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Northern Star (1837-1852), 13th June 1846, Edition 2 of 3, Page 4, THE TRADES' CONFERENCE . AND THE " ' MOV...

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    • T&Q&t&S COOPEE. THE CHARTIST'S. .^.- WOEKS. -
    • THE NORTHERN STAR. SATTJUDAY, JVSE 10. 18J8.
    • Co iieaueis & CorresfyonUnitsf*
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      4 _ ¦ ¦ _ ____ The N0.K|H1p,^;Xar. _ Jym...

      4 _ ¦ ¦ _ ____ THE N 0 . K | H 1 P , ^; XAR . _ Jym 13 , ¦ -JL 836

      T&Q&T&S Coopee. The Chartist's. .^.- Woeks. -

      T & Q & t & S COOPEE . THE CHARTIST'S . . ^ .- WOEKS . -

      Ad00409

      To be haa of John Cleave , and all booksellers . { Price One SbiSling . ) TWO ORATIONS AGAISST

      Ad00410

      TO TAILORS . Sow ready , THE XOXDON and PARIS SERKC and SUMMER FASHIONS for ISiG . By approbation of her 2 £ ajestj Queen Victoria , and his Royal Highness Prince Albert , a splendidly coloured print , beautifully executed , published by BEXJAMIN READ and Co ., 12 , Hartrtreet , Bloomsbarj-sqnare , London ; and . G . Berger , Holywell-street , Strand , London . Sold by the publishers and all booksellers , wheresoever residing . This superb Print will be accompanied with mil size Riding Dress and Frock Coat patterns , a complete pattern of the new

      Ad00411

      DAGURREOTYPE AM ) CALOTTPE . THE APPARATUS , LESS , CHEMICALS , PLATES CASES , and every other articl ' - 'used in making and mounting the above can be had of -LEgerton , Xol , Temple-street , Whitefriars , London . - < escriptive Catalogues gratis . LEBEBOUES' celebrated ACHROMATIC TRIPLET LENSES for the MICROSCOPE , sent to any part of the country at the foUowingprices : —Deep Power , 60 s . ; Low Power , 25 s . Every article warranted .

      Ad00412

      A GOOD FIT WARPvANTED . UBSDELL ASH CO ., Tailors , are now mating up a complete Suit of Superfine Black , any size , for £ 3 ; Superfine West of England Black , £ 3 10 s . ; and the xery best Superfine Saxony , £ 5 , warranted not to spot or ctmnge colour . Juvenile Superfine Cloth Suits , 24 s . ; Liveries equally cheap—at the Great Western Emporium , Koe . l and 2 , Oxford-street , London ; tbe noted house for Cood Maefr clotlis , & zidp-it £ * a £ iiisule trousers . Gentlemen . an . choose the colour and quality of cloth from the arses ; stock in London . he ar t of cutting taught .

      Ad00413

      HATS CHEAPER AUD BETTER THAS EVER . — ¦ EERHIXGliasxiuTr on sale sl new , elegant , and t-xtensive Assortment of VELVET HATS , of superfine qualities , of the most fashionable shapes at 9 s . 6 < 1 . each - superior Be & ver , at 14 s . and lCs . ; the best that can be made ditto , at 21 s . ; Gossamer Hats , finished in the first Style . 6 s . 6 d- ; Youth ' s Hats , 5 s . fid . ; Velvet ditto , 8 s . lid . ; Ladies' Riding Hats , 6 .-. 6 d . to J 2 s . ; Livery Hats , 10 s . to Jfis . - yonths ^ Hats and Caps of every description , from gs . 6 d- ; Gentlemen's Travelling and other Caps , from Is . patent v « Ivet flexible ventilating Hats , 13 s . ; patent ventilating Beaver Hats . Id ' s ., 18 s ., and 21 s . S 5 , STRAXD ,. and 251 , REGENT-STREET . COM of the Flexible Velvet Hat ? , 13 s ., were sold last year i-ueh is the universal caU for them .

      Ad00414

      ju ^ fc Published , Price Three Pence , ] is the Executive * € "W- * - oittee of the National Association , a FXQUI * IT £ " T -y FISHED STEEL PORTRAIT A OP TO Oil < 8 PAI 3 TE , Author of the 1 Bi ghts of Man , Common &*?> & c . Also , a beautifully i ^ ut ^^ uMrPhiteeniri' * 5 ' « f * he sanguinary field JSpFTERLOff Pla ^ h ^? * ' <* ° " > One ShUIing . < Of PETERLOa mm . juxpe . Vorks 0 f Thomas Paine . Also , the complete Political . 'I * „ thor _ nd . . ' j in Five Parts , with Portraits of tt . « *^^ nd \ Z id W fine People ' s Charter . Price 2 s . Cd . / ^ "" ^ Ss ' -

      Ad00415

      AX ORATION AGAISST WAR , AND THE PD > I . ° vif . .. - _ . MEST OF DEATH , " WIU . BE DELIVEBED IN TUE AMPHITHEATRE , LEIC ^ gTElt , On Monday " night BSt , the 15 th Inst . By THOMAS COOPER , the . CHARTIST POET , Author of- ' The Po ^ tovy Of Suicide ' s , Ad ie . The proceeds of ih ^ , ia « uUise . after payment of expenses , to be applied t 0 the rehef of Ml' . Frost , Mi- Cooper will read to the " J't-cting tho letter which has been received from tho a * 7 . icitil esUe . V * lr . Cooper will deliver orations on the same subj- *^ . " " anil for . Sir . Frost ' s relief , mi Tuesday evening , the , j Jtll in ^ t- * -t Sheffield , and on Wednesday evening , the 17 th i isist . at Leeds .

      Ad00416

      WEST RIDING OF YORKSHIRE . MIDSUMMER SESSIONS . \ TOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN , that the Sruisc ± S Gkseeal Quakteu Sessions of the Peace , for the West liidine ; of the Countv of York , will he opened at SKIl'TOJJ , on TUESDAY *' , tlie 30 th day of June inst . at Ton of the Clock in the Forenoon ; and by Adjournment from thence wi-1 be holden at URADFORO , on WE DSESDAY , the 1 st day of July next , at Ten of the Clock m the Forenoon ; and also , * hy further Adjournment , from thence , uiU be holden at ROTHERHAM , on MOMDA \ , the 6 th day of the same month of July , at half-past Ten ofthe Clock in the Forenoon , when all Jurors , Suitors , Persons bound by Recognizances , and others having business at the said several Sessions , are required to attend the Court on the several days , and at the several Hours above mentioned .

      Ad00417

      This dav is published , Price 2 s . fld ., Fourth Edition , A PRACTICAL WOltK ON THE MANAGEMENT OF SMALL FARMS ; By Feabotjs O'Cossob , Esq . Price Fourpence , published at One Shilling , THE LETTERS OF F . O'CONNOR , ESQ ., TO DANIEL O'CONNELL , ESQ ., M . P . Price Fourpence , THE EMPLOYER AND EMPLOYED ; OR THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE MESSRS . CHAMBERS REFUTED ; Bx Feakgus O'Cosjnob , Esq .. Price Sixpence , A FULL LENGTH PORTRAIT OF THOMaS S . DUNCOMBE , ESQ ., M . P . Very few are now left on hand . Abel Heywood , 58 , Oldham-street , Manchester , and all agents and vendors of the Star .

      The Northern Star. Sattjuday, Jvse 10. 18j8.

      THE NORTHERN STAR . SATTJUDAY , JVSE 10 . 18 J 8 .

      The Struggle. Is Commenting Upon The Dif...

      THE STRUGGLE . Is commenting upon the different view taken of the Reform Bill and the Repeal of the Corn Laws by the House of Peers and , indeed , by the landed aristocracy generally , we have endeavoured to show the distinction between the surrender of a portion of political power , with enough left to preserve rights , privileges , and property , and a measure calculated to diminish , property and ultimately to abridge political power . We were steadfast in the opinion that the Bill would not pass unmutilated , or that , if it did pass , the sufferers from the charge would rally for another skirmish in the hope of regaining their lost rights , and of again restoring their diminished property to the scale of those necessities built upon the presumption that fiction ' s doomsday was never to arrive .

      The week before last , when all was dull , calm , and quiet , and when the several morning messengers of national composure were endeavouring to lull us into thebelief , and to soothe us into the hope , that their prognostications had restored trade in Manchester , and driven all evil bodings from Liverpool we ventured upon the following prediction : — His dream is out , and so will he be ' ere long ; for the Whigs will not bear his monopoly of office , and the betrayed Protectionists will not tolerate his continuance in power .

      Since the assurance of restored confidence and improving trade , our morning contemporaries have begun to think as wo thought when we wrote the above . They now begin to believe in that combination of foul elements to which the office , rather than the measures of the Prime Minister was sure to be subjected . Reformed Whiggery was a spurious cross , a hind of political mule , between popular anticipation and Whig assurance ; and if the greatest minister that ever England could boast of , is now to fall , it will be before a combination of patronage and treachery . A combination , however , sufficiently powerful to substitute Russell for Peel , will not be sufficiently tractable under the management of the fomier to preserve him inan office for which nature never intended him .

      If Peel falls he will have carried with him the respect and admiration of all honest men , when Russell rises it will be but to expose the weakness of his party . When wehave canvassed the position of Sir Robert Peel , and when we have spoken of obloquy and censure , we merely measured the treatment he was likely to receive by the feelings that his betrayed party was certain to entertain . Throughout the long and uninteresting struggle for the preservation of

      landlords' rights , wehave attached but one indelible stigma upon Sir Robert Peel , and that is not having given his party an opportunity of testing the feeling upon a measure which he said popular demand and popular requirements had forced upon him . If Peel had appealed to the country , the country would have sustained him if it desired the measure ; and , therefore , his error was in basing it upon popular approval , while he refuses to submit to popular decision .

      It is now pretty nearly . understood that the Peel Ministry is destined—that its days are numbered ; and that Lord John Russell is all but installed as Prime Minister of the country . It does not seem to have struck our contemporaries that this anticipated change of ministers may lead to an unexpected change of policy . They do not seem to see that if Peel should wriggle successfully out of the Coercion Bill that his tottering position will embolden many Feera who would otherwise support his Commercial Policy , to rat upon that question . If tbe Duke ' s assertion is true , that his adhesion to the measure was based upon the necessity of having a Ministry , his Grace may now be taunted with , the facility with which two Administrations may be formed—the

      one of the Ultra-Protectionists , living in the hope of once more rallying TEE JANNISAR 1 ES—the other of the Whigs , lingering out a hopeless existence upon a surplus exchequer and popular excitement . For ourselves we lean not from affection , . but from interest , to the Whig party . From their accession , and certain overthrow , we anticipate a great forward march in the party . They will have discovered the impossibility of holding power with no better support than that derived from the pliancy of Irish policy and Irish patronage . -They will discover that all hope of victory in the Registration department is vain and hopeless , so long as the present Franchise continues ; and if beaten upon another general election , they will bid for such a popular Franchise as will secure the final overthrow of Toryism .

      The Struggle. Is Commenting Upon The Dif...

      Our ^ char ge [ against Whiggery beer , , whereas the Reform Bill promised the fir- ^ i overthrow of Toryism , its effect was to givj . i 0 that party a much larger majority than it could ever boast of under the old borOUghmongeting system . Upon the other hand , we have shewn that much of the benefit of reform was lost by the apathy of those electors who were qualified to vote under its provisions , and now we rejbice in the coming change , because no Whig

      limits can he safely applied to the extension of a mere Whig constituency . The question of the franchise is the one , the only question , in which the people should feel interested in the change , and as it is now sure to come , again we invoke , we implore , every Chartist constituency in the kingdom to elect without a moment ' s delay trustworthy delegates , who will be prepared to meet wherever the directors shall summon them with twenty-four hours' notice .

      The resignation of Sir Robert Peel and the appointment of Russell as his successor is no longer matter of speculation , nor can the event be long deferred , although the circumstances which lead to it may be something mitigated in their character . Russell is perfectly aware that he cannot build upon the support of the Bentinok party , and that he must go to the country with some new ORY . lie will discover that neither timber , corn , nor sugar will satisfy the present appetite , and that upon the country , and the country alone , must depend the fate of Whiggery . In such a crisis it will become the people ' s duty to secure for themselves representatives , be they many or be they few , who will teach the Whigs that their continuance in place must depend solely upon their deference to public opinion .

      Eight or nine pure , shameless , and dishonest Whigs , who profess to dissent from Whig policy , nevertheless kept that party in power for three years upon th ' e cuckoo cry of— ' Keep the Tories out . " Now it is for the purpose of getting a real army of observation , of some ten or dozen / . veritable Chartists , who , at ahy given moment , can kick a Whig or Tory administration out , that we call upon the Chartist body to be prepared to furnish sucli a staff . This will be the principal business of the forthcoming ^ . Convention , and the Directors upon their part undertake to be prepared with such a plan as , if adopted and acted upon universally , will inevitably secure our object .

      It is a fact that the pecple are now in reality the source of all power . It is a fact that all parties look upon them with trembling awe . It is a fact that power is ready to be ceded to them if they are prepared to demand it like freemen , and with one voice . It . is a fact that whilst we prefer Chartists to all others , we much prefer Complete Suffragists to either Whigs or Tories , and failing the best we must secure the second best . Never were the times so full of import as at the present moment . America , while invoked in domestic brawls , is gnashing her teeth at England . The Italian States subject to the Pope are ready for revolt , which the death of Gregory may hasten .

      A popular revolution has triumphed in Portugal . No monarchical power of Spain can resist its progress in that country . Austria , Prussia , and Switzerland , are all upon the eve of convulsion . Saxony , and the petty states of Europe alone , where the people possess the land , are secure from those shocks by which monarchy vainly hopes to preserve its ascendancy and priestcraft its power . France is ready for an explosion , and England is the centre to which all are looking for the watchword . Can then there be other than danger in the coming times ? Danger to the popular party if unwisely directed ; danger to usurpation if ; judiciously governed .

      How often have we told the people that there are three great stages in a political movement—creation of public opinion—the organization of thepublic mind —and the direction of the public strength ? It is to the last stage that the Chartist Executive and tlie people , are now called upon to direct their energies ; while , for ourselves , we need notjassure our party of our willingness once more to take the post of danger and of labour , while vve . shall endeavour to protect our party from the assaults of the law and the vengeance of faction . While upon the other hand ; if

      circumstances should occur to lessen our regard for either , or for both , we shall not be squeamish as to the measurement of their power , provided the success oi our cause depends upon disregard of them . In conclusion , we say to the chartists , your hour has come , and your future fate depends upon the manner in which you use the present opportunity , elect your delegates , and if you fail to discharge that portion oi your duty which your country demands while youi Executive are ready to perform their ' s—blame yourselves if defeat should follow apathy .

      The Trades' Conference . And The " ' Mov...

      THE TRADES' CONFERENCE . AND THE " ' MOVEMENT . In our hasty glance at the Conference of the Trades in Manchester , last week , we could only casually notice some of the more prominent features of that movement . But the position assumed by the Association of which the Conference was tho representative body , the questions which it directly or inferentially raises ; the present state of parties , and its present and [ probable relations to these parties , no less than the decisions of the Conference as to its own immediate affairs and future policy , are full of matter for reflection and demand ampler notice .

      The labouring bees of the human hive have long been told that it was their own intestine divisions which constituted the strength of the drones . Unity and intelligence on their part would long ere now have compelled such a distribution of the fruits of their labours , as would have at once satisfied the demands of equity , and produced harmony iti the political and moral world , instead of ihe discord and misery which result from the present unjust arrangements for the production and distribution of wealth . These truths have , we say , been proclaimed by the teachers of the people for many years , and are no novelty in words at least . Nor have

      attempts ) to give them a practical value been wanting . From time to time , the forseeing and the' enthusiastic among the working classes have arisen as apostles of a new order of industry and striven for that universal confederation of the sons of labour , which they felt was an indispensable preliminary tcits emancipation from the shackles of capital . Their efforts met the common fate of all premature movements . They tailed in producing immediate results , but they cleared the ground of some of the obstruction to the gaol they aimed at , and made the path easier to those who followed . Though one swallow docs not maH a summer , it is a sign tbat it is not fai off .

      The last great attempt at a General Union of the Trades was in the years . 1833 and i shortly after the working classes discovered as a body that the Reform Bill , which had pro raised bo much , was a hollow mockery to thew at least ; that , however it might have feathered the nests of Whig politicians , and realized the anticipations of unprincipled . place hunters , it had not In the slightest degree altered their condition . Pew of our readers , we imagine , Al' 6 not familiar with the movement at that time , either by having been personally mixed up in it , or by hearing frequent descriptions of its leading occurrences . It was a formidable movement . The Government and

      the Capitalists were equally alarmed at its extent aud its power , and they showed at once their terro : and their hatred , by striking , not tbe Grand Consoli dated Union—not a Metropolitan trade—not at tin members of a Manchester , Birmingham , or Leed .-association ; but at six poor Dorchester Labourers . AWhigjudgewasfound infamous enough to tr \ these men under the provisions of an obsolete Actol Parliament , resuscitated for tho purpose , and whicli had no more reference to these peasants than to thi man in the moon , inasmuch as the preamble expressly limit * its enaetment to " soldiers land sailor .

      The Trades' Conference . And The " ' Mov...

      in his Majesty ' s service . " But the ne w-made Judge and dirty tool of the Whigs , was too" grateful to his employers for his elevation to stand npon such nice points of law as these , and sentenced the Durchester Labourers to seven years' transportation !! Thank Heaven ! the Working Men of Great Britain brought them back triumphantly from their" exile . But let not the fact be forgotten , nor the cognate fact that the attempt of the Government , at the instigation of tho Capitalists , failed in intimidating the tens of thousands who had associated for the noble object of elevating the condition of the working classes .

      But what the frowns of Government , the influence of wealth , the tyrannical and illegal terrorism of a prostituted Bench failed to effect , internal divisions , mutual misunderstandings , aristocratic prejudices , and , democratic jealousies among the high and lowpaid trades , together with complexand unwieldy machinery , speedily consummated . A mighty association dissolved like snow under a July sun . Its elements , however , were merely d ssolved , not destroyed , The eternal strife between right and wron g , justice and injustice , was renewed in other forms , and under other leaders .

      All this time the people have been learning . Failure and persecution , and sufferings , have been their teachers . They have graduated in a practical University , and are now again applying their additional knowledge and experience , to the organization of a fresh campaign against the deadly fees who press the life-blood from out of the heart of Industry . That they have made immense advances in the knowledge of the trueobjects to be aimed at , and the manner in which they must be achieved , must , we think , be evident to every one who will attentively peruse the preamble to the ^ twin associations , over which Thomas Slingsby Duncombe presides . The

      one is for " the Protection of Industry , the other "the employment of Labour in Agriculture and Manufactures . " They are , in fact , . but two separate departments of one association , but each differently organised for * the . special work it has to perform . The one is a popularly constituted body for the purpose of acting legally , constitutionally , and peaceably on the masses , and of bring , ing their united strength to bear on any given point ; the other is the working hand , by which the capital , skill , and labour of the association is to be used reproductively , and the waste , mischief , bitterness , failures , and disappointment of strikes to bejabolished forever .

      Each of these departments is , as we have said , differently organized . Small payments and simple machinery , but with an expanding power equal to any emergency , characterize the first . The second having vto deal with lands , houses , manufactories , workshops , machinery and industrial implements , has the machinery of a joint-stock company . Tlie great object of the Confederation is the industrial , educational , political and social elevation of the masses , and more immediately to bring tlie influence of a powerful association to bear upon all disputes between employers and employed , as to rates of wages ,

      hours of labour , and similar questions . Tins it is proposed to do by " mediation , arbitration , and legal proceedings . " The Times , in alatearticle , after "biting the file" in vain everywhere else , thought it had discovered a soft bit in the part printed in italics , and gravely shaking its awful head , hinted that these words " savoured of champerty and maintenance . " If so , Mr . Walters , the President of the " Poor Man ' s Guardian Society , " and principal proprietor of the Times , is at this moment guilty of these terrible crimes in having sanctioned an attempt by that Society to obtain legal

      redress for a brutal and savage outrage on a female pauper by one of the cowardly wretches who carry out the orders of the Cerberus of Somerset House . All that the Association proposes by these words is to constitute , wherever necessary , suits in law or equity for the protection of the weak against the strong , and thus to fight oppression with the law , instead of arming it with additional power by ignorant , > ash , or intemperate resistance ; and if Mr . Walter and tho Poor Man ' s Guardian's Society , Lord Ashley and the Short Time party , tlie League and

      other bodies , can with impunity pursue this course , we should like to know on what grounds the same power is to be denied to this Association ? Tlie truth is , that the Association , both as to its objects and its constitution , is perfectly legal , as the Times itself in despair confesses , and the only way in which it can be touched by its opponents through

      So much for the objects , and the external and legal aspect of the new movement . Let us now briefly glance at the elements of which it is at present composed , and its principal machinery . The late Conference consisted of 126 delegates , representing in the aggregate 40 , 000 members of a great variety of trades , in every part of Great Britain and Ire * land . It was in the variety of these elements that the greatest danger was to be apprehended . It has in every former attempt been found almost impossible to bring what has been termed the aristocracy

      of the trades and the democracy together , to work for one object . The mechanic , or engraver , with three or four guineas weekly , had no feeling in common with the handloom weaver , whose miserable pittance was three or four shillings . The joiner , or mason , receiving thirty shillings , looked over the iiead of the framework-knitter with five shillings aweek . The factory trades held aloof from all general movements . In short , the curse of selfishness and ignorance was upon them , and they fell an easy prey to Capital , which mowed them down in sections whenever it suited its convenience .

      the bitter lesson , that it was vain to resist aggression while these divisions existed , has been often learned ; but the intellect is frequently convinced a long time before the feelings can be schooled to accord with its convictions . We have always felt that the point we are now alluding to was the rocka-head of the new association ; and that , if it weathered that safely , it would escape its most imminent and immediate danger . The decision of the Conference with reference to it is of so judicious , sound , and practicable a character , that we have now the strongest and most sanguine hones of ultimate and not

      distant success . The principle of an Assurance Company has been adopted . The members of the various trades composing the association are to pay in proportion to their means , and receive benefits in proportion to their payments . No injustice will-be done to any one ; but all will be benefitted by tins plan . Independent of the pecuniary support which each will be entitled to , all will enjoy the incalculable advantage of the influence and name of a mighty association , which , we confidently anticipate , will do more to prevent aggression than the actual expenditore of millions .

      This influence will rest upon a firm basis . Another decision of the Conference was , that a permanent fund , of at least £ 20 , 000 , shall be raised by small 'ontinuous payments , also levied in proportion to the earnings of the members of the a-sociation . It was judicious , we think , of the Conference to fix the amount of the permanent fund so low . It will not startle the timid nor provoke tbe sneers of the in-OredtlloUS . But five tithes £ 20 , 000 are as easily within the reach of the working classes , by such means , as one ; and we do not despair of seeing Labour ' s League in the command of funds as ample as the League of millowners—aye , and exorcising , too , an equally resistless influence on the government ind the Legislature .

      But—and here we come to an essential point , one n which this association differs from its predecessors , tills fund is not to be expended as of old , in keeping men idly walking about the streets , or engaged in the picquctting and bickerings of a strike . No ; it is to be invested in the funds of the twin associations , and employed through its medium , as having been expressly constructed for this purpose . 'in withdrawing from the naarket of the competitive capitalists that surplus ( abour which is bis most effective instrument for

      The Trades' Conference . And The " ' Mov...

      grinding industry to the dust . We should suppose that skeleton establishments , with all the requisite implements and machinery lot " imraediate action , would be organized by th ' e association in those parts ° ( Vne country to which the various trades are , We may say , indigenous , and that whenever the other association failed by " mediation or arbitration to settle a dispute between the employers and employed , the latter would be immediately drafted to these establishments j and set to work in the occupation to which they have been accustomed .

      The three points now successively enumerated , are cardinal ones . Upon these pivots the whole association turns . They constitute the difference between it and its predecessors ; aud when in addition to this we remember that it has opened its arms to receive the toil-worn wives , daughters , and children of the working man , we think we are justified in saying that no former Confederation of the working classes ever combined so many of the qualifications requisite

      to success . But it may be asked by some , will not such an association he dangerous ? Not at all . The honourable and just among employers of all kinds , will speedily learn to regard it as their best friend and ally against the unscrupulous of their own class . An association occupying sucli a prominent position , with a member of the Legislature at its head , " gives hostages to fortune . " It is bound by stronger ties to the maintenance of an impartial , reasonable , and just course , than a congeries of small sectional societies , composed of partially informed men , and liable under tlie impulse of the moment to commit actions of a violent character , in the absence of an intelligent restraining power . Employers and employed will be mutually benefitted by its existence and its operations .

      Such is a brief outline of the proportions of this infant Hercules , destined , we trust , to perform labours more gigantic , and a thousand times more beneficial than the mythological hero . It appears on the political horizon at a critical period . The old parties are dissolved or dissolving . All around us is in a state of rapid transition and mutation . The commercial idea of buying cheap and selling dear , which has so long excluded all others from tlie popular mind , is on the point of legislative fruition . Tlie political convulsions which have attended its parturition has shaken to pieces the old system of partizanship ; and the new circumstances whicli must inevitably arise out of the new position we are about to occupy , will make it impossible for it ever to resume its old position .

      The advent of such an association as that under notice , is therefore most timely . Its incipient stages are passed . Its preliminary arrangements are perfected . It is in the field ready for action . The people must rally round it . The elevation of man is its object . WEALTH as the means , MAN as the end . of all social and political institutions , is its leading principle ; and truly the time is come in this England of ours , when we should no longer jabber like apes the miserable verbiage about farthings and halfpence and half hours , which seem the highest point fo which the imaginations of our legislators can soar .

      Never in ancient or modern times did there exist a nation so teeming with an abundance of all the means of procuring universal abundance and happiness among its people . A kindly sky and fertile soil , rich mineral stores beneath , are our natural inheritance . Over the surface of the broad land gleam and flash the fires , and clank the hammers and run the wheels , and roar the engines , which with more than magical rapidity pour forth exhaustkss wealth . How long shall we be tlie slaves of our own inventions ? How long groan aiid be crushed under the Juggernaut we have erected ?

      The time has come when continued endurance witf be a crime . Tlie indestructible aspirations of hu inanity after happiness , the superabundance of the elements for securing to ail a superior position , edu cation , and enjoyments—the diffusion of intelligence , and the spirit of freedom among the masses , proclaim that the dawn of the day of liberty has arisen . We hear its matin hymn singing around us . Henceforward let there be no party but the People . Henceforward no institutions , but those which minister to the welfare of the People . Henceforward no wealth which the People cannot enjoy , as they create , — no privilege in which all may not freely share .

      Parliamentary Review. In The Postscript ...

      PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . In the postscript to our last " review , " announcing tlie victory ox ihe Ministry In the Lords , previous to the breaking up for the holidays , we intimated the possibility . ' of a movement for the purpose of ousting Peel from office . The event has justified the prediction . . The short recesss was scarcely begun when rumours of an intended change became rife . The capers announced that Lord J . Russell had a

      meeting at Ohesham-place of what are called " liberal members , " and informed them of his intention to make the Irish Coercion Bill in the first place , the Sugar Question in the second , his two battle horses in the struggle to displace his political rival . At the same time statements of a coalition between the Whig leader and Lord G . Bentinck obtained currency , and the journals generally looked npon as best informed on these topics , spoke in a tone thai indicated that in their estimation the days of the Peri , ministry were numbered .

      So It is likely to turn out . Monday night witnessed a coalition la fact , if not in word , between the Protectionst opponents and the Whig rivals of the Premier , of a singular and , as we think , disgraceful description . Russell aud Bentinck disavowed any formal mutual agreement , but both joined in hunting down their common game . With what different feelings ! We can to some extent sympathise with the upholders ol the Protective system , and their exasperation at being , as they conceive , betrayed and deserted by their former leaders . We can understand their

      desire for revenge on those who have , as they think , broken faith with them , and handed them over defenceless to the Free Trade party ; but we caunot account on any honest or honourable principle of action for the indecent haste , the hurrying eagerness , with which Lord J . Russell and the Whigs rush forward , almost before the work is done , to seize the places of those who , whatever may be their demerits in the eyes of Protectionists , at all events deserve the credit of being much more successful and practical "Liberal'' statesmen than those who rejoice in that name .

      Nothing but a greedy hankering after office can explain this movement on the part of the Whigs , and its cowardice is on a par with its selfishness . They did aot dare to attempt the cariying of Commercial Reforms themselves—now that tliese are , as they think , secure , they are anxious to jump into office , and the emoluments , patronage , and enjoyments appertaining thereto . They are political cuckMra , whose penchant it is to lay their eggs in nests not built by themselves .

      While the great mass of the people are excluded from all direct participation in political power , it matters comparatively little to them , who is " Out " or who is" In , " and therefore this war for officethis Ministerial crisis , is to them a minor matter . But at the same time , all Englishmen like to see fair play ; and it seems to lis , tluit the junction be - tween Itusseli and Bentinck at the present moment , is by no means so to be designated .

      In addition to this , we believe that the people have much more to hope for from Pkei , than Russell . The former has avowedly linked himself with the progressivespiritot'theage . If he halts every now and then , and deviates from the straight-forward path occasionally , there is a reason to be found in his previous education , sympathies , aud associates . He was brought up in the " stand-still school , " but the heart and tendencies of the man himself are evidently onward . All his changes have been from the sectional to the universal—from the crude and petty notions of a limited and party education , to the more comprehensive ideas of a ripening and expanding political manhood . Toleration of opinion in religious matters , extension of education , the humanizing

      Parliamentary Review. In The Postscript ...

      of our sanguinary criminal code , the introduction of greater relaxations' into our coamercial system , in short , with the exception of the political question , all the other reforms of the age have been largely indebted to him for their practical introduction . The very reverse has been the course of his wouldbo rival , Lord John's career- has been a succession of lucky hits , independent of the man himself—wherever he has shown his real nature , it has been that of a small narrow-minded partisan brought up in a hereditary school of politicians , the first article of whose

      creed it was , that they ought to have the government of this , country in their hands . Why , it would be difficult to say . To be sure they professed liberal opinions ; but they never were in office without basely and brutally , trampling upon those who had raised them there , because they believed them sincere . They never were entrusted with tlie control of the affairs , or the finances of the country , without leaving th em in confusion and dilapidation . They never held power without using it to fight against and suppress the very principles which had helped them to it .

      Of the Whig cliqite Lord J . Russell is about the most incapable of learning . He is not in love with , but afraid of , the onward spirit ef the times . He is continually whining about " Fixalitt . " Wc hold that the utterance of such a word is sufficient of itself to preclude any man from assuming to guide the destinies of a great people . But enough of this . Time will shortly show how the battle goes between the curiously mixed combatants , on the political arena . Should victory for the nonce

      incline to the Coalition , it will only be a temporary triumph . In selecting the Irish Coercion Bill to be defeated upon , if his political enemies can beat him , Sir It . Peel shows his accustomed acutenesss . It is , after all , more to be looked at in the lig ht of a measure of administrative detail , temporary in its nature and duration , than embodying any general and indestructible principle . Sir Robert will never again go out of office upon the latter . If defeated on the present occasion , he will" bide his time . " Can the country do without him ? If so , for how long ?

      Meantime a General Election must tell for the People ' s cause . Thebreaking up of parties will be aided by it , and the ' emancipation of the most astute and practical of our statesmen from the old trammels , will leave them free to head the new legislators , whom the growing intelligence of the time will send to Parliament . We shall get out of the barren and circumscribed boundaries of party questions , inte the pleasant and far-extending regions of national amelioration . Political enfranchisement , Educational improvement , sanitary reforms , equitable distributive arrangements , all show themselves above the political horizon . The 1 'TJTTJRE is full oi Hope .

      The topics discussed in Parliament this week have been few , and as all of them will recur again , they will be more effectually criticised when riper for settlement .

      Co Iieaueis & Corresfyonunitsf*

      Co iieaueis & CorresfyonUnitsf *

      Leicesteb.—In Reply To An Enquirer In Th...

      Leicesteb . —In reply to an enquirer in the Star , the address of Mr . Samuel White is No . 3 G , Garden Stmt , Belgrave Gate , Leicester . Biteabout Niseus Trial . —William Daniells begs to acknowledge the following sums for assisting the miners to carry on the above trial- . —Lancashire District , Gs . ; James Gardiner , Berry Edge , Is . ; Dawson and Defty , 9 d . ; a friend , fid . To the Misers of Great Britain . —We request the attention of our friends the miners , to the following appeal : —

      " Allow me once more to endeavour to show the readers of the Star , and the miners generally , the importance and necessity of affording a little assistance , in order to enable the above mimed ill-used men to obtain justice and satisfaction for the injury they have received . I need not recapitulate the infamous and cruel manner in which these men have been served , that must be fresh in the recollection of all your renders , from my former letters ; they will recollect how the men hail one-third of their wages filched from them , by their humane employer , the never-to-be-forgotten Jackson ; how exorbitant and ilhgul fines we-fi inflicted upon them ; how their lives were placed in danger by being cruelly left in the pit ; and hour they tried to obtain redress by law , but were thwsirted by

      the magistrates . Since then I hare caused informations to be laid against Jackson , for a violation of Lord Ashley's Act ¦ ( -5 aud e Victoria ) , and we expected that the hearing would have come on last Thursday , at tbe Petty Sessions at Wooler , but owing to a mistake of the men , in not taking out summonses , the absence of some of the principal witnesses , who had promised to attend without summonses , and oa account of the men not being able to engage a professional person to defend them , and conduct their case , wc were compelled to apply for a postponement of the trial for a month , whicli is now finally fixed to come oft'on the first Tuesday in July , at Ford . It was well we look this course , for we found the other party intended to move for a postponement , if we had not done so , on the ground that they had not beea

      allowed sufficient time to get up a defence , but really to cause expense and delay . Under these circumstances , and considering it to be a national question , 1 hereby makea lastappeal to tbefriends of justice and haters of wrong to come forward and assist these men to carry on their trial . To the miners of Great Britain I most especially appeal—the cause of the Biteabout men is their cause ; and , therefore , they have a right to expect assistance from their own trade . The miners in the Berwick District have never been backward in supporting their union or in assisting others , and they very iiatura . lYuowcxpecta 55 . stauci ' , toenahIetheiH to defend their injured brethren ; whether they will obtain it , I know not—but I do know—they desercc if . Their ^ casc is a good one , and they can only he prevented from

      winning it by want of the means to carry it on . Trusting these men ' s case will yet be taken up , and that subscriptions will be sent to Mr . liar tin Jude , Sun Inn , Side , Newcastle-upon-Tyne , or to the undersigned . I am , dear Sir , yours faithfully , Wilham Danieus . 4 , Castle Street , Newcastle-upon-Tyne . Case of Mr . Frost . —I beg to acknowledge the receipt of the following sums for Mr . Frost ' s relief : —Chartists of Mti'th-vr Tj'dvil , £ 110 s . ; Evan Williams , Weber , oi Mcrthyr Tydvil , £ 110 s . ; Chartists of Newport , Isle of Wight , £ 2 ; Titus S . Brooke , Esq ., Dewsbury , £ 1 ; Mr .

      Samuel Cook , Dudley , 5 s .: Mr . W . Leach , Finchinj ? - licld , Essex , 5 s . ; Mr . Thomas Broweth , London , 2 s . 6 d . Mr . James Terry , do ,, 2 s . Gd , ; Mr . H . Sheliiker , dO „ Is . ; Mr . George Mogg , do ., Is . ; Mr . James Wtlls , do ., 2 s . ; and also the sum of £ 8 from a patriot and philanthropist , whom I am proud to call my friend—Joseph Sturge ot Bh-mhij-ham . 1 feel it to he : i dut y to transcribe a pait of Mr . Sturge ' s letter , and at tlie same time must observe that I think its conscientiousness worthy of imitation : — "This thou wilt please to have clearly understood , I give from sympathy with John Frost , as a fellow creature in distress and in exile—but with an unaltered conviction that his conduct at Mew . port was wrong . " Thomas Coofer .

      P . S . —Received since the above , 3 s . from Nicholas Morgan and friends , Monkwearmouth , Durham , anfl . Gd . from Robert Hobersou , Crayford , Kent . Mr . Julian Harney has received for Sir . Frost , £ 1 from Mr . Sewell ; ' 2 s . Cd . from Mr . James George , Windsor ; a Post-office order from Mr . William Smith , Manchester , for lis . 6 d . At tlie time of writing this notice , Mr , Harney has not received cash for the above post-order not having had time to present the order at the oHice . Mr , Smith ' s tetter containing the items of the 14 s . 6 d . , will he found in our Chartist Intelligence , under the head of" Manchester . " ViiE of Levbn . —Petition and letter received with thanks .

      Joseph Horner , Newport . —Wo think him perfectly right in his observations , and would much prefer having tbe money sent by a banker than having it sent by a private hand . lie says that the people do not know Mr . R"gers , and that there is a huge sum of money collected if Mr . O'Connor will receive it . Mr . O'Connor has such perfect faith in Mr . Rogers , that he has sent him the £ 15 voted out of the Victim Fund , together with nil monies transmitted lor IH-ost . However , if that old confiili'iicu still continues , and inhere is the old desire to transmit -ill through the Star , Mr . O'Connor will cheerfully receiveit , acknowledged , and transmit it to Mr , Rotters . Oue thing should be bornu in mind , that any exertion that is to be made should be made ivilhiii the following- week , as the demand is pressing and should be immediately mat . AH persons sculling posUoSiuo ordirs , should send tbe name of the person who obtained them , n . id the name of the person

      to whom they are to be paid in London . Our excellent fiiend , David Potts of liiriniut-hum , who has sent £ 10 also expresses the dissatisfaction of the Birmingham people at sending the money by private hand . Thomas M'Dowall , Whippany , North America , wishes to know whether he can purchase a share in the Land Society , as he is anxious to return to his famil y He Worked with P . and 11 . Barnes of Manchester , and if this should meet the eye of any of his famil y wo request them to write to him to tell him that he is at perfect liberty to join the Association . —It is odd that people in America should he anxious to join the Chartist Cooperative Lund Society . Wm . Rowland . — A * one of the Chartists who received the halfciown at Hen iugsgate . returns Is . id ., a penny being the interest for his share 0 . Williamson , Leeds . —All the portraits for our Leeds Agents were sent on Monday last , to the care of Mr . J . Pontey .

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 13, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_13061846/page/4/