that a proportional sum was to be given , according to the number of scholars .

      Sir J . GasHAir , in reply , had to state that hy the act there was no distinction as to the schools , and that the inspectors were directed to report , without reference to the number of scholars , what sum they thought should be given .

      THE REFORMATION OF JUVENILE OFFENDERS . Mr . Liddexl asked the right hou . the Secretary of State for the Home Department if government Vf era prepared to take any steps towards the impTOTcD jefit and refbmation of juvenile offenders t Sir J . Graham said , this subject had not been neglected either by the present or by the former government .- Before 1833 there wasao iuatitotiauds this country foe the punishment of Juvenile cemricts except m the hoiks in the Medwsy , and so fiur frea this being a ghee favourable to reWnattor , , It -vsas highly injurious to their morals . In 1 S 3 S . govertiment , with the sanction of the hoese , Wanded an institution at Parkhurst for tiie refer matioc of

      offenders . In September , Ifeil , there wei .-e 280 javenile offenders confined there , and they h-xd sines increased to < S &> , being subjected te disci pline -aad to as § ood moral training as was . pessible oiderdte circumstances . He observed , in ttdditio-o , tbifc there were at ¦ diiibank 200 jiiveraleofienders ,. of weani 100 wer * very young ; so S 4 n : t at ihe pr-jsent < aoment there were 866 juvenile offenders subjected todis eiplinc oa the most perfect , principles . ( Hear . ) If it should be the pltasere of the house to sanction the proposal of her . Majesty ' s government , that an animal ^ sum should % e granted to ptromote the improvement of juveeSe offenders con rict « £ * y a jury , certainly it would $ e his- ^ adeavo nr to > isduce the

      magistrates , in the various'countius in- £ cgland to give directions for-setting apart a portion of the prisons far the special -use , and to estatuisbschools for the discipline of these children—{ hear , 'bear);—and - when the schools had been established -hs would recomm end that tfee public on each , couaty should also ¦ erect an asylum of refuge in which , outheir escape ^ r cm prison , tk ^ offend « anagut " be « aeived before thev were restored to soeisty . . - Mr . DcxcoJfEEpresenwiapetifionircmthepape r- ' hangers of the city of- London , declaring themselves favourable tc-Aeprineigies of free trade , hut wishing them to be eoually apphed , and eampteining that the duty on theniportatlostif forelgftpaperhangingswas to be reduce * hve » sixtlis- in place of < oce-half .

      THE CORN LAWS . ] Sir R . PasL-reseifer the purpoeevaf correcting a ' false impression , , that'the present duties levied on ± e importation of foreign corn would eease as soon lshisresotetaons impssing the new duties had re reived theGssentoftkecommitteeend had been approved by the house . He had thought that Parlisn ment hadiJeen aeeastomed to deal with the corn « s , with other duties ; but as it was-cot so , he would make the-reductk > n > ofithe duties take place upon the passingoftheAct . -. Government , iowever , had detenained to give to the Corn BilJ'frecedence overall other public business . It would * be taken without waiting for the bills . accessary to-give effect to the other alteration in tho tariff , andvould , if it passed the . House of Conusons , be sent forthwith to the House of Lords . '•

      TIIE CONDITION OF AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS . Mr . -Wasixt , afrer presenting several petitions . in favour of the repeal of the Core Laws , said that he had another petitioc-of an important nature to presentoa the same subject . -It was from 14 labourers in Wiltshire , and was as follows . ;—

      " " uo the Hon . tlteJSo & unoHs of Great Britain and Ireland ! , iniParUamenUAssenJ / led . "The petition ofUhe undersigned , inhabitants of - eweey , in the county of Wilts , showetb , —That your Eiitioners are agricultural , labourers , members of tiat -class for whose especial protection and benefit . iie . Com Laws are said to have passed , and are now sught to be maintained . Thai , so far from bavin : ' reeived protection -and : benefit , the condition of voir petitioners is oceof destitution and of degrada-V ) B , being obliged to submit to the work usually aaigned to beastsof . burden , namely , to be harnessed ia carts and to draw rthera , laden witb stones , from i & ce to place , in order to earn , not tho fair wages fa-labour , but a miserable pittance , a sum nicely caculated as being just sufficient to keep them from stxratlon , and to prevent their availing themselves < £ that refuge whichihe law . eftheland lias provided fet them , and which tne poor-rate is levied to

      eoare to them . That , ^ dtfomgh , some of \ dot peti fiaers nave as many as-eight in their family , in no « s instance does the payment for their labour aaant to more than & . a-week , out of which sum rent fuel , and other necessaries , as wellas food , have to le provided ; that , ieing thus reduced under the Ctciiaws , which do not enable the occupiers of the soJtogive them employment : for fair wages , and w 5 £ h . ei early do not afford theni . protection , or con-6 » to . their benefit , your petitioners are strongly of opiaon . that those laws are injurious , ratherthanadvsaageons to them ; they therefore humbly implore JWlhon . house immediately and entirely to abolish thfjslavs , and all others the tendency of which is to lake food scarce and dear , —a state of things flaris alwiys hurtful to the labouring classes , ( fciaed by 14 labourers , having U wives and 48 eulirea , altogether amounting So JC persons , sub-SKiig , on & L 2 s . a-week , or 13 d . each person , being lesftanfia-dayeacfc . )"

      m GOyERNMExVT COMMERCL \ L MEA

      f SURE . I Otthe motion that the Speaker do mw leave the ; cam l . -MiP . ifasa rose , and moved as an amendment , i uat he house Jo resolve itself into cemmittee that j uaysx months . He trusted that he approached the } deration of the question with a just sense of its I n ^ ntude , andihat no expressions might fall from i wa ihicU should tend to excite any angry feelings . I f Wa =. indeed , of too important a character to be I ™ tei on mere party grounds . It was a question I wai (& touched tbe interests of every man in this

      ^ 'anty , the liignest . and lowest , the merchant and the a , < riculturist , th ; landlord and the tenant , the ° l * raive and the artisan ; and it was a question of & gca . t « r magnitude tbnn tbe Reform Bill , because ft iii $ hed a change in the policy which had been purc ° ftl n this etuntry from the earliest period of its fcsior , and under wfekliithad risen to great cmi-Kncv-a policy whieh all nations had long followed , 2 od -tliieh all still continued to follow . ( Cheers . ) Wheter the country iras prepared for this gieat chaop _ wI'cther the constituencies were prepared to £ ire liar sanction to the measure of the right hon .

      gep * Jeiian—he could not venture tosay ; but he ( Mr . ^ hfe ) ^ nid not hesitate todeclarethaton a question of suti vital importance to their interests they ought at lejsijo be consulted . Undoubtedly the majority w fiis Parliament whs elected on protectionist prina I * s . { Hear , hear . ) Notwithstanding the explanati & n sjiven by the right hon . bart . ( SirR . Peel ) he ph . . Miles ) could not but agree with the late Secre-^ for the Colonics , in thinking that there was * ItttiAar aeceaaty for this measure—that though Hrcte vas a failure of the potatoe crop in Ireland , Jet tiere waa no failure in the harvest of this

      S country ^ for erery report showed that the crop was f V ^ ^ ngfi- From the reports whieh had been pub-1 imtQ it appeared that between the 5 th of Julv , 1 S 43 , I the 5 lh of January . 1 S 4 G , nearly 2 , 000 , 000 f ^ t ! eK * f grain had been imported , and more than | iwtw-t . < , fnieai _ That there was no apprehension § £ Iain" > eivas shown & y the facf that wheat was at J f * - a quarter—a price which in 1 S 12 the right h-m , l / T a ' \ i ? glltafi , if P ri (; e - ( Hear , hear . ) He f fuV - ' ,, " ^^ fratc the responsibilitvcf |^ e ^ mister . He could understand that tbe right I twn . baronet ' sanxietvwould \»; , > ,. ™^ i i . „ ... . ° _ : the

      l ^ ofa famine Then right hon . baronet had I »<>< . only tUe earliest reports from different quarters I » v . he was receiving such reports continually . At r ue same time the right hon . baivnet ' s colleagues hid c equally with himself the means of judging whether } - tne emtrgecey was such as to demand the measure ne proposed iB November ; and when those colleagues were seen refusing to open the ports , and declaring we reports of famine exaggerated , he ( Mr . Miles ) , wjtsout wiihing to impute improper motives , cc-ald m wt tay tbfclhefeltthfttihe » niieofprof 06 tjpn

      N^G Speaker.—The Hon. Gentleman Is Entit...

      hadlongbeendoomedinthe . taittdoft ^ u . , hart , . aiidthattheproposir ons ,, ^ ,,, ^ ^ y fJJS ; hon . bart nadatlastsca ^ ed itsfate . Upon thatS ciple he ( Mr . Miles ) ^^ Kfarea to ^ ggf and give hismostdec dJop tti ( Jtt tot ^ SJbS baronet Rut he ^ d not ^ ean to deny tffi ? £ were parts of the , toe « ure from which the counS would denve bonefit ^ thoughtana „ derateS toction howe ;« r , due to native industry He had brought for- ^ rd his motion , not o & Sunt of the BSSSvi ""? ^ & *« SSSb he interests of the country : he beloniMed to no uartieiilar the . urFacuityTie should have w bringing this qu « - not dtshearienhim ( Mr . Mi les ); for a Urge partyin S a 1 , ? 8 d foflswtial party be / ond ^ ts

      . TSr . ^ ~ £ lh i ommonS t inace <) l ^ wewith hi sown . Hi » chief objtcfaon to the m-aaaites of the right hon . baronet was , that h saw no termination to them . Every session would bring an additional change . It was proposed to effect * great changes ; and greater still must follow . TUo more he considered the question , the more was ne convinced that those measures ought not to be allayed to pass through Parliament before the deliberateopinion of the country had been taken on the subject bv an appeal to the constituencies . He did not "Stink the recent prosperity of this country was attributable to measures of the right hOU , bart ., but t » the fact of improved harvests , and the immense lafpetua given to trade by the more general application of capital to railroads . The

      termination of the wars in China and India had also materially xHled in producing this result ; he could not there fore admit thattheprosperity oftliecoumry was attr ibutable to the right hon . baronet's policy , for ma '/ ryytf those circumstances would have taken place " and the noble lord been in power . ( Hear . ) Neither was the state of exports a test of prosperity The foreign markets had % een glutted—China and India bxd been inundated—with British goods . More reliance was to be placed en the home trade . He . TrocJd not quote the former speeches of the right h'sa , ^ bsrt . on the Corn-question , nor taunt him with \ nuensistency . If the right hon , bart . considered his Treasures essential to the best interests of the cotmtrv , he ( Mr . Miles ) for one would not blame

      | . nun ; but he could not consent to follow the right j lion , baronet The Gem Law , it would be admitted , hai worked well , so far as a law could work well . . ( OLaughterandeliee rs . ) So far as calculation could -g » it had , lie thought , answered the tight hon . . baronet's expectations . The object of that law was > 5 to give a fair price to the farmer . What = diil he consider a fair pr ice -new ? If the right hon . bart . was ri 2 ; ht in his views of the effect which would attend the repeal

      foreign gjain as the sure forerunner of scarcity ,-while fits same great authority held 4 hat a steady home sq » ply was the only sure guarantee for a steadyhome market . The right hon . baronet ' s measures would load to't & e utter . ruin of the agricultural interest , -they -would cause great agricultural distress , and teed to lower wages ; the working -classes would feel their elects before the higher orders . When theseaueasuree passed , free trade would be the principle-of her Majesty ' s government , and protection could not i » taken from oae interest without its beier'taken rfrom all . ^ VThat would be said of the ) narigatioH : 3 aws , of reciprocity treaties ? Where the sweeping-current was to paes when once the barriej ; was'brokendown . he could not say ; but , if justice to be

      were doneto . all parties , pratectwn ^ ought conrine-ed . -Tkzn the free trade . proposed was a one ^ s £ dtd free trade . This country would be inundated with foreign goods , but have no corresponding advaattge ; and already the Swiss and French competed in = hoeierf ; cotton goods , cutleryj ^ c , with British manufacturers . Wages ca railroads or public worts might fora . time be higher . -but-ultimately all would fee reduced . There were other- circumstances which gave the'manufacturer great natural advantages < ver the-acriculturist . Hisestablishment was much better conducted . ( Ironical cheers from the Oppesirioni ) '"What he meant was , that the manufacturer could-sarvey all his workmen-at one glance , and \ therefore had them mere under eontroul than the

      f armer . ' ( Hear , hear . ) Whether the sun shone , or the rareijKHVfed , the factory went on the same ; . Jbut : thefawsers were subject ito the vicissitudes of the < weather . It was a matter of great doubt whether manufwtures and agriculture could be governed by thesamelaws and principles . ( hear ) , as regardsi . be restriction of labour . The-manufacturer al «> had anadrantage over the agriculturist in the burdens they-respectively bore . One of the largest cotton manufactories in the country ,- the annual produce of which was £ 170 , 000 worth of . goods , and which paid £ 3 ltA ) Q 0 a-year in wages , . paid only £ 530 in direct burdens . ( Hear . ) There was nothing to counterbalance this in favour of the-farmer . The eompen « arianoSered to the landed interest—some £ 400 : 900

      spread over the whole country—was not sumcient ^ There was another article of product , which , how ^ ever , did not strictly come within the subject—he meant sugar . In ISM sicd S & id certain advantages were given to free-grown sugar over slave-grown sugar . But now the growers of free-labour sugar were told that they could -stand a little more competition . Why , what was to protect them from being toM in 184 S that the West Indian colonists had already derived great benefit fr « u » competition , asd , therefore , that they must he Eubjeetcd to still more . Oathe other hand , if the farmer wa * obliged to . « cil hiseorn at the cheapest market , why should he be

      compelled to buy his sugar at the dearest ? ( Hear . ) Extend the principle of the Canada Corn Bill generally , and he ( Mr . Miles ) would then not oljsctto vote foi the plan . If free trade principles were to prevail they ought to be extended to the colonies ; and the manufacturer of this country ought not to be allowed to have a monopoly of the colonial market . Upon the whole , he believed that they would be acting : for the best isterests of the country , for the benefit of commerce , of the colonies , and of the working classes , bv advocating protectionfor every branch of . British industry . The hon . . gentleman , who was very imperfectly heard towards the close of hispeech , concluded by moving his amendment .

      isir W . Heathcoie rose to second the amendment . He-said , that in opposing the measure of the right hon . baronet , he was desirous of altogether avoiding the practice that had in some -. quarters become general of charging the right hon . gentleman with personal dishonesty in having introduced it . It was true that he looked upon the measure itself as delusive , as based on grounds separately inconclusive , andinconsistent when combined ; and that he thought the ri ^ ht hou . baronet , in his esgerness to accomplish a great result , overlooked the evil of shaking a settlement which appeared to the public mind to be based on the good faith of the preeeut Parliament . ( Hear . ) He believed : tlso tbat tbe right hon . bart . had not sufficiently perceived the violent shock that

      was being given to public c-onndenee in public men . But , to suppose that the right lion , baronet was pretending a conviction he did not feel , or that he had any other object iu view than to promote what he thought to be the best interests of tiie country , appeared to him ( Sir W . Hcuhcotc ) to be agratuitousassumption . The plan proposed to be a large and comprehensive scheme of free trade . If it were so , and if it was at the same time impartial , he would still look on it as a step ia a downward course , and one which was calculated to lead to evil . He was not afraid to avow , that , on his conscience , he believed the legislation of the last twenty years in the same direction , had produced evils greater than had been supposed , and the amount of which had been conceal , d only through

      the enormous growth of our colonial trade—a trade which , be it remembered , had been carried on on principles antagonist to those of this measure . ( Hear , hear . ) The measure , however , was not impartial—ic did not take protection from all alike . The different classes of domestic industry demanded protection in i > r portion to the amount of manual labour required to carry thrni on . Yet , by this plan , that braucn which required more manual labour than any—agriculture—was to have the least protection while manufactures , on which machinery would be so much brought to bear , was to have the most . ( Hear . ) The right 3 : oa . baronet rested its abolition on consideration * , he said , partly of justice and partly of policy . Surely , as regarded the justice of it , the

      condition of the British agriculturist , as compared with ihe foreigner , should be considered . He lived in a country where , money being p ' entifuirand its circulation rapid , prices were high . He was exposed to taxation unequal and heavy , and also to those local assessments which in foreign countries were home by the state . The agriculturist was embarrassed too , more , perhaps , than any other person in the state , wiih the buni jn of tiie * stamp laws , the iitdircvt taxation of the Excise and Customs . But it was imjwssible to do away with the effect on the right hon . baronet ' s supporters of his former argu-Mteuts in favour of protection . ( Hear . ) He ( Sir W .

      Ueathcotej could not forget that the farmers , who were not fifty years ago so highly taxed as they were now l > y three time " , were able to feed double the population . Xor could he forget that when last a scarcity occurred , such as was made one of the pretexts for this measure , England was tbe only country in Europe really able to meet it , and that at a time when every other country was prepared to close Its ports against us . To avert the possibility of such a crisis being renewed , he had voted for the Canada Corn Biil , and he was prepared to have voted for an Australian C-. ru Bill tuso . But now no such principle was retained , he conceived himself bound to oppose the measure .

      Mr . W . Lasceuxs said the lion , baronet who last spoke seemed io attribute the prosperity of England to the system of protection . lie thought differently ; for from the fimo of the commencement of the adoption of the principle might be traced a system of fluctuation , of alternations of ,-ir jsperity aiid adversity . Kor did he see why this measure should be ma « 'e a test of Conservative policy . There was nothin « in , "instruction ot the Conservative party , after the Keiortu Bill , to authorise the supposition that a resiridire commercial polity was ft " » wj » jd . ereu aa

      N^G Speaker.—The Hon. Gentleman Is Entit...

      its fundamental principle . The right hon ; baronet had been taunted with the sudden change in his policy and with his inconsistency , b ut' it " was impossible to look at the principles of his former relaxations in the protective system and not 366 ttlftt they had . embraced the whole princi ple of free trade ( Hear , hear . ) They w * re so understood . ( Hear ) In 1842 the right hon . baronet proposed the existing Corn Law ; and what was the consequence ? ( Hear . ) In every succeeding sessions of Parliament questions had been put to him in every tone of alarm" After the principles you have expressed , do you mean to alter the Com Lows , or do you not *" The right hon . baronet ' s answers , which were considered unsatisfactory at the time ( hear , hear )

      wonto this effect— " I have no intention to alter the Corn Laws , but no man who is the Minister of thi * country ought to pledge himself for ever as to what he may do upon such a subject . " They might at tempt to bolster the trade of the country by protective duties , but , depend upon it , that at the root of the question we should find our begfc policy in free intercourse with foreign countries . From the first opening of the East India Company ' s charter and whether they looked at the articles of silk ' sugar , or wool , every instance that they could possibly bring to mind of a relaxation of protective dutiesestablished the wisdom of that policy . Lord norebys said , that having been a consent supporter ; of the right hon . baronet ( Sir R . P ' eel }

      since the year ltrdO down to the present time , he ' regretted that he must now not only oppose the measure , but also withdraw all confidence from the right hon . b-ironet ' s administration . He bad not deserted their ranks until he had heard the explanation and themeasures . He was . ready to admit the difficulties ' of the right hon . baronet ' s position , that whatever change he had proposed would have met with equal opposition from most of his presentopponents ,- therefore he might have been driven to such an extensive plan . Bnt he ( Lord Korreys ) thought he might have obviated much of the difficulty if he had refused to return to power until the government had beenofi * red to the noble duke who presided at the -Agricultural Society . Any man who knew anything of public affairs knew what would have been thereault . This would htveoponed the eyes of the agriculturists to their real position , and somesettlement more

      favourable to « eagriculturalbodysnight have been effected . He ( Lord Xorreys ) never < soulu have expected that he who , in 1841 , so damaged the fixed duty that its advocaias dare not again propose ^\\ cl \ a mode of protection—who , in 1 S 42 , professed to make an adjustment of the question—that hcTrould have been the man to propose a 4 s . duty to end in total repeal He did not believe that tthe -right 'hon . baronet had becn'wanting in politisal integrity ; or that he had beenvictcatcd by any dishonest ' -motives ,- but , contrasting his conduct in'former years with the present , it wta clear he had heen wanting in that foresight which it was necessary a leader should possess to command the confidence of his party . He ( Lord Scrreys ) would resist 4 he -measure , and the right hoc baronet , and eot those who opposed the measure , must be responsible for > any confusion which } arose . ( Hear , hear . ) *' - ¦

      Mr . B . Cochrane declared-his intention to vole for the measure of tiie government , and did not see that Sir Robert Peel -had been more inconsistent than others . The Reform Bill bad passed , and the nec . ssity for passing this measure was one of the ine ' . itabks consequences ef 4 hat bill . Mr . W . DBEiamlefendo &' -the Corn Law of 3 S 42 , and commented upon the inconsistency of Sir iRobu't Peel , who instanced the . prosperous condition of the country duringJlhelast thr « 3 years , and then called upon Parliament to alter * the law under which that prosperitv had been attained .

      Sir J . Walsh denied that the maintenance of the Corn Laws resolved itself-into a question of rent , as was frequently -stated by the free traders ; though even if it were so thc-aagnitude of the interests dependent on the land should induce the legislature to be cautious in unsettling it . The country had ; made rapid progress under the old system , and there never was a miod when its agriculture was more ready for a stride in advance , and if proper security was offered they would be quite able to meet the demands of our-increasing population . Mr . A . B . Hofb supported the amendment .

      Lord Saxbo . v startled the house by declaring that though he disapproved of the scheme proposed by her Majesty ' s government , he had made ko his mind to vote in favour of it . After stating his objections to the ' measure at some length , he said that he felt that the country must be governed . He found that when opinions hostile to protection had been pronounced by the great headers on both sides of the house , and tbatrit was ^ now opposed by all the gentlemen who had ever sat in the government except two , it was no longer a matter for discussion ; but the only question was-the way of doing it . He looked upyn it , as the French said , " un fait accompli '—it was settled . It might be railed against , but the country must be governed . ; aud when the only persons who

      could govern the country were of one opinion , the sooner it was settled the better it would be for all parties . Lord J . R . D 5 SB 1 A believed that he was the first member who had risen on his side oi the house on the important question now before them ; and while he should give his vote on the same side with the noble lord who hadjujt addressed them , he could say that he should do it with better heart and hope than that IWble lovd . He was not at all terrified by an argument which appeared quite conclusive on the other side—namely , that ^ protection was a system of legislation which * had been adopted in England for centuries , and that we were about to destroy it . We had destroyed many other systems which had been injurious to the . country , though they had been

      defended by the prescriptive usage of centuries ; and he hoped that hereafter we should be proud of having destroyed tliis system , and of having participated in f . undfng instead of it . a newer and better stale of things . The protection which it was now sought to maintain for agriculture was defended on the ground that it was a protection for the benefit of agriculture , and of agriculture alone . Now , such protection was an interference with trade and labour for the benefit of a class—it was a tax on the community for the benefit of a class , whilst the class for whose benefit it was professedly intended , absolutely lost by it . These were truths which every writer on political economy now admitted j but he was sorry to say that every one ol them was at fault when they came to

      the consideration on the question— "What is the course you ought to take , when you wish to get rid of that protection , which you admit to be an evil ?" Admitting that the transition from protection to free trade coaid not be made without some suffering , he proceeded to discuss the mode in which Sir K . Peel had treated the question . He thought that Sir Robert had not laid the grounds fur his measure boldly and broadly enough in point of time . Sir Robert might have quoted several measures of Mr . Huskisson with respect to raw silk , French gloves , and several ( tiher articlss . to show the benefit of removing prohibitory , aud of relaxing protective duties . He ( Lord J . ltusicll ) would not enter into any criticism at present on the reductions in the commercial

      and manufacturing articles contained in the ne » tariff proposed by Sir Robert Peel , but would confine his observations to his plan for gelling rid altogether of the corn duties at the expiration of three years . He was of opinion that if Sir Robert had undertaken his present course in the year 1 S 42 , it would have been better both for agriculture and the community at large . As matters now gtood , seeing the struggle which was going on throughout the country , and which win likely to continue , he was prepared to say th : it the immediate audition of the corn duties was the most expedient course lor a government to pursue . Considering , however , the plan of Sir It . Peel as a great measure , which was to lay the foundation of a new

      principle of commercial legislation , aud was to leave all the interests of the country to flourish or to f ado according to the skill of the parties concerned in them , he v . -as determined and prepared to give every support in bis power to it , although it did not go to theleugtii he wished . The relief offered by the plan to tbe agricultu ; al interest was more apparent than real , lie heard ir-jiu all parts of the kingdom that the farmers everywhere said that if they were to hnvc a system of free irade , they would prefer au abolition of the dmies at once to ft gradual reduction of them , and that they were anxious to be relieved from that new Corn Law which was proposed to break their fall . After explaining the uasons why he thought tint the farmers were correct in that it to Sir Robert Peel whe

      opinitn , he put - ther he wouid not re-consider tnat part of his plan , lie wished , however , that plan , whether amended as he suggested or not , to succeed both in that house and the House of Lords ; and no vote of his should be so given as to endanger its success . He then made some comments on the minor details of Sir Robert ' s scheme , and concluded by drawing a contrast , between the disinterested support which the Whigs were now giving to the free irade measures of a Tory government , and the factious apposition which the Tories gave to the same measure when proposed by a Whig government . His opinion was that if the free trade measures of the Whig government had been allowed to pass when they were ovuinaliy proposed , much of the suffering of the year 1 S 42 would have been avoided . Sir Robert Peel

      would have escaped much of the invective which was now heaped upon him , if he had then been true to kinistflf , and would not have been reproached with betraying somebody if he had then been true to his country . Sir Robert might wear the laurel for enabling the poor man to get a better reward for his labour , and so to improve his moral and social condition ; he might also wear ; hc laurel ihr iiicrai . sing the prosperity and improving the revenue of the country ; but with the Whigs would rest the solid satisfaction that out of office they had joined together to eonsoVvVate the tvunnpn of the Minister of the day . Sir It . Ixglis rfiiigrafnlated Lord John Russell on the gallantry with which he had come to the rescue of the Ministry after nine gentlemen had risen one after another on the Ministerial bunches to direct their fire , not auainst a common enemy , but against each other , lie lamented that the vote of Lord San-

      N^G Speaker.—The Hon. Gentleman Is Entit...

      don should bo in such direct contradiction to his speech , which was one of the most convincing arguments which he had ever heard against the expediency of the present change . The principle on which the legislature ought to proceed on a question like this was to obtain the largest and best supply of corn on the most moderate and equable price . He asked whether there was any country in the world in which com had been obtained on a more equable price than in England under the present system . In proof of the affirmative ot this proposition he qnotcd returns ot the price ot corn for many years at Hambmgh , Rotterdam , and several other foreign ports , lie should have liked Sir Robert ' s plan better , if he had transfwred that part of the poor rate which now

      fell on the land exclusively to the Consolidated Fund . lie then complained that government had not taken into consideration the effect of this change in the Corn Law on the rent-charges recently created in lieu of tithes . It would be easy to prove the gross inconsistency of all those who agitate this measure : but it was uunecessaiy , as we had conjitentes reos . Lord John Russell had changed the opinions of his youth for those of a maturer age . He did not accuse him of any low or sordid motive in making that change . xNeither did he accuse Sir R . PeelofauyOthcr motives save those which were most pure and honourable . If , however , Sir It . 1 ' eol was a great stateaman now , lus past conduct must have been that of a man insensible to tiie wants and emergencies of ' , the country . His chun ge on this point had boon-so

      sudden , that wo could not help expecting more changes on other matters . In Lord J . EtisseilHie knew what he had to expect ; and he must-say that he would rather trust to an open enemy than—^ bii ' t lie stooped himself , and concluded by declaring his intention to support the amendment . . ; " Major Fiizmaurick opposed the ministerial ptar Mr . Sidxky iksBKnr showed , by reference to the reports of the commissioners , the imminent dangers which bang over Ireland , in ; consequence of the fkilureof the potato ' ecrop . . The hon . gentleman then said : " I do not stand on a point of consistency when 1 frankly avow that I think the'law of 1842 has failed —( cheers ); that the first time ft was tested by adverse circumstances it failed , and signally failed ; " and

      proceeded to show that the present ministry had offered lo the noble lord opposite ' a hearty and spontaneous suj ^ ort in effecting a change in the system , should he have succeeded in forming a cabinet , lie denied that wheat could he imported from thetontinental ports at the low prices which had been stated ; aisd asserted that it would be impossible tobriiig anj great quantity of foreign grain to compete successfelly with our home produce . As to the apprehensions frmn the United States , the population increased in them much ramie rapidly then ithe production . The right hon . gentleman then proceeded to say that a meeting took place at a village called Goatacrc , in my county- ^ ineeting which has beer alluded to in a different , sense by different parties in this house . ( Hear . !) Kow , 1 am not prepared to

      deny—indeed , I think on the face of the resolutions agreed to at that meeting it is obvious that those resolutions were not drawn up by working men , that We proceedings were pveorganiacd and contrived by others , ( tlear . ) -But this I'am bound to state , thai tlit statements of tHiose working men astcthe difficulties tiey labour tmder « tere ^ $ rcct . ( Hear , hear . ) I live inlhe mMstofapQpulctf & lj & jaB to whom . I scarcely know how Htm exist . tlk / ff / P ' ae only-remedy he could see for this stateffipSHlis was high Harming , which would at oneig |& eaBpiunm'ative return for capital and greater emp ^ Hfit for labour . The lion , membet' conclififed ^^ Porate and eloquent speech hy strongly SuWbwmpche new measure . On thtftytiiffirof Mr . S . O'Brien , the debate was then adjourned till Tuesday .

      PRESENTMENT SESSIONS ( IRELAND ) BILL . Sir James Graham moved fur leave to bring in " a bill to authorise grand juries in Ireland , at the spring assizes of the present year , to appoint extraordinary presentment sessions ; to empower such sessions to make presentment for comity works , and to provide funds for the execution of such works by loans of public money ! " He said the powers which were meant to be conferred ongraudjuries by the bi . ' $ vere permissive , and not compulsory .. One object of the bill was to render the money already in the hands of graud juries immediately available , so that the contracts for which it was inteiiikxl might he commenced in the spring and in the early part of summer . This sum amounted to £ 120 , 000 , and was now lodged in exchequer bills , and bearing interest , so that

      supposing all flje grand juries in { Ireland concurred in the objects of the bill , it could be sent into the labour market immediately . The scuond object of the bill was to nivc grand juries power to make presentments at the spring ass . ' zes for further works , which , under the existing Jaw , they could not do until the summer assizes . It was intended that these further worlijs should he made to the amount of £ SO , 000 , making in all £ 200 , 000 , to be expended in employment under the control of the grand juries . It was , he should repeat , merely a permissive , and not a compulsory power , aud under existing circumstances he hoped the house would be induced to pass the measure with as little delay as possible . ( Hear , hear . ) Sir James Graham and Mr . Young were then empowered to introduce the bill . The house adjourned at one o ' clock .

      HOUSE OF LORDS—TuEsnAY , Feb . 10

      THE POLISH NUNS . Lord Abkhdekn , in answer ton question from Lord Kinnaii'd respecting the cruelties afleged to have been perpetrated on the Polish nuns at Minsk , stated that he had no doubt the persecutions in question were grossly exaggerated ; and that whatever might be the state of the case , the government of thi * country had no power to interfere . Several petitions were presented , the Scotch Turnpike-roads Bill was forwarded a stage , and the house adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMONS-Tuesdat , Feb . 10 . Mr . James S . Wortlky took the oaths and his seat for the county of Bute . NEW WRIT .

      On the motion of Mr . J . louso a new writ was ordered for the election of a citizen to serve for Westmia & tcY in the vowa of Captain Rous , who , since his election , had accepted the ofiice of one of the Lords Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral . A large number of petitions , for and against the Cora Laws , were presented by various members . Petitions in favour of the Ten Hours' Factory Labour Bill were presented from places in the county of York , by Sir G . Strickland ; from places in the county of Dorset , by Mr . Bankes ; from twelve places in Glasgow and its vicinity , and two places in Chovley , by Mr . T . Duncombe ; from places in Wales , bj an hou . member , whose name we did not learn ; and from several places in Lancashire , by Mr . Fcrraiul .

      Mr . T . Diwcombe presented petitions from inhabitants of Marylebone , Pancras , find other places , against the enrolment of the militia , which they considered to be altogether unnecessary . After a sharp conversation respecting the value of the tarifls of different countries , prepared for Parliament by Mr . M'Gregor , which were styled by Lord Seymour "dull romances , " and defended by Dr . Bow-ring , Mr . flume , and others , the house resumed the debate on

      TIIE CUSTOMS AND CORN IMPORTATION ACTS . Mr . S . O'Bkiex denied that there existed , as Lord J . Russell represented , au impression among the farmers that the repeal of the Corn Laws , if it took place at all , should take place immediately . He regretted that the agricultural interest had * ot an opportunity of publicly and constitutionally declaring tueir opinion . After the late declarations lie wanted to know upon what principles parties in this country were in future to be kept together ? Not only had the present government changed its principles since it came into office , but it had also taught us this valuable truth—that parties in this country were no loncer to be kept toeether by distinctive principles .

      Mr . ISidney Herbert bad told them that the law of lcMS ' liad signally failed . What he wanted to know was this— " Did that law fail to the Sidney Herbert of 1815 , or to the Sidney Herbert of 1816 ? " The Sidney Herbert of 1 & J 5 found that it failed because it let in -corn too freely ; the Sidney Herbert of 1 S 10 found that it failed because it restricted the free V importation of corn . Mr . S . Herbert asked too much , if he supposed that the Corn Law of 1 S 12 could , by any human ingenuity , be made to answer the views of a Minister of so changeable a temperament . Tbe failure of a law which had succeeded two years and failed only one year , was not a sufficient reason why he should give up the principles of a whole life .

      He eoulu not agree with the proposition of Lord J . Knssell , that protection to agriculture was no longer defensible ; and , in reftvenee to his assertion that labour was the property of the poor man , observed , that it was well for those who had nsed up that property most ortielly in the manufacturing districts to come forward and say now that we might to let it alone . We were propounding the most selfish doctrines when we brought forward measures of which the avowed object was to leave the poor man without protection , and so to consign him to unmitigated ruin . The axiom of buying in the cheapest market and selling in the dearest , and that the property of the poor man needed no protection , was a very plausible one ; but sec how it operated . ^ Supin

      po « j an individual to buy his paper-hangings Pin-is , his carriages in Brussels , and his hardware in Germany ; and suppose , while he was looktny out of the window of his smart house , or his elegant carriage , he saw the labourers all idle , because of the new law which had passed in favour of the introduction of these « rtieles ; and suppose he said to them , " My good fellows , I have done my best to make yon poor and wretched , but I have not done so from any selfish motive . On the 27 th of January , 1 S 1 G , it was propounded by the head of the government that the property of the poor needed no protection , and that in future we should all buy'in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest , aud 1 have only a wish to promote my own interest by acting upon those principles . " What poor consolation this

      N^G Speaker.—The Hon. Gentleman Is Entit...

      would be to the poor workman ! He begged the house also to think not only of the amount of poverty which these proposals , if carried out , would occasion , but of tho amount of alienation and disaffection which they would occasion . In that house they were all rich men . Comparatively they were all rich . They all had had a breakfast that morning and they all would have a dinner before night . But there were millions in the country who could no ? say so . ( tkar , hear . ) The doctrine they had announced wa « the most selfish doctrine . It was not a question of cotton against corn . But when they spoke of always buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest market , ho would ask how they reconciled their principle with that of a nnni- law ? Could

      they explain why one man ' s industry was taxed to relieve another man's property * In showing that their principle struck against that of a poor law he was only arguing againstaclumsy , hard , and impracticable dogma on which they never could act ; which , if reduced to practice , would alienate the affection * of the people , and only increase their own dangers . He was sorry to hear that dogma promulgated ia that house , the members of which could not call themseltits in any sense tlm representatives of the poor man- ~( hear , hear );—because , while they talked of respecting the rights of the poor , they had hitherto been acting so at practicaihj to diminish imd destroy thoie rights . " They should be very careful how thoy announced that they were no longer able to protect the property which the millions of their Mowcountrymen said was all they had in the world .

      $ , " } een accustomed to consider the present as a ? jpdlords' question . He was convinced that he had yheen wrong . It was not a landlords' question , but -I'tenant-farmerB' question ; and being such , ho refused to alter the existing law relative to the importation of foreign corn . He then drew a ^ highlycoloured picture of the ruin which , would fall upon the tenant-farmers and the labourers whom they employed—whose honest hearts were worth more than all the heaviest volumes of political economyif the new-fangled dectrines of Mr . Cobden should be carried into execution under the auspices of Sir K . Peel . Their great fault was that they ,- like their landlords , had trusted in the faith of the legislature ; and the misfortune which they would most deplore in their common ruin would be the loss of all

      confidence in public men . Mr , S . Crawford considered that the eloquence of the last speaker was much greater than the power of his arguments ; for though he professedly took great interest in the welfare of the working man , he showed the value of his professions by refusing to give to that working man cheap food . Nothing would promote the prosperity of the country so much as cheap eorn , and therefore it was that he wished to repeal levery tax which wa « imposed on its importation from foreign countries . He concluded by declaring his intention of giving his cordial support to the proposition of her Majesty ' s government on this occasion .

      Mr . hi . Baillie regretted that this question should have been taken up on party grounds . The members ' « nthe ministerial side of the house had only the choice of two alternatives—they must either accept the compromise now offered to them , or throw out the present administration to make room for another equally pledged to the Abolition of all duties on the importation of foreign corn . Under such circumstances , he should support the proposition of the government from a conviction that in so doing he was supporting the best interests of the British empise .

      Mr . LiFnoY'ConiBieuted on the speech of Mr . S . Orawford on the wretched condition of the population ef Ireland , and asked how this measure was calculated to improve it , or to raise the capital of the landlords and farmers of Ireland , who were the employers of labour ? He declared himself compelled , as an Irish member , to oppose the proposition of the govcrment , which he denounced as a most rash and hazardous experiment . Lord Clements had no hesitation in meeting the challenge of the last speaker , and in contending that this proposition would not be injurious either to the

      population or the landlords of Ireland . He wished hon . members would inquire how far the Corn Laws had benefited the agricultural population of Ireland . . Nothing could be more destitute or deplorable than the condition of the peasantry of that country . What , then , was , or what would be , the benefit ot protection to a population in such deplorable misery ? Had it been , or would it be , of the slightest use either to the tenant-farmer , or had it prevented , or would it prevent , the labourer from standing idle in the market-place ? No . such thing . He should , therefore , give his support to the government proposition for the alteration in the Corn Laws .

      The Marquis of Grakby believed that Sir R . Peel was actuated by the most pure and honourable motives ; but if he had promulgated in 1841 the same opinions which he now eutcrtaiued , he would not have proposed them now as a Minister of the Crown . It was not a fair way of putting the question to say that the labourer , if the Com Laws were repealed , would be enabled to buy cheaper bread . The question was , would he be able to buy and to eat more bread ? He was afraid that he would not bo able ; for where subsistence was cheap , labour was cheap also , and the condition of the population most wiserable . Sir Robert had told the house that he . wild not hold out hopes that foreign nations would follow our example or relax the regulations of their tariffs .

      But even if they did , you might increase your exports , but in the same proportion your home consumption of manufactures would fall off , as , rour agriculturists would be deprived of funds where » ith to purchase them . He should support the principle of protection , which had mainly conduced to the greatness , the happiness , and welfare of Groat Britain . Mr . Gregory contended that agriculture had flourished hitherto iu this country , not through , but in spite of protection . He derided the . fears of the agriculturists , that land would be thrown out of cultivation , and that we should become dependent on foreign nations for supply , if we acceded to the proposition of government . lie hoped that the house possessed too much true courage to be afraid ef the imputation that this measure was granted as a concession to agitation . Lord Bkookb expressed his regret that , on his

      first entrance into Parliament , he should hnd himself compelled to oppose the administration of Sir Robert Peel . He gave the First Lord of the Treasury credit for a sincerity and straightforwardness which uad not been manifested by many of those who followed him . He was surprised at hearing Lord Sandon express his disapprobation of the measure , and his determination to vote for it , because he considered that the government of the country could not bo carried on without the aid of the unquestioned talent of Sir Robert Peel . For his part , he thought an objectionable measure should he rejected , without regard lo possible consequences . Another reason assigned for supportlngtho government measure was , the fact that the present Parliament was near its end . But old age frequently benumbed the faculties , and impaired the judgment ; and in its senility , Sir Robert Peel called upon it to make its will , and give away its property .

      Lord Worsley observed that this measure was not brought forward by her Majesty's government as a measure which they deemed right , but as a measure which peculiar ctfcumstances had rendered expedient . At the last general election no cry was so general as that of" Peel , the farmer ' s friend ; " but now " Peel , the farmer ' s friend , " was introducing a mea-ure which almost every farmer in the country considered as pregnant with ruin to himself and his property . Noticing the observation of Mr . Sidney Herbert , that the country gentlemen of England were entertaining apprehensions of the proposed change not very creditable to their good sense , he asked who were the parties who had first poured those apprehensions into the agricultural mind ?

      They were no less personages than Sir Robert Peel and Sir James Graham . Having read amid the cheers and laughter of the house extracts from thoir speeches in direct contradiction to tho many advantages which they now proclaimed as likely to result from free trade , he observed , that with the recollection of these speeche » fresh iu their memories it was impossible that the farmers would not at the next general election choose such representatives aa would enable them to demand a revision of the Corn Laws , even if they wero defeated in their present opposition to the new-fangled scheme of government . The question , therefore , would not be settled , even if the present measure were passed : but ho hoped that it would not be passed even by the present

      Parliament , which was elected as a Protection Parliament ; for ic was not either wise or equitable to enact a permanent law to meet a mere temporary evil . He urged upon the government the propriety of appealing to the country upon this subject , and of taking the opinion of the constituencies whether they would or would not abandon protective duties . If they did not , they must remain in their present painful position , in which they were dependent on their opponents for support . Sir James Graham considered that this question was one of vast importance , which demanded from all who were engaged in bringing it forward the most frank explanations . He then avowed most explicitly that he had changed his opinions on the subject of the Corn Laws ; and with that avowal ho disposed of all the speeches which he had formerly made , aud

      which Lord Wovsley had just quoted against him . He then proceeded to explain the reasons of the change which had taken place in his opinions , and to apply certain tests to try the honesty of that change . The first test would have reference to his private interests in this question . He must , therefore , inform the house that his private position as a landlord , who had inherited a largo portion of inferior land , exposed him , if this change should prove injurious , to as great risk as any landowner in the country . Lord VVorsley had insinuated that tho government had brought forward tho present measure , not because it was right , but because it was expedient . Now , he distinctly asserted that tho government had brought it forward , not only because it was expedient , but also because it was right . He denied that this alteration would be injurious to the poor , and contended that it would give cheaper bread U

      N^G Speaker.—The Hon. Gentleman Is Entit...

      the working population . The question , therefore-, narrowed itself vritlim this compass— " Is the maintenance of the Corn Laws conducive to the interests of the majority of tho community , and ia it calculated to procure for tho population a cheap and abundant supply of food V and that question , he proceeded to argue at considerable length . He admitted that the unforeseen circumstances which occurred after the close of the last seg . sion had exerted great influence in producing the chango of opinion which he was now about to defend . Those unforeseen circumstances were the condition of the haiwest . which though not deficient in quality was variable in quality , and the great failure of the potatoe crop through all the domestic

      dominions of Great Britain . In Ireland the failure was so universal that it would become necessary before many days elapsed to make a grant of public money to purchase food for its inhabitants . But could any Minister take upon himself the responsi bility of asking the people of Great Britain to submit to a tax for such a purpose whilst their own food was enhanced in price hy artificial regulations 1 He certainly could not ; and , therefore , he had proposed that the law should be suspended ; but he foreeaw the necessity of abolishing if you once suspended it . Since the year 1843 those who * e duty it was to watch public events had had ex perienee leading to the most decisive conclusions We had , continued the right hon . bart ., first ol al

      the lamentable experience of 1842 itselt , a year osthe greatest distress , and , since Jt has passed , I may say of the utmost danger . ( Hear , hear . )' What were the circumstances of 1842 ? Allow me just to glance at them . We had in this metropolis , at midnight , Chartist meetings . Almo . < t for nearly three weeks there were assembled iu all the environsof the metropolis immense masses of people , greatly discontented , and acting in a spirit dangerous to the public peace . What was the condition of Lancashire ,, the seat of our great staple manufacture , depending for its prosperity on uninterrupted tranquillity and labour ? Such was the madness of the people ou that | occasion , that a great combination existed to stop I machinery , and to put an end to the source of the

      labour on which thcydcpendedfoYsttbsisteuce . ( Hear , hear . ) What was the duty of tho government under these circumstances ? It was my painful duty to consult with the Horse Guaris as to the precautions that were necessary for the maintenance of the public peace ; a large force was matched to Manchester , and the troops wero actually called on to enforce public tranquillity . I can safely say that for three months the anxiety which I and my colleagues experienced with reference to the public peace was greater than we ever felt before with reference to public concerns . ( Hear , hear . ) Those were the days of high prices and scarcity . ( Hear , hear , ) I am certain from what I have since observed , that that turbulent disposition , that dangerous

      disposition , mainly arose from the want of adequate sustenance , combincdwithlowwages . ( Loudcheers . ) He would now refer to the different experience of the last two years . They had been blessed with' an abundant hamat ' in this country ; and as a consequence , with plenty of work . What were tho results ? Within the last few weeks he had not had a single interview with the commissioners of police —( cheers ) —and within the last twelvemonths not one with the authorities at the Horse Guards . ( Loud Opposition cheers . ) There had been perfect peace , tranquillity characterised the whole of the great seats of industry , happiness and contentment were diffused among their population . ( Great cheering . ) He did not wish to trouble the house with statistics , but he had

      prepared an analysis of the state of crime in the counties which were the great seats of industry , which was pregnant with instruction . The returns comprised the six counties of York , Lancaster , Warwick , Gloucester , Chester , and Stafford . The amount of crime in the three high-priced years of 1840 , 1841 , and 1842 , when average prices of wheat wero 66 s ., 64 s ., and 67 s ., a quarter , had been compared with tho amount in the three years of 1843 , 1844 , and 1845 , when the average was 50 s . per quarter , the general result was that the average decrease on the whole six counties , from 1842 , to 1845 , amounted to 18 per cent . To these instructive figures he could only add , that he was convinced from experience , aud by reflection on past eventi , that it was a fallacy that wages fell with low

      prices and rose with high prices . ( Hear . ) Unlets the rise in wages was equal to , and concurrent with the rise in prices , there could be no benefit to the working classes . In support of this he might adduce the testimony and the experience of Sir John Walsham , Assistant Poor-law Commissioner , and himself a landed proprietor in the co « nty of Hereford . That gentleman had informed him that he had never known wages rise in the agricultural districts from more than 10 s . to 12 s ., and in other districts from 12 s . to 15 s . or 25 per cent . ; while the rise ia the price of food had been from 40 to 50 and even 90 per cent . With such facta before them , could it ba contended that wages rose in proportion to the increase in the price of food ? But whatever might be

      the effect in agricultural districts , the fact was always the reverse in the manufacturing districts . In them low wages were always accompanied by high prices , and high prices by low wages . ( Hear . ) So speedily did this cause act upon the manufacturing districts , a short time aep they had information trOKt the West Riding , that on account of an actual rise in the price of food , and the apprehension of a still greater rise , they had begun to work short time , and it was expected that such reduction would extend still farther . ( Hear , hear . ) For these reasons , therefore , he said , that looking at the state of the country in the months of November and December , and contrasting the condition of themanufacturingdistrictsin 1842 and 1845 , there was no option left to the

      government , but to take the course they had done . ( Cheers ) It was formerly the opinion of the operatives that low prices were synonymous with low wages ; they had now departed from that opinion . ( Murmurs . They had changed that opinion . ( H » ar , and No . ) The experience of the last four years had convinced them of this fact . It was true , they might still be subject to many evils—they might be taxed in their industry and subject to long hours of labour ; but if they were made to understand that by this measure their comforts would not ba diminished , and the trade of the country placed upon a more secure basis , he did hope that l > y subsequent mutual agreement between the masters and the men , the question of the hours of labour could bo saiitfactorily settled ; and

      h did not hesitate to say that it mould bt the happiest day in his life , when he saw that important question so settled by mutual consent . He was happy to seo that the noblo lord the member for Yorkshire , whose absence from that house he had never ceased to regret , as one of its brightest ornaments , had upon the hustings expressed similar sentiments . In conclusion , he would say that he did not think the landlords would have any great sacrifice to make , but if it wero ten times greater than he thought it coald be , he would say for himself that sooner than have an ire crease of rent at the expense of the comforts of the poorer classes , he would descend to a lower

      estatesubmit to a curtailment of his means—rather than have such a charge laid to his door . ( Cheers . ) It had been said a great party had been broken up , old ties severed , and two powerful ministries dissolved by this question ; but he hoped and believed that the adoption of the proposal now under their consideration would save a great and powerful nation from misery , from anarchy , and ruin . The right hon . Baronet resumed his seat amidst general cheers . Lord CiJvis briefly opposed the ministerial measure , and called for a dissolution , in order that the question might be fairly tried by the country ; and after disposing of the orders of the day the debate was adjourned at one o ' clock till Thursday .

      HOUSE OF LORDS—Wsvxesdat , Fjbb . U . Tho House of Lords did not git . HOUSE OF COMMONS—Wbdxesdat , Fun . 11 . The Spbakeb took the chair at the usual hour on Wednesdays , twelve o ' clock noon . Several petitions were presented in favour of the repeal of the Corn Laws , and praying for the continuance of protection to agriculture ,

      NEW WRIT . A new writ was ordered for the electionof a knight of the shire for the county of Mayo , in tho room of Mr . M . Blake , who has accepted the Chiltem Hundreds . Mr . Buckbdbn presented a petition from Warrington in favour of a Ten Hours' Factory Bill .

      IRISH POOR LAW . Mr . S . Crawford called the attention of government to the necessity of immediately extending the powers of the Poor Law ( Ireland ) Act , so as to enable boards of guardians to dispense out-door relief to destitute persons in case of the poor-houses being filled .. This subject was one of great importance in the peculiar circumstances of Ireland at present . In Ireland , under no circumstances could tho guardians administer out-door relief—all they could do was to offer relief in the workhouse to those who were properly recommended . The rule , too , was , that unless the head of the faroilv became an inmate of tho workhouse , none of his family could obtain relief there . In case of famine , then , the Poor Law guardians would not be able to meet the applications made to them for relief . Under such circumstances , he hoped that government would introduce a bill giving to the board of guardians a discretionary

      power to administer out-door relief . Sir J . Giiauam regarded with much anxiety th « condition of a largo portion of the Irish poor for the next four or five months . During that time the difficulty would be great , and must be met by provident arrangements on the part of the government . After stating tho various measures which had been introduced by her Majesty ' s ministers in the hope of increasing the means oi employment in Ireland—such as the Public Works Bill , the Grand Juries Presentment Bill , and the Drainage Act—he observed , that it was possible that in Committee of Supply he should feel it necessary to ask a grant in aid of that object . If , unfortunately , lover should follow the scarcity now impending over Ireland , the government would rot he taken by surprise , as the Poor Law Commissioners had made the most lear » rangements to meet it . In reply to

      Amp. Mr.Jstannaa-!R.^Tatmw». .'- -?^ V<,...

      amp . Mr . JStannaa-! r . ^ tatmw » . . ' - - ?^ v < , v' ' '" " ' ¦• . '

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 14, 1846, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_14021846/page/7/