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H H "^jorsnee of thecoercrre Whi governm...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Monday Die. ¦ House Of Lords.— Dcnuncuti...
" ^ jorsnee of thecoercrre Whi g government . He ' »* we r » of di what W 1 « Y professions meant , * fl what' value was to be attached to Whig "SILfes . When they were weak , they al-F £ s conrtid Ireland , and fawned opon her ; *? " they vrcre strong , they openly betrayed Shafted which Inrkedin their hearts , and treach ^ St turned ea these who had supported them . fE ^ bad they acted a few years ago when weak ? £ ^ d of sending in aplcultund-rflsn to be Lord * ^ enaat of an f ^ oaltaral oouaby , they sent a ^ military chieftain , with plumes flying , no otter ' a ™ the Marquis of Normanby , who , at the time ^ crimes were being engendered , instead oi issuv ^ roclamatioM , ant ! making the law respected , Peered through toe conntry like another Don Ste , declared a general gaol delivery , and went 5 » nt letting Urates , TfflaiM . wd pickpocket ! loose r ^ ienet y-thw overriding the ordinary law , Vrin r ingthejudgesoftheIandintocontempt , mockiB C rt 8 power of juries , and liberating thieves and felons m rive stability to a tottering goremment . Was ^ MWnfrrfrn ffhir rnmrnTiimt TTn
life the way to inspire respect forthe ordinary law . ( Hrar . hear , Md cheers . ) Wag ever anything half ^ absurd ? Nothmg , unless , indeed , it were the mild L fSTisi on ( mildiamother ' fl milk ) ofthe present bill , Liich made it imperative that when a murder was committed half the population of a country , children jj sixteen , aad old men at sixty , should scamper throug h the corn ^ fields after the mnrderer , or else make up their minds to imprisonment for two years , ( laughter . ) The police and the satellites of the go-Yj rnment were at the bottom ef a reVy large proportion of the offencesattribnted to the Irish pea-* , ntry . IntheyearlSS ^ wh enLordHathertoh wM Secret ary for Ireland , he ( Mr O'Connor ) wasengaged f « professional duty in Clonkilty . On his return he
vas thrown from his horse , and could , not have jesched hemethatnight had it not been for the kindjjess of a Mend , who placed at his disposal his horse , ng , servant . The tithe agitation was going on vi gorously at the time , and the servant , who . being a Catholic , of conrseapproved of it , mentioned as they rode along that when Whiteboyism was in existence be had lived with a captain in the army , who used to make it a practice to go out at night amongst the p easantry , with a friend of his . a major , and one or two other gentlemen . The whole party used to blacken their faces , and swear the peasants in as Whiteboys in order that they might have employment . He ( Mr O'Connor ) teld Mr Littleton of these transactions , and undertaking tohave them properly
attested ; bnt the secretary declined to interfere , be-Wise ( no donbt ) it was gentlemen , and not vulgar peasants , who would have to be impeached . Another ustance which he would quote , and would eive the names of the several parties concerned , if the house required it , as he would state nothing that he could pot substantiate ; it was this , in the year lSZS . during the time ofthe Whiteboys , when the landlords and parsons had driven the people into r . peii rebellion , a tenant of his , Mr ( O'Connor ' s family ) bad a private still , a very common thing in those days , and he received a notice signed . 'Capt . Rock , ' stating that he and some of his men would call upon htm the
foliowiee sight for two or three gallons of whiskey , and which must be supplied on peril of his life . Well , who were the messengers ? Why , two orange pretestant yeomen , while their captain , now no more , was within a field , and , in a short time afterwards , these very notices and practices were made the pretext for nutting those aad other yeomanry corps on doty . Now waanot that an answer tothe fabricated correspondence , produced by the right hon . gentleman , Uline the house that America furnished the blood money . Another instarcehe would give them . He ( Mr O'Connor ) was at breakfast with a magistrate , in tbe County of Cork , when the following letter was handed to him : —
My dear . I understood that Tom Fitzgerald , the constable of yaur district , who resided with Cant . Daunt , has a warrant against Boss for the murder of GaUavan . Will jou eeziforFitxgerald aad get the warrant from him , as Boss is as good a Protestant as ever stepped in shoeleather aud Sallaraa was a rank Papist . Tours , Now he ( Mr O'Connor ) was present when that Magistrate got the warrant from the constable and destroyed it . There ' s Irish ordinary law ! ( Hear , hear . ) The hoa . and learned gentleman then alluded to the attacks which had been made in that house and elsewhere on the Catholic clergy , and declared mis conviction that the only result which could
proceed from such unwarrantable aggressions on men so exemplary and pious would be the exasperation ef the Irish people , to whose hearts they would be for ever dear . ( Hear . ) "Their crime was devotion to the national faith , which was nursed in the cavern , and cherished in the cave—it was hugged as a priceless jewel to the victim ' s bleeding heart , embalmed in the bloody shroud-entombed in toe martyr ' s cold crave , and enshrinedin toe nation ' s affection . ( Hear . ) Here was not a single argument used by the right honourable baronet in favour ofthe bill that was not , in his ( Mr O'Connor ' s ) rmad , a condemnation of it . He would read for the bouse the opinion which had been given in the year 1 S 23 of the Irish people , by the Honourable W . W . Wynne , who was then a
cumber of the government . He says , ' When reflecting upon their many admirablequalMes , their genius aud intelligence , and particularly their social and affectionate character , their disposition to give confidence , their devotion to any cause they ever heartily espouse , their patience , their hospitality , their remarkable love of conntry , their attachment to all the -charities of life , what must I think of the policy by which all those excellent qualities and all the gifts of nature and of Providence are rendered the fruitful source of misery and bloodshed . ' He ( Mr O'Connor ) asked , would they reject that authority—the authority ofthe President ofthe Board of Control in the year 1322 ? Bat , notvrittetandpgtbatopmion , they had subsequently passed Coercion Bills . He would
tell them that whatever good they intended to do for Ireland , they most enforce that good , or the landlord would have the entire of tbe good , and tenant none of it . ( Here the Attorney General was speaking rather audibly to a member near , when the hon . gentleman was speaking , and to whom Mr O'Connor turned round and observed , — 'Sir . I hold thisjnterruption upon the part of toe Attorney General , and indeed his inattention to the defence of Ireland , as highly culpable ; and he begged to tell the noble lords and right hon . gentlemen opposite , that this country did sot want , would not put up with , a sneering , laughing , giggling , cheeriag ministry , who required information on a subject of which they were totally ignerant , and yet rejected knowledge . He ( Mr
O'Connor ) told the noble lords and right hon . gentlemen , that this conntry required , and would demand , a ' thoughtful , inquiring , steady , and intellectual government , ready to receive information , and to govern the country npon constitutional principles . ( Cheers . When they passed the Irish Tithe Bill , they gave the landlord 25 per cent of church property , but did the tenant get any of it ? No ; on the contrary , the landlord pocketed it all . ( Hear , hear . ) Was it not frightful , he asked , that a man who was willing to iabsur for | himself and his family , should be unable to obtain work ortiie means of supportingthem . ( Hear , hear . ) Oat ofthe money which had been recently expended in Ireland , £ 358 , 000 hadgonein patronage , and out of the million and a half which had been
voted for the purpose of being advanced to land * lards , only £ 30 , 000 had been granted , in consequence of the difficulty of obtaining it , from the technicalities suritnndnsit . He would tell them that they could not redress the condition of the labourer and of the farmer without redressing the condition of the landlord . He would tell them there was not an acre of land in England or Ireland let fer one-half of its value . They let the land according to the badsyatem of agriculture which is practised , but let them establish a better system j and the land would be worto double what it is worth now . ( Hear , hear . ) The Irish landlords had managed their estates according to the science of politics , and not according to the seifinM « if su-ricnltare . They sought to get a
commission for one son , and a living for another , and thus they managed the land according to political seienee ratter than manage it like gentlemen . He would give them aa instance ofthe extent ol the distribationof patronage in the good old times . The Hutcbiasons and Beresfords obtained almost every thing to be cot . so much so that it was said of the former that if they got Ireland fer adomain that they would ask the Isle of Man lor a potato gardendaughter . ) And upon one occasion when Lord Cathcart was commander-in-chief , he made a tour of inspection through the south of Ireland , whenhe took np big qoarters at Lord Beresford ' s , and seeing : many of that name in the Army list , he asked her ladyship after dinner , it be should not have the honour of
being introdnced to the yonng heroes— 'Certainly , answered her ladyship , and leaving the room , called te tha muss- 'Harse , take the Captain ' s cradle out of the M-jortrOMB , as he ' s teething ; and when the Colonel wakes , put hisregimentalson , andbnngnim dawn , the" General wishes to see him . ' ( Great -soghter . ) " Wheahe ( Mr O'Connor ) was t * em > l ean <* age , he kid an ensign and a lieatenanton « J » P » ia his class , and when the immeetionday wasat . hand , fieir moftenbwnghtbiga heeled boots to makelhe heroes look tall . ( Renewed laughter . ) tie was ? lrf that the hoaourablo member for Limenck had « eea the prudence and propriety of oooosm g this measure , and he implored of the Irish landlords and ttembeis to take counsel together , irrespective ot ffass , polities , or creed . As an "PflfU h ^ & e bill he would remind the house that it hadbeen
croosed by thehon . gentleman the member for Roeb > toe ( MrS . Crawford . ) who performed Jus duty as a iaEulord , andwhoconld walk vrithperfect ease either fe day or night among bis tenantry . ( Hear ,, hear . ) Tha very gentleman whoasked for ? Tk « # £ S 3 ? ai , and as alandlord was not afr aid to be . bound b / it , but this house , so tenderof tho ug hts . » f " *" Perty . would in so wise interfere . with »•«?; Wh , ? Had they notinterfered with it before m every bill forthe alteration of the Tithe system . « nd was he to be fold that they could ap ® 0 ™* interfere with implements and produce , and few W ttterterewita the raw material , when its « dmst-^ ntba » n » mdispesB » bl 9 to the * a : «« i <» of tna wnntry ! It was ridiculous , it was unjust , to charge de Irish people with crimes , whea tney were we «»^ wii « of oppression aad misrule ; w t M t * s
Monday Die. ¦ House Of Lords.— Dcnuncuti...
O ttmnor ) could _ tell . thehouse , that having - for yeara empteed iron 130 to 150 labourer , nimseif , henerotaewa rhaawho was earning eightpence a day brought before a ir ^ trat .. Tcbar | ed % ith a single crime . Wfen . tfae right hon . baronet was » eloquently statingthe crimes of Ireland , he omit . tedtoteUtoehouseoftteirgri « Taflc » Hedidnot SflS £ 0 B 8 e ttifc lt w * * **«¦«* occurrence to see 2 , 000 processes entered at one quarter sessions , for sums m many cases not exceeding a few shillings ; meubrooiht miles from their home and their bua-Ms ^ tooe preyedo ^ m in their misery . -iby . a swarm ofvultoreatomies . How then , he wonldask , could the most unMuahing partisan , attempt to support the system , which requires periodical coercion tonron it fifnTmnrl mnld trll HI ,. I i ., ,
?' - And jet the "Whig Ministry boasted of na kindness towards Ireland , ' bnt he would toll them that any hasty concession , extracted from their fears ; was only granted in the hope of reconciling the plundered to the dominion of the plunderer . He would tell them more , that until Ireland bad self-government it was vain to expect a j ast administration of any pitiful lawthatwaspassed f « r her improvement . Its every benefit was absorbed by the landlord class of which he would give the two following proofs . When the currency of the two Muntries was assimilated , nine in every ten landlords demanded payment of old rents according to the new standard—that is every landlord made a profit of eight and a third per cent , making the tenant pay
£ 100 . in the new currency , instead of £ 92 . 6 s . 8 d ., which represented £ 100 . according to the o'd currency . and he Mr O'Connor made many £ 100 . of his profession by eimply ^ answering the question' Can they make me pay the ould rent in the new money ?' But thisdid not stop with the tenants . for in a majority of eases , the wages ofthe labourer was reduced from eightpence to sevenpence , while the landlords took care to have the benefit as debtors . He ( Mr O'Conuor ) would make no apology for his opposition to this bill , because when he discovered that the Repeal of the Union was not to be discussed sessionally , with a thorough knowledge of his country , ^ he proposed several measures of relief to that house , —the adoption of which would have rendered coercion unnecessary , and the rejection of which had paralysed the arm of industry . It was ; therefore , that he demanded remedial measures as a means of checking the growth of
crime , ' and arresting the assassin ' s arm , before he gave his consent to any measure of coercion to destroy those crimes which , misgovernment had engendered , fostered , and encouraged . In conclusion , he ( Mr O'Connor ) begged to assure the right honourable baronet that the bill should have his most decided apposition , from the preamble to the last clause ofthe bill , and he assured the right honourable baronet that if he thought conscientiously that this bill , or evenoneofamore severe character , would have the effeet of repressing crinie . he Would vote for every clause of it ; bnt it was because he understood the character , constitution , and condition of Ms countrymen better than the right honourable baronet did ; having had ample opportunities of acquainting himself with them , that he was determined that this insidious measure ) should not go to the country with the " stamp ofhis approval on it at all evsnts . ( Hear . )
Mr B . D . Biown defended Mr H . Grattan from the attack ofthe last speaker , whom he described as a man with all the ambition to be in office , but with none of the modesty which would teach him to retire into his proper place . It was his intention , like Mr H . Grattan , to give bis support to tbe second reading of this bill : because it did sot go too far , because the circumstances of the country required it , because it would affect only guilty parties in certain districts , and afford protection to respectable persons in the midst of a reign of terror . He also supported It because he believed it would be administered by the Itdd-Lieutenant in a spirit of moderation and humanity . ' He supported It because he beliered that the majority of the people of Ireland had no sympathy with those crimes . He believed the majority of the people and the priesthood were anxious that these murders should be put an end to . He believed that the
murderer * were outcasts and traders in blood ' , and were not connected with the predial difference between landlord and tenant . The murder of the'B . sv . Mr TJojdwai a brutal , dastardly , and barbarous murder , and such atrocious murderers were a disgrace to Ireland ; aad as he wished that the law should be vindicated he gave his vote for this measure . It might be said this was aa acconstitutionalact ; but itwaa more unconstitutional to leave the country at themercjjof a set of lawless marauders . He weuld give his vote for this bill without reference to remedial measures , lest it should seem that he had the slightest sympathy with such crimes . The administration of the law in Ireland was most inef & ci entry carried on . The crown prosecutors were often incapacitated from performing their duties by reason of > ge and infirmity . He felt confident that , in trusting the powers contained in this measure to tbe government , they would not abuse it .
UrU . 0 Cosssu said he held . in his hand a book , entitled ' An Account of the Debate on the Bill for tbe Protection « f Life in Ireland , in 1849 / edited by R . DiUon Brown * , M . P . ( The hon . gentlenaa then read extracts from the speeches of Mr Dillon Browne on that debate , in opposititn to that measuie , and in which he advised that coercion should be given up and remedial measures tried . ) . The hon . member for Meath , ( Mr H . Grattan ) too , who had been one of tha most atreanoms opponents f the Coercion Bill of 28 & , heregretted to find amongst tbe advocates of me present measure . Slsgolaa-n as they would , this bill was as much an infringement ef the coustitutlon as that proposed by the right hon . baronet , atd " which the noble lord now atthehsadof the government said he would never consent to unless it
was accompanied by remedial measures . On that saint ground put forward by the nobis lord in 1816 , as against the Arms Bui of the right honourable , baromet—the absence of . remedial measures—aid he ( Mr M . O'Qonnell ) oppose the bill now before the house . . It was all vary well to rsfer to the condition of society in Ireland , and potot to the calendar of crima as a justineatian for aach a bill ; but how did they expect human nature te endure patiently the tyranny to which the Irish tenantry were subject , driven from their holdings , without food or shelter , prevented from reaping the crops they had sawa , sad deprived « 4 aU tho advantage of their outlay and labour ? . Try tbe experiment in England , and set what would be theconseqsenee . ( Hear , hear . ) He gathered from the reply of tha right honourable the Home
Secretary , to the suggestion of the right honourable bareset ( Sir B . Peel ) that a detective police was ; about to be organised in Ireland . What was this but a ratura to to tha old spy system , with aB its attendant horrors , its perjuries , robberies , sad murders ? Howmany instances were there in former days of innocent men being en trapped into the commission of crime , and then informed against for the sake ofthe blood-money f Is no country save Ireland would such a system be tolerated . It had been practised in-1793 nnder the notorious Major 'SIrr , aided by the infamous Terry O'Brien , and yet in these days it wm sought to legislate perjury by act of parliament . NotwitfcstanoUmj me determination expressed by some Irish members to support this bill , he for one
should give it the most determined opposition m tvsry stage of its progress . He had been as earnest and as anxious as any man in denouncing crime , and be had not only preached but practised obedience to the law . He had endeavoured to enforce a maxim laid down by one whose memory he must ever revere and venerate , that the worst enemy of Ireland was the man who violated the law . He would not parley with the murderer , but he would strain th * < jrdinary law of the land , in order to secure his punishment ; bat ha protested agalast arming irrespoMible parties with extraordinary powers to do that which might be done by the smallest particle of resolution and courage on the part of the resident landlords in the counties which were said to be
disturbtd , and which would be put down by the tenantry if thslsndlordsgave them the slightest encosragemest to to do . But he found fault with this bill oa another ground , namely , that it was entirely and exclusively a landlord ' s bill . ( Hear , hear . ) It was not a bill for the protection of the lives and the property of the people , but for the protection of magistrates , who would not do their duty , and to enable the landlords to collect their rents . He had expected after the numerous commissions of inquiry which had besa issued by various governments , that at the commencement of this session the present ministry would at least be prepared with torn * remedial measuresfor Ireland . He understood that tbe Landlord and Tenant Bill was aatually In print , and , feting so , it ought to be now on the tails of tha h ns * . It was , however , kept back , and net a word of explana tion as to ita provisions had yet been stated to the house .
In & ct , nothing whatever had been done to carry out any of the recommendatians containedin the re ; ort under lord Devon ' s commission . ( Cries of'Divide . ' ) Honourable members opposite ) had spokea of ctrtsin statements altered to have been made by Soman Catholic elergymea from the altar , bnt the Attomey-Ceneral had very properly told them that wherever such charges could be authenticated proiecutien would follow . If ita respect to the denunciation of Majoa ttahon , the clergy manimplicatedhad himself denied in print that he had rer mentioned that ' » ntieman '» name , or that h * knew anything about him . What would the house think of an English landlord , who , coming into a property , should commence with a small village at his park gate , ana take from tha inhabitant * their little gardens , from which thay had obtained their winter ' s lubsiiteacel The hoi . member proceeded to detail other instances of Major
Uahoa't conduct towards his tenants , but was continually interrupted by lead cries of ' Question . ' He complained that the deceased gentleman had sent a number ofhis tenants on board ship , bound to America , but the vcsi : l being wrecked , tho people wen obliged to return , wren , nek , starving , and shipwreck ** as they ware , they were left oa the road without shelter te perish . Until the noble lerd at th * head of the government had laid his remedial measures so the table , tbe house might expect that he ( Mr O'Couatll ) wonld give this coercion bill erery opposition in his power .
Mr Gasdhss gave a reluctant support to tha bill . He was not one of those who wonld vindicate' murder , i r whs did not wish to see It punished , bat he could not help having tome compunctious vititings when he remembered the grots ill-usage which Ireland had expe . rienced at the haada of this country . ( Hear , hear . ) He regretted , therefore , that the right hon . gentleman while proposing coercioi bad not mora clearly indicated the fimadial measures which ha proposed to introduce far the benefit of tbe sister country . He was not one of th > se who thought that Providence had eadtwad out race mora khan another with instincts of crime and Indolence Ba was willing to admit the defects ofthe Irish
Monday Die. ¦ House Of Lords.— Dcnuncuti...
character , but be was inclined to attribute them , not to tbe providence of Qod , but . to the misgoyernmen ' t " an * tyranny of . man . ( Hear , hea > . T that country had for iWpeara ^ beeh under , the dominion of what sa eminent foreign publicist had called a had aristocracy . Pore blood , no mUlewhara or manufacturers , to grind the people , nothing but fords , squires , and serfs . To these England had . added an alien priesthood , and is her superstition had . shut out every avenue of advancement from the great body of the people . The outward and visible sign of all this oppression—the Protestant estab . listed church—still existed in fuU vigour . ( Hear . ) H « . , TT " -
did not think its abolition would remedy the ills of Irelend , but itwaa at least due to that conntry as reparation . Probably no single measure would have the effect of redreising all the evils of that country ; but we ought to undo aU our bad legislation , atepBy step . So long ai a splendid public property , amounting to a million a year , existed in Ireland devoted ta the support of a church alien to the sentiments of nine . tenths of the . people , privatt property ought not to . be burdened with rates for tbe support ef the indigent , He would nenr consent to any measure of coercion , for Ireland , unless remedial measures were brought forward at the same time , ( Hear . )
Mr KsiTiicoB said that the Irish Catholic priesthood , so far from exciting- the people to outrage , -exerted a directly opposite influence . In proof , of this he referred to the conduct and addresses of the curate in the parish where Mr Boe hadbeen murdered . - He waa opposed to tbis bill , because , it would not , tend to tranquilliae the country ; it would be a complete failure . ( Hsar . ) Such a measure never could succeed ; it bad in it no element of success . Mr . Fao AN moved the adjournment of the debate .
Sir- 6 . GBEr hoped this motion would not be pressed . There wonld be abundant opportunity , in the future stages of the bill , for hon . members to express their views . GreatiBconvenience bad resulted from discussing the principles aad details of . the bill , npon n mere motion of form , for passing to the other orders of tbe day ,- . < . Mr Taeiti thought it was not fair . to urge him to pro . ceedin addressing the boss * at so late aa Vour . r He had no-wish to be supposed factious in taking tbis course . . . . •; . ¦< > - . v . i :: The house then divided ,
For the adjournment . .. .. 18 ,. ... Againstit ... ; ... , ... 288-271 Sir G . Gbei said he could not expect that at that late hour tbe bill should be read a second time ; all be . wished was that the preliminary attps should be taken . . MrFsiXGOS O'CoHHoa said that he was not anxious to interfere . with the wishes of tbe right honourable baronet , but he would beg leave to move that the house do now adjourn . . , ,.,. . Strangers were then ordered to withdraw , but n » division took place , it having , been arranged that . the . orders of the day should be immediately read , and that the second reading of the Coercion Bill should take place on Tuesday . The house then adjourned at half . psst twelve o ' clock .
TUESDAY , Die . 7 . HOUSE OP LORDS There was-no business ef importance before this house , which-sat only for a few minutes , and adjourned till Thursday . - = ¦ •<'" " . HOUSE OP COMMONS . —Changing the Ysnoe ( lislaud . —In answer to a question from Sir J . Walsh , as to the state ofthe law respecting tbe change of venue iu Ireland , the Attoiwt General said there were , both in Eoglaad and ia Ireland , many statutes which provided that , In the case ef felonies or misdemeanours , ^ offences ' might be tried either in the county in which such offences were committed , or in the county-la which the offenders
were apprehended . By the law of England -and of Ireland , tbe place of trial , both of felonies and misdemeanours , might be changed in every case where there was reason to believe that a fair and impartial trial could not be had . - The course of proceeding was this : —after a hill had been found by the grand jury the indictssent was removed into the Queen ' s Bench by writof ctrtitrari ; when the proceedings were thus taken into the Queen ' s Bench grounds must be stated on affidavit to show tha court that there was reason for granting tbe application ; and , if the grounds to stated were satisfactory , the venae was directed to a foreign county .
- Petitions were laid on tbe table complaining of the elections for Athlone , Sligo , Aylesbury , Carlisle , Bewdley Noith Staffordshire , Nottingham , Dublin , Harwich , Andover . Horsham , Lincoln , and Hythe . Petitions were presented , in the course of the preceding night's sitting , complaining of the elections of Westbury , Lancaster , Peeblesshire , Leicester , Dundalk , Drogheda , Maldon , Darby , Bodmin , and Bolton . Bekal of the Legislative Union . — Sir G . Oxbt appealed to tbe hon . member for Nottingham ( Mr O'Connor ) whose metiou stood first on the paper , to waive his right of precedence , so as to enable the government to precede with the Coercion Bill , as , in the opinion ef tbe Lord Lieutenant , it was of thegreatestimportancethe decision of tbe house should be had as speedily aa pessible .
. Mr Fear g us O Connor then rose to bring forward the motion of which he bad given notice on the first day ofthe session , and said , Sir , I am perfectly aware of the situation the right hon . baronet has placed me in , bnt from what I have before witnessed of the patience of this house , during the discussion of a very ,-irritating subject , 1 trust yourindulgence will be now extended to me under very peculiar circumstances . Sir , I am perfectly well aware of the ungracious position which any hon . gentleman must occupy who asks those in power , and who may be called the conquering party , to surrender any portion of that power which they possess , but at tbe same time , Sir , I have a duty to perform
to my conntry , and one which , when I occupied a place in this house before , I did not shrink from performing , and so long as I occupy a place in this house , 1 shall not shrink from the discharge of that duty . I am aware that it was necessary to bring forward this motion as speedily as possible , and for the most cogent of all reasons , that I have always thought that whenever an agitation is carried on in any country for a great national , purpose , that the very earliest opportunity should be sought by those who profess to advocate the principles and doctrines which characterise that agitation , to have the opinion of the House of Commons upon them . Moreover , as I understand that a great many hon .
gentlemen became , converts , on the eve of the last general election , to the principles ofthe Repeal of the Union , I thought it my duty to those gentlemen to give them the earliest opportunity of redeeming their pledges , and I thought it but fair to my conntry also , to let tbe people of that country seethe manly and the honest manner in which I am convinced those representatives will redeem their pledges . And , in order that there may be perfect union and harmony on this subject , I have , contrary to my own views , and the notice of motion which I gave in 1833 , adopted the very words ofthe gentleman , now no more , who brought forward a motion on the subject in 1834 . The present motion is
not exactly with my own views , but I have preferred it , in order to procure perfect unanimity . And , let me remind those hon . gentlemen who may feel some little jealousy—some little anger or pique , because I have been the first to give notice of a motion of this kind , that I was the first man that ever gave such a notice . In 1833 , 1 gave notice of a similar motion , but was induced to withdraw it , in consequence of that gentleman , now no more . giving me his assurance that he wonld take the earliest opportunity of submitting it to parliament himself . And when the right hon . baronet is asking for a Coercion Bill for Ireland , I think the whole case of the country to be coerced ought to be taken into consideration . Not the condition of that conntry just now , but the condition of that country during the forty-seven years it has been retrograding , and the consequence of which
retrogression is the present demand of we right hon . gentleman . I shall , so far as I am concerned , carry on ; this debate in a different manner from that in which" it ' was carried on in 1834 . I shall not enter into a discussion as to the relative merits of the Saxons , or the Irishmen . I ought to be the last man in this house to cast any reflection on Englishmen , and for this reason , and let not the right hon . baronet dismiss it from his mind , that while , the Irish people were comparatively idle and ignorant of their interests , nearly 3 , 500 , 000 of the : English people petitioned this house for a Repeal of the Legislative Union . Therefore , it would ill become me to stand up here and speak ill of Englishmen before their representatives . If I am able to show that a Repeal of the Legislative Union would be of utility to this country and to
Ireland , and if you refuse me a committee to inquire into the means by which that Union was carried , and also into its effects npon both countries , then , I presume , the Irish people will come to the conclusion that thereis something behind the scenes which it is not desirable they should be made acquainted with . 1 shall spare the house the trouble of listening to statistics and place my appeal upon one , and only one , grbund-upon a higher ground , sir , than the falling off of exports orimports or of agriculture . I shall place it upon this ground , that if the governtitle to
ment of this country should say that their Ireland is by conquest , I will ask what statute oi limitation there « against anyone country m «* world to redeem and regain its right by the same means whenever they are able to do so ? Oni we other hand , if I am told that it was the wishi of Ireland that the Union should take place , I wtil snow that it was not so . And if I should be told that the two countries are now bound up so closely together that it would be dangerous to sever their ties . I ask . how does it hannen that while England
is travelling on to the goal of perfection , Irelan d is rapidly retrograding ? The house will understand thai this is alarge Question , but , although I may have tornn over a very extensive period I shall oo so very rapidly , not dwelling upon single events but merely tacfog the title of the crown of Eng land to
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the dominion of Ireland from the first period when it is supposed such atitle occurred . ? The house will bear with me when I tell them that I am obliged to divide my address into four parts , comprehending a very extensive period but not requiring a great deal of discussion . The first endeavour England made to establish a title of dominion to Ireland was by a charter of King Edgar , in 964 , which charter was supposed to have been completed at Gloucester and registered in this country . I shall rapidly run from that period down to the year 1542 , and show that in the' time of Henry VIII . both nations were Catholics , and that , therefore , those outrages , revolutions , and disturbances that took place could not have had their origin in reli gious distinctions . Then I shall go on from the period of Henry VIII . down to the time of the American revolution , in . 1776 . Not dwelling long on that period , ! shall go on to 1800 , the
period of the Union , and from that down to the present time . I trust I shall sacceed in showing this- house that every revolution which occurred in that country , was created either by the English by blood or birth , or was waged by the English Protestants , against the . Catholic Irish people . But in no single instance was there ever a complete Catholic or religious revolution . Every revolution , confined solely . to Ireland , was carried on by Protestant gentlemen looking for the augmentation of their own power—making . the Catholic peopie their dupes and , at the same time ,, limiting the power , of those Catholic people . If lam able to de this from . history , and if . I am able to defv contradiction , I think I shall make' out , at air ' events , a strong and powerful , case " for the . Repeal of the Union , and shall relieve the Catholic people of Ireland from all the odium cast on them 'by historians and others , who have represented the Catholics , as dissatisfied parties . Now , sir , with regard , to the
charter of Edgar . The title set up by England to the dominion of Ireland , waf ' Said - to be Signed at Gloucester . Edgar afterwards ' invaded Ireland and conquered a gieat . paripf . it together with the most noble city of " D . u ' biui , / . ! ButXeiand ,.. /} lie 'iamons historian , says that that < charter ,. from , its Asiatic style ,- was susceptible of - considerable doubt . It , therefore , cannot' be ' considered as anything tike a fair title . ¦ The' next title of England to the dominion of Ireland was ; by the . supposed conquest of Henry II . in' 1169 , when the'Kirig " of Leihster having himself b ' econie odious to . his own subjects , and obliged to quit irelahd / 'followrd Henry 'to Aquitaine and . craved . his ; assistance in restoring him to his sovereignty , offering on ,, that ^ event , to .
hold his kingdom in vassalage to Henry who was to be called the defender of Ireland . * One D ' Glare , son of Earl StriguII , and who had received the 'appellation of Stronebow , then went to Ireland and having succeeded In conquering agreat : pprtion of the ' provirice of Leinstef , and for hisiervices having received in marriage the . daughter of the king , who shortly after died , and the province of Leinster as her dower , Henry , induced by the offer of . this part of Ireland , went over and invaded that country in 1172 . This is the second title of England to the dominion of Ireland ; ' Now what title did Henry take with him , and to this I beg the attention of the house ,, for what I
am going to state are matters of history and will be thoughtof great importance in Ireland . Henry took with him the bull of Pope Adrian IV ., and the alleged condition on which that bull for conquering Ireland was granted was , that Henry should spread the Catholic faith , and make the Catholic people of Ireland attend more tothe rites of the Church , and in return for the permission to conquer Ireland , the Pope was to receive Peters' pence—that is , a penny for eveiy house in the kingdom . In 1172 , when he arrived in Ireland , we are told that he remained there a short time , and all the princes and nobles made submission to him , and tendered him all their estates .- The following is the Bull : —
THE SECOND TITLE OF ENGLAND TO THE LORDSHIP OF IRELAND . Adrian , bishop , servant of the servants of God , to his ; . dearest son in Christ , tho illustrious King of England creeling onr apostolic benediction . ' Full laudably and profitably bath your magnificence conceived the design ot propagating- your glorious reuoun on earth , and completing jour reward of . eternal happiness in heaven , while , as a Catbolic prince , you are intent on enlarging the borders of the church , teaching the truth ofthe Christian faith to the ignorant and rude , exterminating the roots of vice from the field of the Lord and for the more convenient execution of this purpose re- ; quiring the counsel and favour of the apostolic see ; in which the maturer your deliberation and the greater the direction of your procedure , by so much the happier , we trust , will be your progress with the assistance of the Lord ; as all things are used to come to a prosperous end and issue , which take their beginning from tbe ardour of faith and tbe love of religion .
There is , indeed , no doubt but that Ireland and all the islands on which Christ , the Sun of Righteousness , hath shone , and which have received the doctrine of the Christian faith , do belong to the jurisdiction of St Peter , and of the Holy fiomsn Church , as your excellency also doth aoUnnwledgo and , therefore , we are the more selicitous to propacate the ri ghteous plantation of faith in this land , and the branch acceptable to God , as wo have the secret conviction of conscience that this is more especially our bounden duty . Ton , then , most dear son in Christ , have signified to ns your desire to enter into the island of Ireland , in order to reduce the people to obedience unto laws , and to extirpate the plants of vice , and that you are willing to pay from each house ayearlypension of one penny to St Peter , and that you will preserve the rights < fthe churches of this land , whole and inviolate . We , therefore , with that grace andacceptanee , suited to yourpious and laudable design , and favourably assenting to your petition , do hold it good
and acceptable , that for extending tho borders of tho church , restraining the progress of vice , for the correction of manners , the planting of virtue , and the increase of religion , you enter this island , and execute therein whatever shall pertain tothe honour of God and the welfare of the land , and that the people of this land receive you hon . ourably , and reverence you as their lord , the rights of their churches still remaining sacred and inviolate , ' and saving to 8 t Peter the annual pension of one penny for every house . If , then , you be resolved to carry the design you have conceived into effectual execution , study to form tbis nation to virtuous manners , and labour by yourself . and others whom you shall judge meet for this , wora , in faith , word , and life , that the church may be there adorned , that the religion of the Christian faith may be planted and grow up , and that all things pertaining to the honour of God , and the salvation fsouls . 'be so ordered , that you may be entitled to the fulness of eternal reward from God , ' and obtain a glorious renown on earth throughout all ages .
Shortly after , Henry , was obliged to leave Ireland without having much augmented his Irish dominion . The next title is one , the date of which , and the person connected with which , this house , when it thinks of Magna Charta , will not be inclined to speak lightly—I mean 'the title of King John . 'When he was a mere " ooy ~ twelye years of age—he was sent to Ireland to receive at Waterford the obedience of , the noblesi But s ' o imperious and insolent was this young king , that a war commenced the next day , which showed that they did not consider their submission to him-very binding . While the fabricated title ,- alleged to be given te Henry II . by Pope Adrian , was granted for ; the extension of Catholicism in Ireland , " the " , best histqV riani tell us , that . the ; s ^ venrtV « gn * K ' and % th : centuries were a period in . which . Ireland /^ as . iuore prolific in missionaries , and , was . propagating . , the faith in a great part of the world ,: wbile England
was not ¦ making any advancement whatever ; and for which service on behalf of the Catholic faith the Holy See confeiredthe title ; of' Insula Doctorum" aud "Insula Sahctomm , " ' upon , ' Ireland . But to investigate this title of Henry , and its value in his eyes , a little further , it should be understood that Adrian IV . filled the papal chair from ' HSito 1159 , and that this bull , which Henry did not use to strengthen the King of Leinster in 1169 , or attempt to put into operation until 1172 , bore date 1156 , and thus , with a jealous eye towards the conquest of Ireland , retained this missive for sixteen years as a dead letter . But , further to show the little reliance to be placed on this document , the Commissioner of the Pope ' s legate , in . the reign , of Richard I ., many years after furnished the then king with a more moderate title to parts of Ireland only , and Davies , a corrupt English lawyer-historian , tells us that 'it was manifest that the ' submission
of the Irish lords , and the donation of the Pope , were but slender and weak assurances for a kingdom . Besides these fabricated titles , what other titles . can England set up to dominion in Ireland ? Until the ruthless days of Cromwell , and the conquest of the rebel king—I mean William—there was no conquest of Ireland . Every foot of ground you gained , by your numerical superiority before that period j you were obliged to surrender the moment you withdrew your forces . In 1395 , when Richard Il . ' invaded Ireland ,
with an array of 4 , 000 men-at-arms , and 30 , 000 archers , when all the chiefs and princes made submission , either tothe Earl Marshal of England , or to the King himself ; and in return for which , they received from the Earl Marshal oiadumpacii-ihe kiss of peace ; and one curious condition without a blow beiag struck was , that they should render all their lands and possessions to Richard , without striking a Mow , and should serve him in his wars against his other rebels . This submission Davies tells
us—Tha Mag himself caused to be anrolled aud testified by a notary public aud delivered tbe enrolments with his own band * to the Bishop of Salisbury , then lord Treasurer of Bngland , aad as Davies infoima us , are now to be found in tbe office of the King ' s Remembrancer . But happily for the interests of truth , there wag a Freich soldier with the English army , one Froissart , who accompanied Richard en that expedition , and he told a different story , for he said—
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That though Richard hadrpent-a large mass of rrea sure in transporting his army , by the countenance where - of he drew on these submissions , yet hedidnot increase his revenue thereby one sterling pound , nor enlarge the English borders tlft breadth of an acre of land ; neitHer did he extend the jurisdiction ofhis courts of justice , ene foot further than tbe English colonies , wherein in it was used and exercised before . Besides he was no soonw returned to England , but those Irish lords laid aside their mashs of humility , and scorning the weak forces which the king had left behind him , began to infest tho borders , m defence whereof , the Lerd Roger Mortimer , being then the ( ting s lieutenant , and heir apparent to the Crown of England , was slain .
These submissions were written in Latin , and not one of the chiefs appear to have known how to spell their own names . In 1399 , Richard again invaded Ireland with a large army , to avenge the death of Mortimer , and of which expedition Froissart gives the following description—At this time the Earl of Rutland , with a hundred sail of ships of war , arrived in Dublin where we remained during six weeks , living in joy and delight , when a small bark arrived , bringing advertisement to the king , that the Duke of Lancaster was arrived in England . And after some time Richard took his departure for Milford Haven .
The next invasion of the rights of Ireland was Poyning ' s Act in 1495 . The next title claimed by the English to dominion in Ireland , was founded on the conquest of Henry VIII . , in 1542 . Up to that period both countries were equally Catholic , and therefore none of the previous revolutions could have arisen from the opposition of the reli gion of one country to that of the others . Ftomthe time of Henry VIII ., up to the passing of the Act of Union , Ireland was ' subject to continual aggressions on the part of England . In 1495 Ireland had what might lie considered a free parliament , but the effect of Poyning ' s Act was , that every act pasted iri England was transferred to Irelandand no
ques-, tion could be entertained in the Irish parliament , without the ' -consent of the English parliament haying been obtained . Davies tells us , however , that "notwithstaiiding the servile submission of the Irish Catholics to Henry in 1542 , that it took Sussex , the English deputy , twelveyears , from 1542 to 1 . 554 , ! to subdue even a part of the province of Leinster-,, and . the amount of which conquest was testified in tho simple change of the name of , the two counties of Leix and Offaley to King ' s and . Queen ' s ; and the county towns of which were called Philips town and Maryborough , in'ihonour of the then reigning monarchs . Mary , supposed to be still tainted ; with P . opery , Was succeeded by her
Protestant sister , Elisabeth , who desolated the land with fire . ands , word . till 1603 , when a period was put to her existence . Next came James I . of England , and he faithfully followed his predecessors'brutality , and under'pretext of secret plots and conspiracies , fomented by his Protestant adventurers , he commanded his lawyers to present him by escheat with six entire counties of Ulster , arid oh which he planted Scotch Pictish Puritans , and English Protestant settlers . Surely this didn ' t show much of conversion to the act of parliament faith of Harry ' s reformation 1 ¦> " James , in order to corrupt the Irish parliament , enfranchised forty new boroughs ; and in 1613 , a contest , sir , took place for that office in the
Irish parliament , which you now till with so much dignity , impartiality , and credit , when this very said Davies was proposed as Speaker of the Irish House of Commons , backed by James ' s 80 ' nominees ; and , even then , there was a struggle vfor liberty , as one Everard , the candidate for the opposition , was throwninto Davies ' s lap , and the contest was reduced to a physical force struggle . ( Laughter . ) Yes ( continued Mr O'Connor ) , it may excite laughter , but it was produced by English corruption , of Irish morals ; and the first act attempted to he done by that parliament was the attainder of the O'Neals by . this Popish recusant , Everard . James died , and was succeeded by his son Charles ; and his loyal subjects
of England , nothing , daunted by his title of right divine to reign ,. out his head off , but not before Strafford , his minion , acting as judge , jury , witness , and bully , had presented to the crown a portion of the pickings from the plunder of Irish estates * Charles was succeeded by the psalm-singihg ^ Protector Cromwell , who , aided by the loyal republicans of England , desolated the land in a manner not yet described by historians . He was succeeded by Charles : II . —this was called the Restoration—but there was ' no restoration of the plundered property ofthe princes , chiefs , and people of Ireland . Then camel James II . —and the Irish people , with fidelity to the king , who still professed their faith , flocked to his
standard , while his loyal English subjects declared allegiance to a Dutchman ; who , after the battle of the Boyne , partitioned the remaining portion of Ireland amongst his followers and adventurers ; and so ardent were the Irish , and so well did they sustain themselves in that struggle , that even after their defeat , a consequence of the weakness of their general ; one of the soldier s said , ' That if they changed commanders , they'd fight tbe battle over again . ' ( Laughter . ) Previously to this time , we find that whenever there was any commotion to be made in . Ireland , the King of England asked for six counties . We find that six counties in Ulster were given to James , to satisfy his lust and gratify his ambition ; we find , also , that not
a single conquest was made , that was not in some measure destructive of the Catholic religion . In 1688 you had what you call ' the glorious revolution . ' This took place after the battle of the Boyne , where James , from his folly , weakness and cowardice , was obliged to surrender . From 1688 , the period when English dominion became powerful in Ireland , down to 1768 , the policy of England was to rule Ireland by corrupting the Irish aristocracy through the instrumentality of patronage . In 1768 Lord Townsend was sent over as Lord-Lieutenant to Ireland . He began by patronage to lay the foundation of coercion and dominion . He commenced by corrupting the House of Commons and
the holders of seats * This was in the reign of George III . A seat for life was only worth £ 500 . Lord , Townsend by introducing octennial parliaments increased the value of those seats to £ 800 , per eight years , instead of £ 500 . for life , and thereby increased the patronage of the government .: Up to 1776 , the period of the revolt of the British American provinces , the Irish people , as it had been well said , were brayed in a mortar , ' and reduced by pillage , pestilence , and famine . Catholic Mary and Protestant Elizabeth , were equally ferocious towards the people of Ireland , There was nothing for Ireland then but coercion , destruction , pestilence , and famine . In 1776 the difficulties of the English
minister commenced . The Irish Protestants having revolted against their patrons , repealed Poyning ' s Act in 1780 , and thus rid themselves of the dominion of the British minister . " Then , as U by magic , an armed force sprung up , under Lord ^ Charlemoht "; the ] price of seats rose from £ 800 . to £ 2 , 500 , because the British minister ^ found that it was only by having recourse to bribery , that he could have dominion in Ireland . The Irish parliament -established Free Trade ; lacking capital to carry it on and the Lord-Lieutenant was surrounded with all thepagearitryofaCourt . ' , And to prove that corruption ever increases in the same or greater proportion as the demand for freedom increases , an
oppressed and degraded province presented the novel spectacle of an independent- sovereignty , with Lords of a Treasury , and a Treasury , bench , a Chancellor of an Exchequer , a Secretary of State , annual Sessions , additional'judges , a frightful catalogue of placemen , pensioners , and sinecurists , with enormous salaried and j ' . all the mimic pageantry of a Courtmerely as a pretext for the distribution , amongst the vote owners and their creatines , of wages , advanced in ! proportion to the rise upon the commodity of seats—then increased in price from £ 800 . to £ 2 , 500 . each—and in order to enable the grand corrupter to furnish means to his subordinate agent , called secretary to a Lord-Lieutenant , to meet this
profligate waste ofthe substance ofthe people , a national bank was established ; that hideous engine , the funding system , was put in a state of active requisition ; and , that nothing might be wanting to complete the farce , a Whig club was got up , an order of St Patrick was instituted , and the theatre of College-green was perfectly assimilated to its prototype—the Chapel of St Stephen . The volunteers were then formed , and to this period I wish to call particular attention . We have always heard that Charlemont was a name to conjure with . Why , sir , there never was a man in Ireland who deceived Ireland more than Lord Charlemont , and the commanders of the volunteers . The volunteer soldiers were all Catholics , but the commanders were all
Pratestants . lhe Protestant officers took advantage of the embarrassment of the Whig government to increase the yjrtae of their borough property , but the moment they got that , they then deserted their Catholidfollowers . After the first victory , the soldiers called upon Lord Charlemont to march on for a full , free , and fair representation in the Commons ' Hquse of Parliament . His answer was- 'No . ; if any change be made , it must take place on the basis of Protestant ascendancy . ' Tha ' t is the Charlemont that has been so loudly extolled and boasted of in Ireland . That is the Charlemont , and those are the men , whose desertion ofthe people ^ created the Irish revolution . * The Irish peop le were deceived by these men who used them for the purpose of augmenting their own property ; and disappointment gave rise
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to the Irish ^ Confederation . , The * were spies " in that body , and although the government knew every man that took that oath . not a single man of them was arrested . And why ? Because it was the object of the government to foment a rebellion , and then to take vengeance on those who refused to aid the English at the American revolution . Then came that revolution , to which not only Ireland , but the world , looked for the march of freedom— the French revolution . Was it wonderful that the Irish Catholic people , who were governed b y Protestants—who were oppressed by a penal code—who were unable to hold land , or educate their families—was it wonderful that they should look to the French Catholic people for redress ? No ; all the world was full ol
the French revolution . It was an earthquake that shook society to its centre ; The English minister was again afraid . He was obliged to send his forces to France , and he attempted to make use ofthe Irish people . ' No , ' said the people , ' ' yon deceived us before . The test now shall be Parliamentary Reform . ' And let it be borne in mind , that the professions of hon . gentlemen opposite , is' Taxation , without representation , is tyranny , and should be resisted . ' The late Earl Grey , Charles James Fox , and other Whigs , taught that lesson , bus they , gave it up when they got into power . For instance as soon as Charles James Fox got into
power . he said , ' my idea of reform is that no government , commissioners he allowed to sit in this house . ' But when . the Irish found themselves so often duped , they said , < Well , we'll go forward for nothing else than parliamentary reform . ' Precisely as the Wbigs had dealt with Ireland , did Duraouriez deal with , the liberty of the world . He turned traitor ia France , and instead of giving them the bill which had been approved of in Council , he gave them the celebrated Convention Act . In 1776 the Catholic peopleof Ireland , operating on the fears of the British Government , got rid of some portion of their . disabilities . They were allowed for instance to buy their father
' s land back again , if they could only set he money to do so . ( A laugh . ) In 1798 came the . rebellion , and when the history of our country is fairly written , it would be seen for what purpose that rebellion , was fermented . But the history of our country is not yet fairly written . WehaTC given you orators—we have given you conquerorswe have ( given you financiers—we have given you statesmen—we havegivenyoudramatists and poets , but we cannot give you historians , because you have destroyed the literature of our country . I ask who commanded you ? Who fought your battles f The answer is / Irish generals andlrish soldiers . ( Hear ,
hear . ) . Well then , sir , there was something better due from tbis country to Ireland than you have given her . How was the union carried ? In 1797 Lord Moira said in the House of Lords , that it was foRy to coerce the Irish people , and that it was better to submit to their legitimate and just demands . It was said that the British minister was perfectly aware of the treason carried on in the Irish camp . I shall not now go into the question of exports and imports —I shall not attempt to show how from 1780 up to 1800 , Ireland had increased in ker imports , exports , and general wealth , but I shall show by what corruption the union had been effectedand the great
, fraud that had been practised upon the country . £ shall show What corruption inevitabl y leads to . I shall show . that a good social system can bear a greater strain than a factitious system . In 1780 , Ireland did not owe a fraction , notwithstanding the ages of privation , suffering , and oppression she bad endured . In 1800 , when the union" was effected , she owed £ 14 , 000 , 000 . This is what Ireland owed to Lord Charlemdnt and the volunteers . They did not owe a farthing ! wheri helpless and unencumbered wjth British-Lpgislatidn , but . when in the power of
the boroughmongers ,. they owed £ 14 . 000 . 000 . I have here the opinions of Lord Plunket , Earl Grey , Mr Saurinj the Irish Attorney-General , and Mr Jus * tice Bushe , and a great many high authorities , all showing the meahs'by which the union was carried , and foretelling the result of that union , especially !! Ireland were not properly governed by the Imperial parliament , and all showing the state of prosperity to which Ireland -had ; advanced , before the passiug' / of the-Actf of Union . ; 'Whca the union was-carried Ireland was not in the
position of being a fair contracting party . "When you enter into partnership with a man , you will ) of course , be informed ' of the amount of your partner ' * capital , and the advantages ' and disadvantages vriR be in proportion . to , the respective amounts of capital possessed by each , party . In the case of the union , our capital was undoubtedly slender , and without giving us the advantage to which such a capital might fairly entitle us , you made us pay a larger share of the interest ion the National Debt than we ought to pay ! ( Hear . 'heari ) You coerced Ireland into the partnership .,, She . was then in a state of duretse ,. She was hot free to act . Her hands
were manacled—chained behind her back , and not . withstanding-thatryou compelled her to enter into that engagement , every article of the union was violated within sixteen years of its completion ; The exchequers of the' two countries were consolidated , and instead of makingus pay two ' seventeenths of your debtr-as it has'been said , ' But ,, as I estimate it , one twenty-ninth—you ' made us pay as much as you could extract from our resources . Let no . one say that Ireland is not taxed ; but the taxation , anfortunately , is always in proportion to the ability of the party who has to pay , and not to what they ought to pay , or to the clemency of the Chancellor
of the Exchequer . And now , not having occupied much time in running over the historical part of the question , let me come to , the most . material point—the casus helli . What was the cam bellithe irritating question between the Irisb parliament and the Irish people ? Was it not Catholie emancipation ? Canning said , in the House of Commons , ' that the greatest reason—the most profound' and justifiable reason for carrying the union was to remove the theatre of discussion on Irish questions , from College-green to the more placid arena of St Stephen ' s . . Catholic emancipation was an implied contract at the time of the Union . The Irish .
parliament was composed entirely of Protestants ; and yet Catholic emancipation was the principal question discussed . But Ireland never had a parliament . The Irish parliament was ; in fact , nothing more than a registration court for English'Acts of Parliament . From i 495 ; to , 18 , 00 , and from that period of boasted Irish liberty ; ' to f the . time of tbe Union—twenty years—the liberality ofthe Irish parliament wsa manifested only in such an opposition to Euglandas would insure an advantage to the Protestant boroughmongers , and who , 1 have shown , increased their borough properties to . an enormous amount by corruption and patronage , granted by the necessities
of England , and placed as a burden upon the Irish people a debt of no less than £ 14 , 000 , 000 ; within that short period of twenty years . . Passing from Poyning ' s Act in 1495 , till the Act in 1780 , and from 1780 , till the passing of the Act of Union , corruption , placemen , and pensioners , rode roughshod over the country . But tbe casus belli was'Catholic emancipation . The country ' was shackled . by , bribery and corruption . 226 members of the House of Commons werereturned by a few . peers . One pa * son had the power of returning ; fourteen or fifteen members to -the House of Commons , and of that
number , anoble uncle of mine—Lord Longuevillewon four at cards ;; backgammon , and dice . A few persons had ail the patronage of the city and county of Cork , and they returned their minions to the House of Commons ; in order to do the work ofthe British minister . Ireland never had a parliament . The Irish parliament was corrupt . It waa governed through the means of Irish boroughs , under English influence and control , for the owners of those boroughs were bribed by the English government with place arid patronage . In 1832 , you reformed your own parliament , and thereby declared yourselves corrupt , and incompetent to do the work of
the nation ; but instead of reforming the Irish parliament , jou destroyed it ; because the repeal of Poyning ' s Act had made the Irish parliament independent of England . ( Laughter . ) But what did Castlereagh do ? He pledged himself to give Catholic emancipation . But he violated the articles of the Act Of Union . The people petitioned against tho Act Of Union . Plunkett , Saurin , and others had soW themselves , and althoug h I htve stated the * C men ro fi «! ° p ^ against the Act of nddestrctive to Irelandand
Union as iniquity a _ « , vet they were afterwards mean enough to accept nlaces and pensions from the enemies of their couuur ( Hear , hear . ) I have shown you that the articl es of the Act of Union have been violated , and now what remains for this house to do ? Your duty now is to grant a committee to inquire into the way in which the dissolution ofthe Irish Parliament was accomplished . If the government should resist thi » motion for inquiry , it will go forth to the Irisk people , that the Irish members who wished for th * inquiry had made out a case which yo »» - unable to answer . If this »» tioB >* 6 siat ^ * w the Arid .. government wtllst ^ ^ 1 ' ^ fore thelmhpple . Jt ^ not only £ l , 500 , 0 W
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 11, 1847, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_11121847/page/7/
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